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Book SynopsisHave you ever wondered what it would be like to be a mayor? Well after serving three terms as a mayor and being a local and regional government official for over thirty-five years I think I know. So I wrote this book to pull the curtain back just enough to let you peak in and know as well. After you read this book you will know how political capital is used to make government work. You will also learn that you can tell a lot about how a person will govern by the kind of campaign they run to win an election. You will also see how circumstances can affect leadership and how public engagement can be a full contact sport. What is it like working with unions and dealing with the press or managing a fragmented government? I have been fortunate in that my career has spanned over some very interesting times and events. I was the first modern day Mayor for the City of Methuen after a charter change was approved to create a city form of government. The way the city was governed changed dramatica

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Book SynopsisThere is substantial evidence that the framers of the major documents and institutions of the American republic were influenced by the long-established democratic traditions of the Iroquois Confederacy. For many, however, this notion represents an attempt to deny American intellectual, cultural, and racial credentials. A furious and often unseemly debate on this proposition has resulted. Bruce E. Johansen follows the controversy from its beginnings, providing highlights of the battle. Johansen notes that in the past few years academic opposition has largely grown quiet as the historical evidence has become known to a more general audience. The controversy, however, has been taken up by right-wing media, which have linked non-European influence to a multitude of ills besetting contemporary American society, from the rise in teenage pregnancies to the fall in Scholastic Aptitude Test scores.

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Book SynopsisA distinctive new account of John Maynard Keyes in his historical context. Peter Clarke considers Keynes' public policy role in terms of how his thinking informed his contribution to policy-making as well as the place of expediency in resolving issues of public policy.Trade Review'This readable and lively book by the eminent modern historian and Keynes scholar Peter Clarke provides an important insight into 'the historical Keynes,' both academic theorist and public intellectual, by examining the complex relation between truth and expediency in policy advising from Versailles to Bretton Woods and in probability theory.' Robert Dimand, Brock University'A sparkling and learned exploration of Keynes's beliefs about probability, truth, and expediency.' Richard Toye, University of ExeterTable of ContentsIntroduction; 1. What really happened at Paris? Keynes and Dulles; 2. What really happened at Paris? The war guilt clause; 3. 'You are very famous, Maynard': Keynes and the Manchester Guardian; 4. The truth about Lloyd George: four perspectives; 5. Yielding to Ramsey: probability revisited; 6. Yielding to realities: golden rules?; 7. Truths between friends: Cambridge and economics; 8. Truths between friends: Bloomsbury and politics; 9. The road to Bretton Woods: expediency revisited; Conclusion: pragmatic and dogmatic Keynesianism.

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Book SynopsisIt is impossible to overestimate the importance of Stuart Hall's work in shaping the field of racial and ethnic studies for nearly five decades. From his groundbreaking work Policing the Crisis through to his paradigm shattering New Ethnicities', Hall's writing has redefined how race research is thought and done, while Hall himself stands as an exemplar of the public and politically engaged intellectual. This collection of essays, from established and emerging scholars, critically engages with Hall's legacy across this body of work, from the foundations of cultural studies as a field of enquiry, through his work on race and articulation, to his insights into the politics of difference' and diaspora identities. These essays both reflect back on Hall's interventions and locate them within some of the key spaces and questions of our time from the political theology' of race in South Africa to the terrain of the contemporary city, from reflections on memory, nationhood and bel

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Book SynopsisJames Madison wrote, ''Had every Athenian citizen been a Socrates, every Athenian assembly would still have been a mob''. The contributors to this volume discuss and for the most part challenge this claim by considering conditions under which many minds can be wiser than one. With backgrounds in economics, cognitive science, political science, law and history, the authors consider information markets, the internet, jury debates, democratic deliberation and the use of diversity as mechanisms for improving collective decisions. At the same time, they consider voter irrationality and paradoxes of aggregation as possibly undermining the wisdom of groups. Implicitly or explicitly, the volume also offers guidance and warnings to institutional designers.Trade Review“In bringing together essays by students of politics, economics, philosophy, history, and cognitive science – disciplines that have much to say to each other but engage in joint conversation too rarely – Landemore and Elster make a significant contribution. Many of the individual articles are by scholars working at the frontiers of their respective fields. No work on collective intelligence has covered the subject with such breadth, scope, or wisdom.” – Robert Laubacher, Center for Collective Intelligence, MIT Sloan School of Management“This cutting-edge collection shows that in the last decade human beings have attained a genuinely new understanding of how and why collective wisdom can surpass that of any individual. Each essay adds subtlety, theoretical insight, or a telling example. Together they build to a compelling conclusion: societies succeed when they organize themselves to think better collectively. They can do this consciously through institutions whose principles and mechanisms are laid out in this book.” – Jane Mansbridge, Adams Professor, Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University“For more than two decades, the ideas of participatory democracy and later on of deliberative democracy have stimulated the debate on the various forms of democratic development. Collective Wisdom opens a new cycle with the notion of epistemic democracy, renewing the very meaning of universal suffrage. This pathbreaking book brings together a series of contributions that define a promising field of research.” – Pierre Rosanvallon, Chair in Modern and Contemporary History of Politics, Collège de France“Can crowds be anything but unwise? Is there any reason to suppose that collective judgments could be accurate? The papers gathered in this volume suggest some stimulating ways to claim that those questions could be answered affirmatively and that the so called ‘mob’ might sometimes be less foolish and less unreliable than it has commonly been taken to be. Very rewarding in times when democracy is so frequently deemed unable to cope with complex questions.” – Jean-Fabien Spitz, Professor of Political Philosophy, University of Paris I Panthéon SorbonneTable of Contents1. Collective wisdom: old and new Hélène Landemore; 2. Prediction markets: trading uncertainty for collective wisdom Emile Servan-Schreiber; 3. Designing wisdom through the web: the passion of ranking Gloria Origgi; 4. Some microfoundations of collective wisdom Scott Page and Lu Hong; 5. What has collective wisdom to do with wisdom? Daniel Andler; 6. Legislation, planning, and deliberation John Ferejohn; 7. Epistemic democracy in classical Athens: sophistication, diversity, and innovation Josiah Ober; 8. The optimal design of a constituent assembly Jon Elster; 9. Sanior pars and major pars in the contemporary aeropagus: medicine evaluation committees in France and the United States Philippe Urfalino; 10. Collective wisdom: lessons from the theory of judgment aggregation Christian List; 11. Democracy counts: should rulers be numerous? David Estlund; 12. Democratic reason: the mechanisms of collective intelligence in politics Hélène Landemore; 13. Rational ignorance and beyond Gerry Mackie; 14. The myth of the rational voter and political theory Bryan Caplan; 15. Collective wisdom and institutional design Adrian Vermeule; 16. Reasoning as a social competence Dan Sperber and Hugo Mercier; 17. Conclusion Jon Elster.

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Book SynopsisComplex Contracting draws on core social science concepts to provide wide-ranging practical advice on how best to manage complex acquisitions. Using a strong analytical framework, the authors assess contract management practices, suggesting strategies for improvement and ways to avoid the pitfalls of managing contracts for large and sophisticated projects. An in-depth analysis of the US Coast Guard''s Deepwater program is included to illustrate ways to respond to real-world contracting challenges. This high-profile and controversial case consisted of a projected 25-year, $24 billion contract through which the US Coast Guard would buy a system of new boats, aircraft, communications, and control architecture to replace its aging fleet. The authors explore the reasons why this program, launched with such promise, turned out so poorly, and apply the lessons learned to similarly complex contracting scenarios. This engaging and accessible book has broad applicability and will appeal to policTrade Review'In this book, the authors bring a fresh, yet sophisticated analytical approach to the challenges that the government faces when entering into high-value, complex contracts. They explore the difficult issues without bias, neither bashing nor coddling either the government or the contracting community. Senior procurement executives and program managers, from defense and civilian agencies, from the public and the private sector, and from the US and other countries, will all benefit by studying and reflecting on the analysis and advice set out in this thoughtful book.' Daniel I. Gordon, Associate Dean for Government Procurement Law, George Washington University Law School and President Obama's Administrator for Federal Procurement Policy (2009–2011)'Our experience with public sector contracting for complex products and services suggests that we are still in the steep portion of the learning curve on how to do this well. Complex Contracting makes major contributions in this regard, both through providing an accessible conceptual framework for approaching challenging contract situations, as well as in illustrating how key principles in contracting operate in practice and over time as the respective parties work to achieve desired outcomes. The book is written brilliantly to engage both academics and practitioners in the thorny issues of risk, commitment, unforeseen contingencies and renegotiation, monitoring and management, incentives and more, while drawing out invaluable insights that can be applied broadly across a range of public sector contracting activities.' Carolyn J. Heinrich, Sid Richardson Professor of Public Affairs, University of Texas, Austin'With this work, Professors Brown, Potoski and Van Slyke have formulated an insightful view into the challenges and opportunities of complex contracting. The focus is on a large scale, complex acquisition program managed by a federal agency, but provides guidelines applicable to any program in the public or private sectors - particularly for those who seek to do business with or for the federal government and the necessity to get it right.' Sean O'Keefe, Chief Executive, EADS North America, Secretary of the Navy, and Chief Financial Officer, Department of DefenseTable of ContentsForeword Stan Soloway; 1. Introduction: the promise and perils of government contracting; 2. Managing complex contracting in theory and practice; 3. The Coast Guard's Deepwater program; 4. Rules in complex contracts; 5. Performance incentives in complex contracts; 6. Complex contracting's promise and pitfalls: win-win and lose-lose; 7. Management strategies for complex contracts; References; Index.

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Book SynopsisThis book challenges the conventional wisdom that government bureaucrats inevitably seek secrecy and demonstrates how and when participatory bureaucracy manages the enduring tension between bureaucratic administration and democratic accountability. Looking closely at federal level public participation in pharmaceutical regulation and educational assessments within the context of the vast system of American federal advisory committees, this book demonstrates that participatory bureaucracy supports bureaucratic administration in ways consistent with democratic accountability when it focuses on complex tasks and engages diverse expertise. In these conditions, public participation can help produce better policy outcomes, such as safer prescription drugs. Instead of bureaucracy''s opposite or alternative, public participation can work as its complement.Trade Review'Making Policy Public is the best study of advisory committees at any level of government, ever. Susan L. Moffitt offers a novel theoretical perspective about why these committees came to exist, how they are used, and the potential value of their operation for policy making and policy implementation. Moffitt then tests the hypotheses that emerge from this account in very rigorous and nuanced ways.' Daniel Carpenter, Harvard University, Massachusetts'With this highly original study of federal advisory committees, Susan Moffitt offers anyone interested in democratic government a book that is timely and yet of enduring value. Rich in detail and brimming with insights from careful empirical research, Making Policy Public brings into sharp relief two vital but underappreciated aspects of American bureaucratic policy making: its participatory character and its dependence on information exchange.' Cary Coglianese, University of Pennsylvania'Moffitt boldly dives into long-standing assumptions about bureaucracy, democracy, accountability, and performance by flipping the question of participation: it's not how participation can control bureaucracy to insure accountability, but rather how does a participatory bureaucracy seek out and utilize public advice through public committees? Through incredibly thoughtful and insightful cases of pharmaceutical information regulation and reporting on the progress of education, Moffitt takes the reader into the world of public committees, the bureaucracies that create them for public advice, and the implications for our policy-making processes.' Anne Khademian, Virginia Tech'In Making Policy Public, Susan Moffitt makes a vital theoretical contribution to the study of democratic policy making by demonstrating both when and how public participation produces superior policy outcomes through the accrual of additional expertise from a diverse array of stakeholders. Making Policy Public's persuasive logic and evidence underscore the importance of pluralist democracy for improving the conduct of bureaucratic governance and policy making that extends well beyond the representation of diverse interests within the polity.' George A. Krause, University of Pittsburgh'Professor Moffitt's argument is entirely novel and has changed the way I think about the relationship between elected officials and government agencies. Her multimethod approach is outstanding, and readers gain a real appreciation for the historical work, the data collection, the archival work, and the interviews.' David Lewis, Vanderbilt University'Making Policy Public is a major contribution to the study of bureaucratic politics. Moffitt demonstrates the important and previously overlooked role of agency advisory committees for both gaining information and communicating to the public. This research will cause scholars to reassess the contribution of advisory committees and take notice of their positive contributions to democracy. This book is must-reading for scholars of public administration and political science.' Kenneth J. Meier, Texas A&M UniversityTable of Contents1. Portals of democracy in American bureaucracy; 2. Participatory bureaucracy in practice: implementing complex policy; 3. The private and bureaucratic roots of public participation: the development of American federal public committees; 4. Making educational performance public: reporting on the progress of education; 5. Private knowledge for public problems: regulating pharmaceutical information; 6. Setting the public agenda; 7. Deliberate participation; 8. The impact of public advice on bureaucratic administration; 9. Participatory bureaucracy in American democracy.

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Book SynopsisThe direct primary stands as one of the most significant and distinctive political reforms of the Progressive era in American history. In this book, the authors provide the most comprehensive treatment available on the topic and utilize new data on election outcomes, candidate backgrounds, incumbent performance and behavior, newspaper endorsements, and voters'' preferences. They begin by studying whether primary elections have achieved the goals set by progressive reformers when they were first introduced over a century ago. They then evaluate the key roles these elections have played in the US electoral systems, such as injecting electoral competition into the regions that are dominated by one of the two major parties, helping select relatively qualified candidates for office, and, in some cases, holding incumbents accountable for their performance. They conclude with studying the degree to which primaries are responsible for the current, highly polarized environment. Anyone interesteTrade Review'This is a wonderful, definitive study of American party primaries at the state and district level, going back a century. All the usual wrinkles are convincingly addressed - origins, history, competition, turnout, factions, candidate quality, polarization, reform options, and more. For all its messiness, the authors conclude, the system seems to work reasonably well.' David R. Mayhew, Sterling Professor of Political Science Emeritus, Yale University, Connecticut'Hirano and Snyder's Primary Elections in the United States presents the most comprehensive, theoretically informed, and empirically rich analysis of the origins and consequences of primary elections yet attempted. It is a fundamental contribution to the literature on American party politics and will be the go-to source for anyone interested in learning how primaries have affected representation in the US.' Gary Jacobson, University of California, San DiegoTable of Contents1. More democracy; 2. One-party dominance, 1880 to 1950; 3. Introduction of primaries and electoral competition, 1892 to 1950; 4. Primaries and party loyalty; 5. Primaries and the qualifications of nominees; 6. Voting behavior and primary elections, 1892 to 1950; 7. Primaries in a changing electoral environment, 1950 to 2016; 8. Primaries and candidate selection in the modern era; 9. Voting behavior and primary elections, 1950 to 2016; 10. Primaries and accountability in the modern era; 11. Primaries and polarization; 12. Conclusion.

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Book SynopsisThis book explores the processes producing and reproducing the garment sweatshop in India. Drawing from Marxian and feminist insights, the book theorises the garment sweatshop in India as a complex ''regime'' of exploitation and oppression, jointly crafted by global, regional and local actors, composed of factory and non-factory settings, and working across productive and reproductive realms. The analysis shows the tight correspondence between the physical and social materiality of garment production in India; illustrates the great social differentiation and complex patterns of labour unfreedom at work in the industry; and depicts the sweatshop as a composite ''joint enterprise'' against the labouring body, which is inexorably depleted and consumed by garment work, even in the absence of major industrial disasters. By placing labour at the centre of the analysis of processes of development and globalisation, the book critically engages with key debates on industrial modernity, modern slavery, and ethical consumerism.Table of ContentsList of tables, figures and pictures; Acknowledgements; List of abbreviations; Introduction; 1. The chain and the sweatshop; 2. The commodity and the sweatshop; 3. Difference and the sweatshop; 4. The regional lord and the sweatshop; 5. The broker and the sweatshop; 6. The body and the sweatshop; 7. Conclusions; References; Index.

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Book SynopsisDebates over redistribution, social insurance, and market regulation are central to American politics. Why do some citizens prefer a large role for government in the economic life of the nation while others wish to limit its reach? In Open versus Closed, the authors argue that these preferences are not always what they seem. They show how deep-seated personality traits underpinning the culture wars over race, immigration, law and order, sexuality, gender roles, and religion shape how citizens think about economics, binding cultural and economic inclinations together in unexpected ways. Integrating insights from both psychology and political science - and twenty years of observational and experimental data - the authors reveal the deeper motivations driving attitudes toward government. They find that for politically active citizens these attitudes are not driven by self-interest, but by a desire to express the traits and cultural commitments that define their identities.Trade Review'A creative and original investigation into the puzzling, polarizing and often contradictory personality-based forces driving economic policy preferences. It's a fascinating read and a major contribution to the field of political psychology.' Kevin Smith, University of Nebraska, Lincoln'Political psychologists know why people adopt particular stances on social issues but the sources of economic preferences remain murky. Johnston, Lavine, and Federico rectify this situation in one fell swoop with an inventive and compelling account of the reasons many people - especially the well-informed - frequently act contrary to their own economic self-interest.' John R. Hibbing, Co-Author of Predisposed: Liberals, Conservatives and the Biology of Political Differences'Open versus Closed develops a fascinating theoretical argument around a central dimension of personality: the disposition for being 'open' or 'closed' to uncertainty and risk. Integrating disparate strands of research in political science, economics, and psychology, Johnston, Lavine, and Federico articulate two alternative pathways for how being open versus closed shapes opinions on fundamentally important issues of social welfare, redistribution, and government intervention in the market. Through wide-ranging observational and experimental tests, the authors show that political engagement plays a critical role in leading the open vs. closed citizen to develop opinions that, among the politically unengaged, reflect what they need and that, among the politically engaged, reflect who they aspire to be. Amidst a politically polarized and economically stratified society, [this] work reminds us of the critical importance of political elites and citizen engagement in channeling how personality informs what citizens demand from government and why.' Cindy D. Kam, Vanderbilt University, Tennessee'This is a path-breaking study. It brings into view, arguably more dramatically than any previous work, the complexity - or perhaps better the perversity - of personality and political choice. Among other things, it is on the thinking of the politically aware and engaged, not the inattentive and indifferent, that personality, the emblem of the irrational, has its strongest impact.' Paul Sniderman, Stanford University'Open Versus Closed is certain to have a major impact on the field. Not only do Johnston, Lavine, and Federico comprise a veritable all-star team of co-authors, their book embodies the best features of political psychology. It doesn't give short shrift to the political in its exploration of the psychological. Instead the emphasis on the psychological allows them to solve an important political puzzle about attitudes toward redistribution that no one else has been able to crack.' Marc J. Hetherington, Vanderbilt University, TennesseeTable of ContentsList of tables; List of figures; Acknowledgements; 1. Personality and the foundations of economic preferences; 2. The psychology of ideology; 3. A dual-pathway model of openness and economic preferences; 4. Testing the reversal hypothesis; 5. Openness and partisan-ideological sorting; 6. Openness and elite influence; 7. Political engagement and self-interest; 8. Personality and American democracy; Appendices; Bibliography; Index.

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Book SynopsisEscaping the clutches of truthiness begins with one simple question: 'what is the evidence?' Howard Wainer shows how the sceptical mindset of a data scientist can expose truthiness, nonsense, and outright deception. He evaluates the evidence, or lack thereof, supporting claims in many fields, with special emphasis in education.Trade Review'This book is like the proverbial bag of potato chips. It's impossible to stop reading after just one of its fun and thought-provoking examples of statistical reasoning.' Andrew Gelman, Columbia University, New York'Howard Wainer persuasively argues that you cannot be an informed citizen unless you understand the new data science. Using examples and anecdotes from education, medicine, and elsewhere, he arms readers with tools they can use to make better decisions and a better world. And he does it with the ease, charm, and brilliance of the originator of truthiness.' Arthur E. Wise, President Emeritus, National Council for the Accreditation of Teacher Education'[This is] compelling reading on contemporary topics that exemplifies how to think clearly about the busy world around us … Wainer gets more clever over the years, finding deeper anecdotes, discovering better quotes, and writing with more grace than ever.' Ben Shneiderman, University of Maryland'Wainer has taken a leap forward with his new book, Truth or Truthiness. He has shown that he can take on complex issues using the basic premise that our new societal norm addresses policy solely through inference while lacking supportive evidence. With his usual interesting and direct style, Wainer looks at this lack of data support in examining societal issues, especially education. This is truly a compelling read and I think should be required reading for those who set educational policy.' Kurt Landgraf, President and CEO, Educational Testing Service, 2000–2013'Howard Wainer was an expert witness in cases where I defended public school teachers who were accused of changing students' answers on standardized tests. I implored him to explain his theories in terms that would be understandable to lay people. Truth and Truthiness makes clear that he took this to heart.' Keith J. Zimmerman, Kahn, Smith and Collins, P. A., Baltimore'… at a time when PolitiFact's 'Truth-O-Meter' provides an essential guide to politicians' stump speeches, Wainer's book is welcome indeed. It is perhaps especially relevant in a divisive election year, when evidence, truth, and expertise seem under assault and yet desperately needed … [Wainer's] examples form a convincing argument that no matter how intractable a problem seems, careful use of data can help sort things out.' Christopher J. Phillips, Science'Such a book is desperately needed, given the prevalence of 'truthiness' - a term coined by the comedian Stephen Colbert to mean things that are 'felt to be true … without regard to evidence, logic, intellectual examination or facts' … To paraphrase one of the quotes the author likes to make frequent use of, what you get here is not simply tricks of the trade but the trade itself. Wainer has deep experience of applying statistical thinking to societal questions and he is the kind of master statistical craftsman and communicator at whose feet we all wish we could learn.' Paul Craze, Significance'Truth or Truthiness offers the greater value to those engaged in policy-relevant research.' Jeffrey Mazo, Survival: Global Politics and Strategy'Author Wainer crusades on behalf of demanding evidence for a statistical claim, from either a randomized controlled experiment or post-hoc matching of naturally-occurring groups in an observational study, and he concentrates on how to handle missing data.' Paul J. Campbell, Mathematics Magazine'This is an excellent book … made up of four sections of essays on a unique topic but section-common theme … All in all this is an engaging slender volume with intellectual heft.' Malcolm James Ree, Personnel Psychology'... well written and well produced ...' Owen Toller, The Mathematical GazetteTable of ContentsPart I. Thinking Like a Data Scientist: 1. How the rule of 72 can provide guidance to advance your wealth, your career and your gas mileage; 2. Piano virtuosos and the four-minute mile; 3. Happiness and causal inference; 4. Causal inference and death; 5. Using experiments to answer four vexing questions; 6. Causal inferences from observational studies: fracking, injection wells, earthquakes, and Oklahoma; 7. Life follows art: gaming the missing data algorithm; Part II. Communicating Like a Data Scientist: 8. On the crucial role of empathy in the design of communications: genetic testing as an example; 9. Improving data displays: the media's, and ours; 10. Inside-out plots; 11. A century and a half of moral statistics: plotting evidence to affect social policy; Part III. Applying the Tools of Data Science to Education: 12. Waiting for Achilles; 13. How much is tenure worth?; 14. Detecting cheating badly: if it could have been, it must have been; 15. When nothing is not zero: a true saga of missing data, adequate yearly progress, and a Memphis charter school; 16. Musing about changes in the SAT: is the college board getting rid of the bulldog?; 17. For want of a nail: why worthless subscores may be seriously impeding the progress of western civilization.

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Book SynopsisExclusion by Elections develops a theory about the circumstances under which ''class identities'' as opposed to ''ethnic identities'' become salient in democratic politics, and links this theory to issues of inequality and the propensity of governments to address it. The book argues that in societies with even modest levels of ethnic diversity, inequality invites ethnic politics, and ethnic politics results in less redistribution than class politics. Thus, contrary to existing workhorse models in social science, where democracies are expected to respond to inequality by increasing redistribution, the argument here is that inequality interacts with ethnic diversity to discourage redistribution. As a result, inequality often becomes reinforced by inequality itself. The author explores the argument empirically by examining cross-national patterns of voting behaviour, redistribution and democratic transitions, and he discusses the argument''s implications for identifying strategies that caTable of Contents1. Introduction; 2. Why worry about inequality and ethnic politics? Part I. The Theoretical Argument: 3. Social structure and distributive politics in elections; 4. A theory of social structure, electoral identities and party systems; 5. Inequality, ethnic polarization and the democratic process; Part II. Empirical Evidence for the Argument: 6. Theory and causal identification; 7. Income and voting behavior; 8. Inequality, ethnic diversity and the ethnification of party systems; 9. Social structure, redistribution and democratic transitions; 10. Conclusion: inequality and the politics of exclusion.

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Book SynopsisWhilst the science of conservation biology is thriving as a discipline, ultimately global conservation is failing. Why, when the majority of people say they value nature and its protection? David Johns argues that the loss of species and healthy ecosystems is best understood as human imposition of a colonial relationship on the non-human world - one of exploitation and domination. Global institutions benefit from transforming nature into commodities, and conservation is a low priority. This book places political issues at the forefront, and tackles critical questions of conservation efficacy. It considers the role of effective influence on decision making, key policy changes to reduce human footprint, and the centrality of culture in mobilising support. It draws on political lessons from successful social movements, including human anti-colonial struggles, to provide conservation biologists and practitioners in scientific and social science disciplines and NGOs with the tools and widerTrade Review'Bruce Babbit, when he was Secretary of the Interior, was fond of saying to conservationists, 'Don't expect me to do the right thing, make me do it'. Conservationists made impressive strides after Rachel Carson's 'Silent Spring', by relying on passion and persuasion, but little progress has been made since the 1970s, as corporate opposition has coalesced into a powerful counter-movement. Meanwhile, with shrinking opportunities for habitat protection and the looming specter of climate change, the need for further progress is greater than ever. David Johns, a political scientist with a deep interest in popular movements, makes the case that conservation will only return to the forefront of the nation's agenda when citizens mobilize into a vigorous movement with the energy to elect advocates to positions of political power. His new book offers deep insights into how to achieve this goal.' John W. Terborgh, Duke University, North Carolina'The scientific case has been made. Poets have spoken with deep feeling. Now comes the hard part. In this well-written and very timely book, David Johns lays out the practical, political steps required to save the rest of life on Earth, and ultimately ourselves.' Edward O. Wilson, Harvard University, Massachusetts'We the people must accept that any conservation activity of worth must be a political act. This is a simple but not a small idea. The insults foisted upon Mother Earth are so pervasive, that nothing less than the world's greatest collective action will suffice as redress. Politics is the only scheme that can organize and advance such action. David Johns writes clearly to this end from the hard ground of history and science. His book is a call to arms to use politics to promote peace, prosperity, and justice for all life. Let's hope that we the people heed the call. Every future depends on it.' Mike Phillips, Turner Endangered Species Fund, US'David Johns has done it again! The author of A New Conservation Politics brings his wide knowledge of the conservation movement and other social movements to provide practical insights on how to make conservation more effective. This book fills a critical gap in the conservation literature by explaining how to overcome the political obstacles to conservation. For those who care about the extinction crisis he offers a path to action beyond business-as-usual. In the end, conservation is too complex to leave it to scientists, and much too important to leave it to politicians. He combines both worlds into a powerful mix.' Ignacio Jiménez Pérez, The Conservation Land Trust, Argentina'In the 30 years I've worked with Dave Johns for things wild and free, I've seen him become a leading activist on the visionary cutting edge of rewilding and also as our deepest thinker on effective activism. Witness his latest book.' Dave Foreman, Earth First!, USTable of ContentsIntroduction; Part I. The Problem: 1. The tragedy of political failure; 2. Like it or not, politics is the solution; Part II. Getting the Questions Right: 3. Ten questions for conservation politics; 4. Adapting society to the wild; 5. Striking at the roots; 6. Domination and the intractability of energy problems; Part III. Taking the Offensive: 7. Turning the tide; 8. Lessons from large scale conservation; 9. Doing large-scale restoration; 10. The other connectivity; 11. The special challenge of marine conservation; 12. The biological sciences and conservation; Part IV. Culture Change: 13. Conservation, George Orwell and language; 14. Restoring story and myth; 15. Conservation's moral imperative; Conclusion.

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Book SynopsisThis book examines 111 types of state religion policy in 177 countries between 1990 and 2008. Jonathan Fox argues that policy is largely a result of the competition between political secular actors and religious actors, both of which try to influence state religion policy. While there are other factors that influence state religion policy and both the secular and religious camps are divided, Fox offers that the secular-religious competition perspective provides critical insight into the nature of religious politics across the globe. While many states have both increased and decreased their involvement in religion, Fox demonstrates that states which have become more involved in religion are far more common.Trade Review'Drawing on an impressive wealth of new data, Fox offers more detail and nuance on the relationship between religion and state than any publication to date. He demonstrates that the relationship is often not what it seems: apparent efforts to support religion can serve as mechanisms for control; despite expectations of insignificance, religion remains a central concern in state policies; and rather than being stable, as constitutions might suggest, the relationships between religion and state are ever changing.' Roger Finke, Pennsylvania State University'Despite the apparent clarity of Jesus's admonition to 'Render unto Caesar the things that are Caesar's, and unto God the things that are God's', secular and religious leaders have always competed over issues of religious policy. Jonathan Fox provides an analysis of this competition that is nuanced, sophisticated, and compelling. This is an example of the 'science' of comparative politics at its best.' Ted G. Jelen, University of Nevada, Las Vegas'Fox's detailed categorization and analysis of the phenomenon of state religion policy is essential reading.' Journal of Church and StateTable of Contents1. Introduction; 2. Secularism or secularization?; 3. Establishment, support, neutrality, or hostility: the varieties of official religion policy; 4. State support for religion; 5. Regulation, restriction, and control of the majority religion; 6. Religious discrimination; 7. Education, abortion, and proselytizing; 8. Religion in constitutions; 9. Conclusions; Appendix A. Data collection and reliability.

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Book SynopsisIs Bipartisanship Dead? looks beyond (and considers the time before) roll call voting to examine the extent to which bipartisan agreement in the House of Representatives has declined since the 1970s. Despite voting coalitions showing a decline in bipartisan agreement between 1973 and 2004, member''s bill cosponsorship coalitions show a more stable level of bipartisanship. The declining bipartisanship over time in roll call voting reflects a shift in how party leaders structure the floor and roll call agendas. Party leaders in the House changed from prioritizing legislation with bipartisan agreement in the 1970s to prioritizing legislation with partisan disagreement by the 1990s. Laurel Harbridge argues that this shift reflects a changing political environment and an effort by leaders to balance members'' electoral interests, governance goals, and partisan differentiation. The findings speak to questions of representation and governance. They also shed light on whether partisan conflictTrade Review'This provocative book looks beyond roll-call votes to understand the rise in partisan conflict in the House of Representatives. Documenting the robust persistence of bipartisanship in pre-floor settings, Harbridge contends that the high levels of party conflict on the contemporary House floor partly reflect the strategic choices of party leaders. Legislative scholars will want to engage with Harbridge's careful and probing analysis.' Frances Lee, University of Maryland'Politicians and political observers regularly decry the lack of bipartisanship in Congress, claiming that the bipartisan cooperation regularly found in Congresses past has now all but disappeared. Yet despite these claims, scholars have conducted surprisingly little systematic analysis of bipartisanship - until now. In this insightful, nuanced, and thoroughly convincing analysis, Harbridge shows that although bipartisanship on roll-call voting has declined in recent decades, due mainly to strategic choices by party leaders, bipartisanship at other stages of the legislative process continues to persist.' Charles Shipan, J. Ira and Nicki Harris Professor of Social Science, University of Michigan'Observers of the legislative process intuit that the rise in congressional partisanship is due to a changing agenda, yet few studies have managed to unpack the black box that is the agenda-setting process. Harbridge documents more directly than other researchers that leaders bring bills to the floor in a selective fashion that leads to more partisan vote outcomes. This book should push scholars to look past the stifling polarization that defines contemporary roll-call voting and understand its origins.' Barry Burden, University of Wisconsin, Madison'At a time when scholars, pundits, and other commentators are constantly pointing to partisan conflict in Washington, DC, and lamenting its consequences for the health of the American political system, Harbridge offers a fresh and important perspective on the relationships between legislators, party leaders, and their consequences for the appearance, though perhaps not actual incidence, of polarization in Congress. Harbridge offers a compelling argument that suggests that bipartisanship is alive and well in Washington, DC, even though the choices of legislative leaders might lead us to believe that the opposite is true. This book represents a major contribution to the field of legislative studies, and it will go a long way toward helping scholars to understand how party leaders and organizations interact with their members to influence the legislative agenda. Harbridge's findings should change the way that many scholars think about polarization in Congress; and they will help everyday citizens better understand what they observe in contemporary American politics.' Alan Wiseman, Vanderbilt University, Tennessee'This interesting and important book makes a major contribution to the literature on congressional parties and polarization. Harbridge's argument that observed partisan conflict is in large measure the consequence of strategic choices by parties in constructing the agenda is supported by solid and novel evidence. She also shows that a measure of bipartisanship persists. I expect that this book will be widely assigned in Congress courses, and certainly in mine.' David Rohde, Ernestine Friedl Professor of Political Science, Duke University, North Carolina'One truism of American politics is that Congress is hopelessly polarized and mired in gridlock. Laurel Harbridge provides a deeper understanding of why that has happened, while providing evidence that there is more bipartisanship than meets the eye. Polarization is largely created by 'strategic partisan agenda-setting' in which party leaders advance partisan bills over bipartisan alternatives. Harbridge shows that bipartisan legislation continues to be a central part of governance through legislation approved by voice votes and cross-party cosponsorship of legislation. This is essential reading for anyone who wants to understand the partisan divide in Congress.' David Canon, University of Wisconsin, Madison'In Is Bipartisanship Dead? Professor Harbridge makes a wonderful contribution to the growing literature on party polarization in the U.S. Congress, pointing to persistent bipartisanship in the pre-agenda stages of the legislative process that have gone largely unnoticed to date. In addition, she offers valuable insights into understanding how members balance the increasing partisan demands of the modern Congress with electoral considerations. She also justifiably challenges congressional scholars to think more critically about our measures of polarization. This book is both theoretically rich and empirically sophisticated, making it a joy to read. I anticipate that it will receive considerable praise in years to come.' Ryan J. Vander Wielen, Congress and the PresidencyTable of Contents1. Introduction; 2. A puzzle of declining bipartisanship; 3. Strategic partisan agenda setting: a theoretical framework; 4. Agenda setting and the decline of bipartisan cooperation; 5. Variation in strategic partisan agenda setting; 6. Strategic partisan agenda setting across policy areas; 7. District responsiveness and member-party relationships; 8. The past, present, and future of bipartisanship.

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Book SynopsisThe direct primary stands as one of the most significant and distinctive political reforms of the Progressive era in American history. In this book, the authors provide the most comprehensive treatment available on the topic and utilize new data on election outcomes, candidate backgrounds, incumbent performance and behavior, newspaper endorsements, and voters'' preferences. They begin by studying whether primary elections have achieved the goals set by progressive reformers when they were first introduced over a century ago. They then evaluate the key roles these elections have played in the US electoral systems, such as injecting electoral competition into the regions that are dominated by one of the two major parties, helping select relatively qualified candidates for office, and, in some cases, holding incumbents accountable for their performance. They conclude with studying the degree to which primaries are responsible for the current, highly polarized environment. Anyone interesteTrade Review'This is a wonderful, definitive study of American party primaries at the state and district level, going back a century. All the usual wrinkles are convincingly addressed - origins, history, competition, turnout, factions, candidate quality, polarization, reform options, and more. For all its messiness, the authors conclude, the system seems to work reasonably well.' David R. Mayhew, Sterling Professor of Political Science Emeritus, Yale University, Connecticut'Hirano and Snyder's Primary Elections in the United States presents the most comprehensive, theoretically informed, and empirically rich analysis of the origins and consequences of primary elections yet attempted. It is a fundamental contribution to the literature on American party politics and will be the go-to source for anyone interested in learning how primaries have affected representation in the US.' Gary Jacobson, University of California, San DiegoTable of Contents1. More democracy; 2. One-party dominance, 1880 to 1950; 3. Introduction of primaries and electoral competition, 1892 to 1950; 4. Primaries and party loyalty; 5. Primaries and the qualifications of nominees; 6. Voting behavior and primary elections, 1892 to 1950; 7. Primaries in a changing electoral environment, 1950 to 2016; 8. Primaries and candidate selection in the modern era; 9. Voting behavior and primary elections, 1950 to 2016; 10. Primaries and accountability in the modern era; 11. Primaries and polarization; 12. Conclusion.

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Book SynopsisIn this landmark study, Shahla Haeri offers the extraordinary biographies of several Muslim women rulers and leaders who reached the apex of political systems of their times. Their stories illuminate the complex and challenging imperatives of dynastic succession, electoral competition and the stunning success they achieved in medieval Yemen and India, and modern Pakistan and Indonesia. The written history of Islam and the Muslim world is overwhelmingly masculine, having largely ignored women and their contributions until well into the 20th century. Religious and legal justifications have been systematically invoked to justify Muslim women''s banishment from politics and public domains. Yet this patriarchal domination has not gone on without serious challenges by women - sporadic and exceptional though their participation in the battle of succession has been. The Unforgettable Queens of Islam highlights lives and legacies of a number of charismatic women engaged in fierce battles of sucTrade Review'Most women rulers in Islamic states succeeded their fathers or husbands, and Shahla Haeri shows that they cultivated an image as tolerant and caring 'mothers' of their nations. Her fascinating and original study concludes that an emerging generation of female politicians may represent a more democratic and inclusive force in Muslim societies, precisely because their very identity is a challenge to military and theocratic establishments.' Adam Kuper, British Academy'Haeri harvests decades of work on women political leaders in the Islamic world, from the Queen of Sheba in the 10th century B.C.E. to the contemporary Pakistani Benazir Bhutto and Indonesian Megawati Sukarnoputri. By performing fine-tuned ethnographic and historical research, Haeri brilliantly answers the question of why only in modern times have religious/political establishments begun to apply the suspect hadith against accepting a woman as ruler.' Mary Elaine Hegland, Santa Clara University, California'The written history of the Muslim world is still typically told in a manner that sidelines the experience of Muslim women. In this beautifully written and important book, Shahla Haeri corrects that imbalance, creating the finest book I have ever read on women leaders across the Muslim-majority world. This is a 'must read' for everyone interested in Islam and gender today and across the span of history.' Robert W. Hefner, Boston University, Massachusetts'This pioneering book offers a riveting account of women who have achieved political power across a range of Muslim majority cultures and down the centuries. Today the issue of women and power is a highly contested one in Muslim majority countries - as indeed elsewhere. Offering a sustained, reasoned and well-grounded overview and analysis of the topic and its underpinnings, this book constitutes an invaluable resource.' Leila Ahmed, Harvard University, Massachusetts'The Unforgettable Queens of Islam presents a fascinating set of comparative biographies of Muslim women leaders … engaging and thought-provoking.' R. A. Miller, Choice'I thoroughly enjoyed each story, learning how these very different women acquired and maintained their power and authority, and what their gender brought to their challenges and opportunities … For those interested in the relationship between religion and politics, and the nature of gender and authority in the modern world, this book is a great place to start! …fascinating and timely …' Diane C. Perlov, California Science CenterTable of ContentsIntroduction. Games of succession: patriarchy, power, gender; Part I. Sacred Sources of Authority: The Quran and the Hadith: 1. Queen of Sheba and the mighty throne; 2. Aisha Bint Abu Bakr: battle of the camel, battle for succession; Part II. Medieval Queens: Dynasty and Descent: 3. Sayyida Hurra Queen Arwa of Yemen: 'the little Queen of Sheba'; 4. Razia Sultan of India: 'Queen of the world Bilqis-I Jihan'; Part III. Contemporary Queens: Institutionalization of Succession and Leadership: 5. Benazir Bhutto: a queen 'without parallel'; 6. Megawati Sukarnoputri: 'Limbuk becomes Queen'; Conclusion. Patriarchal paradox?

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Book SynopsisThis book argues that alien rule can become legitimate to the degree that it provides governance that is both effective and fair. Governance is effective to the degree that citizens have access to an expanding economy and an ample supply of culturally appropriate collective goods. Governance is fair to the degree that rulers act according to the strictures of procedural justice. These twin conditions help account for the legitimation of alien rulers in organizations of markedly different scale. The book applies these principles to the legitimation of alien rulers in states (the Republic of Genoa, nineteenth- and twentieth-century China, and modern Iraq), colonies (Taiwan and Korea under Japanese rule), and occupation regimes, as well as in less encompassing organizations such as universities (academic receivership), corporations (mergers and acquisitions), and stepfamilies. Finally, it speculates about the possibility of an international market in governance services.Trade Review'Alien Rule is a conceptually innovative and interesting book that blazes a theoretical trail on this important topic. The core of the book is the observation that one can find examples of alien rulers in a wide range of spheres who have managed to gain legitimacy and rule successfully. This frames the central puzzle of the book: under what conditions can alien rule produce legitimacy? Michael Hechter offers a stimulating discussion of a great variety of cases, one that perhaps he alone is able to provide due to his unusually broad intellectual engagement with multiple disciplines. This, combined with the fact that it is written by one of the world's leading sociologists, virtually guarantees the book will get substantial attention.' Henry E. Hale, The George Washington University'In Alien Rule, Michael Hechter builds on his path-breaking work on nationalism to develop a provocative new argument - that alien governance might actually be better than native governance. In an era of foreign bailouts and military occupations, the argument is sure to stir up debate, particularly the conclusion of the book that an 'international governance market' might provide better solutions to problems of state failure than other alternatives that people, states, and international organizations have considered to date.' Nicholas Sambanis, Yale University'Over the course of his career, Michael Hechter has examined the subtle interplay between dynamics of collective action and national identify formation and mobilization. Alien Rule is perhaps the most ambitious in this line of works in its scope … The simply posed puzzle, Hechter's disarmingly straight forward explanation, and a rabble-rousing selection of cases make the book a vital contribution to the analytical literature on empires, international hierarchy, and the sociology of organizations more broadly.' Alexander Cooley, Perspectives on PoliticsTable of Contents1. Introduction; 2. Alien rule and its discontents; 3. The failure of legitimate rule in Iraq; 4. Resistance to alien rule in Taiwan and Korea; 5. Dynamics of military occupation; 6. Academic receivership as alien rule Gail Dubrow and Debra Friedman; 7. Conclusion.

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Book SynopsisAmericans consistently name Republicans as the party better at handling issues like national security and crime, while they trust Democrats on issues like education and the environment - a phenomenon called ''issue ownership''. Partisan Priorities investigates the origins of issue ownership, showing that in fact the parties deliver neither superior performance nor popular policies on the issues they ''own''. Rather, Patrick J. Egan finds that Republicans and Democrats simply prioritize their owned issues with lawmaking and government spending when they are in power. Since the parties tend to be particularly ideologically rigid on the issues they own, politicians actually tend to ignore citizens'' preferences when crafting policy on these issues. Thus, issue ownership distorts the relationship between citizens'' preferences and public policies.Trade Review“This book takes us far toward understanding the current dysfunction in Washington. Using powerful tools and scrupulously even-handed analysis, Egan shows that each party’s priorities are driven by its office holders, activists, and interest groups. The policy preferences of ordinary Americans have little impact. Real reform will not happen until the hard lessons of this book have been absorbed.” – Christopher H. Achen, Princeton University“Partisan Priorities is a most important and welcome book that links ‘issue ownership’ to larger questions of declining short-term democratic responsiveness and increasing partisan polarization in the United States. It is theoretically and empirically impressive, marshalling a wide array of public opinion and other data and persuasively emphasizing the importance of examining issues and behavior in the aggregate to understand the significance of issue ownership in the American political system.” – Robert Y. Shapiro, Columbia University“Partisan Priorities is a provocative book that challenges our understanding of how political parties and issues matter in American politics. At its heart is a simple idea – that party ownership of issues matters in American politics and that this ownership is driven not by the policy positions parties take or their performance on the issues while in government, but by the priorities parties place on them. The idea turns out to be quite powerful. Egan carefully crafts a measure of ownership based on public assessments of which party would do a better job on various issues, and demonstrates that party priorities drive public assessments. He then shows that this issue ownership impacts politics and political representation in important ways. It is an ambitious piece of work to be sure and deserves a wide audience among scholars of American politics and beyond.” – Christopher Wlezien, University of Texas at AustinTable of Contents1. Introduction; 2. Consensus issues: amidst polarization, shared goals; 3. The measure and meaning of issue ownership; 4. Ruling out the policy and performance hypotheses; 5. Partisan priorities: the source of issue ownership; 6. How issue ownership distorts American politics; 7. Conclusion.

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Book SynopsisHow did the British Government and Civil Service shape the Northern Ireland peace process? What kind of tensions and debates were being played out between the two governments and the various parties in Northern Ireland? Addressing texts, negotiations, dialogues, space, leverage, strategy, ambiguity, interpersonal relations and convergence, this is the first volume to examine how senior British officials and civil servants worked to bring about power-sharing in Northern Ireland. With a unique format featuring self-authored inside accounts and interview testimonies, it considers a spectrum of areas and issues that came into play during the dialogues and negotiations that led to the 1998 Good Friday Agreement and political accommodation in Northern Ireland. This book provides a compelling insight into what actually happened inside the negotiating room and how the British tried to shape the course of negotiations.Trade Review'This book is an invaluable addition to examining what happened 'behind the scenes' at governmental level in the peace process. Graham Spencer has done a great service in helping us to understand the decision-making processes that went on amongst senior British civil servants and officials and this combination of authored chapters and penetrating interviews provides a wide-ranging analysis of tensions and problems that had to be dealt with before political agreement could be reached. There are many lessons to be found about negotiation in this illuminating and important study and we should thank Graham Spencer for that.' Bertie Ahern, Taoiseach of Ireland, 1997–2008'Until this unique book was written most people outside the peace process will not have been aware of the key role of senior British civil servants. Let me be quite clear, they were critical to its success. Many another peace process has failed because of the absence of such a remarkable cadre of people. Insiders to the Process know every one of the contributors and will immediately reach for their accounts of those times. Others who really want to know the story could not do better than follow their lead.' John, Lord Alderdice, FRCPsych'In this valuable addition to the literature of conflict resolution we are brought right into the innards of the Northern Ireland peace process by people who grappled with it for most of their working lives. These are not the bland views from the bridge of the statesmen's memoirs, but tales told in the engine-room - of mess and dirt and doubt and compromise, of sharp changes in course, of mixed signals and messages misinterpreted, the very dynamics of conflict resolution as seen by the attendant mechanics. What we learn is that conflict resolution is a long-term business, requiring trust to be built between the most unlikely people, and a willingness, eventually, to talk to the people who are actually fighting.' Dr Maurice Hayes, former Independent Senator, Seanad Eireann, 1997–2007, Northern Ireland Ombudsman and Boundary Commissioner, and voted European Person of the Year in 2003'The British and Peace in Northern Ireland is an indispensable book for any scholar examining how the peace process was constructed in the region. Graham Spencer has assembled the frank thoughts of a formidable cast of policy-makers to explain the evolution of British thinking on Northern Ireland and how this translated into the political frameworks which underpinned the onset of relative peace. Participants chronicle the 'treading on eggshells' and regular frustrations of dealing with rival unionist and national political actors in inching towards desired British goals. This is the authentic voice of those who shaped British and Irish history at a crucial time and is a 'must-read' volume.' Jon Tonge, University of LiverpoolTable of ContentsIntroduction; 1. The terrain of discourse Sir Kenneth Bloomfield; 2. The Anglo-Irish Agreement: an interview with Sir David Goodall and Lord Armstrong of Ilminster; 3. The constitutional issue in Irish politics David Hill; 4. Negotiations and positions: an interview with Sir John Chilcot; 5. Resolving intercommunal conflict: some enabling factors Sir Quentin Thomas; 6. Tactics, strategy and space Chris Maccabe; 7. The Joint Declaration and memory David Cooke; 8. Movement and transition in 1997: Major to Blair Sir John Holmes; 9. The challenge of symmetry in dialogue: an interview with Sir Joseph Pilling; 10. Why was the Good Friday Agreement so hard to implement? Lessons from Groundhog Day, 1998–2002 Sir Bill Jeffrey; 11. Text and context: an interview with William Fittall; 12. The nature of dialogue: an interview with Sir Jonathan Phillips; 13. Managing the tensions of difference: an interview with Jonathan Powell; Conclusion.

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Book SynopsisThis book explores the political implications of the human tendency to prioritize negative information over positive information. Drawing on literatures in political science, psychology, economics, communications, biology, and physiology, this book argues that 'negativity biases' should be evident across a wide range of political behaviors. These biases are then demonstrated through a diverse and cross-disciplinary set of analyses, for instance: in citizens' ratings of presidents and prime ministers; in aggregate-level reactions to economic news, across 17 countries; in the relationship between covers and newsmagazine sales; and in individuals' physiological reactions to network news content. The pervasiveness of negativity biases extends, this book suggests, to the functioning of political institutions - institutions that have been designed to prioritize negative information in the same way as the human brain.Trade Review'Soroka has produced a masterly analysis of the impact of negativity, beginning with psychology, microeconomics and neuroscience, and then focusing on the field of politics. His tour de force ranges from evaluations of, and voting for, individual politicians, to government approval, media and news impact, and political institutions. In fascinating detail he then shows that all is not lost and draws out some positive consequences of this negativity bias, which may well be an effective way to manage democratic governance.' Miles Hewstone, University of Oxford'This surprisingly optimistic take on the role of negativity in the political process provides a clear and engaging analysis of how and why people interpret and use negative information in unique, important, and often useful ways. Analyzing a wide array of empirical evidence from presidential assessments to media content across seventeen countries, Stuart Soroka provides a truly comprehensive portrait of negativity within the political domain. In so doing, he situates the extensive psychological and biological literature on negativity within a political context, providing a novel and convincing interpretation for the self-containing role it plays in supporting democratic institutions.' Rose McDermott, Brown University'I enjoyed reading Negativity in Democratic Politics not only because of its subject matter but also because it triggered many new research questions and ideas in my mind. So, it will trigger the reader's creative thinking. Moreover, it would be a great addition to graduate syllabi in political behavior, political psychology, and communications illustrating convincingly how negativity operates in different domains of political life. Overall, I felt that reading the book is time well spent, and I plan to consult it whenever I should write on an overarching issue from multiple angles.' Elif Erisen, Journal of Politics'Negativity in American media and politics, as Riker's account of the debate to ratify the American Constitution demonstrates, long precedes Watergate and Cable TV. Soroka's convincing alternative to structural and cultural explanations of negativity suggests that is exactly as it should be.' Jonathan Sullivan, Taiwan Journal of Democracy'The thesis of Soroka's book is well supported with a variety of data: negativity bias exists in politics, both in how individuals react to negative information and in how news organizations cover politics … Soroka does a commendable job illustrating that negativity bias exists in politics, both in how individuals react to negative information and in how news organizations cover politics.' Ashley Muddiman, Political CommunicationTable of Contents1. On negativity; 2. Negativity in politics; 3. (Political) impression formation; 4. Economic sentiment and government approval; 5. Media content; 6. Reactions to news content.

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Book SynopsisThe race problem in the American criminal justice system persists because we enable it. The tendency of liberals to point a finger at law enforcement, racial conservatives, the War on Drugs, is misguided. Black as well as white voters, Democrat as much as Republican lawmakers, President Obama as much as Reagan, both Congress and the Supreme Court alike; all are implicated. We all are ''The Man''. Whether the problem is defined in terms of blacks'' overrepresentation in prisons or in terms of the disproportional use of deadly police force against blacks, not enough of us demand that something be done. The Political Roots of Racial Tracking in American Criminal Justice is the story of how the race problem in criminal justice is continually enabled in the national crime policy process, and why.Trade Review'American criminal justice policies and practices systematically treat black people differently - worse than other people - and obstruct their full, equal and untrammeled participation in American life. The problems are neither unknown nor insoluble but go unacknowledged and unaddressed in mainstream American politics. Nina Moore compellingly explains how and why that has happened.' Michael Tonry, McKnight Presidential Professor in Criminal Law and Policy, University of Minnesota'Imagine Richard Wright as an academic writing Native Son - full of statistics and theories - but at heart always returning to a murder. Author Nina Moore's childhood friend is the victim. Her adult work as a professor is figuring out what happened and why it is still happening.' Juan Williams, Fox News political analyst, author of Thurgood Marshall: American Revolutionary and Eyes on the Prize'Moore offers a broad indictment of racism in criminal justice, reaching beyond the biases of police, prosecutors, and criminal-court judges. She shows how a pervasive tendency to blame blacks for the problems they face encourages legislative and public indifference to reforming a system that channels African Americans toward harsher punishment than whites. This detailed account argues that we must challenge punitive public attitudes and legislative shortsightedness, as well as actors within the criminal-justice system, if we are ever to arrive at a more even-handed approach.' Doris Marie Provine, Professor Emerita, School of Social Transformation, Arizona State UniversityTable of Contents1. Racial tracking: two law-enforcement modes; 2. Policy process theory of racial tracking: an overview; 3. A color-blind problem: the US Supreme Court and racial influences in law enforcement; 4. Opportunities for change: the racial justice agenda in Congress; 5. Congress as power player: racial justice versus 'law and order'; 6. The politics principle and the party playbook; 7. Public mind-set: what Americans believe about race, crime, and criminal justice disparities; 8. Reasons to believe: options concerning race, crime, and justice.

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Book SynopsisWhy does America have a love affair with homeownership? For many, buying a home is no longer in their best interest and may harm their children''s educational opportunities. This book argues that US leaders need to re-evaluate housing policies and develop new ones that ensure that all Americans have access to affordable housing, whether rented or owned. After describing common myths, the book shows why the circumstances now faced by America''s financial underclass make it impossible for them to benefit from homeownership because they cannot afford to buy homes. It then exposes the risks of ''home buying while brown or black,'' discussing US policies that made it easier for whites to buy homes, but harder and more costly for blacks and Latinos to do so. The book argues that remaining racial discrimination and certain demographic features continue to make it harder for blacks and Latinos to receive homeownership''s promised benefits.Trade Review'The myth that everyone should be a homeowner is just that - a myth, argues Professor Mechele Dickerson in this penetrating book, and a dangerous one at that. She reveals how financial institutions and real estate professionals, backed by the US government, promoted increasingly risky credit in service to the homeownership myth - with particularly disastrous consequences for minority groups, the elderly, and low- and moderate-income neighborhoods. Professor Dickerson demonstrates that, contrary to their supposed goals, the numerous incentives for homeownership often distort financial planning and destabilize residential areas, and she argues that many of our fellow citizens would be better served by programs that invest in education and earning opportunities, so as to provide a firm platform for stable communities that include renters along with homeowners.' Carol M. Rose, University of Arizona College of Law, coauthor of Saving the Neighborhood: Racially Restrictive Covenants, Law, and Social Norms'A bold, clear-eyed, and refreshingly blunt appraisal of the problems with the homeownership proposition for struggling middle-class and poorer workers. Mechele Dickerson's book is a must-read for anyone in housing policy.' Patricia A. McCoy, Liberty Mutual Professor of Law, Boston College Law SchoolTable of Contents1. Chasing the American dream; 2. The happy homeownership narrative; 3. US support for homeowners; 4. The homeownership crisis; 5. Homeowner harm and the blame game; 6. Flawed premises; 7. The burden of home buying while black or Latino; 8. The benefits of home buying while black or Latino; 9. Homeownership: demographic disparities; 10. Outlook and prescription for the future.

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Book SynopsisConsistent with the literature on state building, failed states, peacekeeping and foreign assistance, this book argues that budgeting is a core state activity necessary for the operation of a functional government. Employing a historical institutionalist approach, this book first explores the Ottoman, British and Ba''athist origins of Iraq''s budgetary institutions. The book next examines American pre-war planning, the Coalition Provisional Authority''s rule-making and budgeting following the invasion of Iraq in 2003, and the mixed success of the Coalition''s capacity-building programs initiated throughout the occupation. This book sheds light on the problem of ''outsiders'' building states, contributes to a more comprehensive evaluation of the Coalition in Iraq, addresses the question of why Iraqis took ownership of some Coalition-generated institutions, and helps explain the nature of institutional change.Table of Contents1. State building and the reconstruction of Iraq's budgetary institutions; 2. The evolution of Iraqi budgetary institutions from the Ottomans and the British mandate through Saddam; 3. Pre-war planning for Iraq's economic and budgetary reconstruction; 4. Boots on the ground: the CPA and the new Iraqi budgetary process; 5. Building Iraqi ministerial capacity: the case of FMIS; 6. The 17th benchmark and the challenge of Iraqi budget execution; 7. Building Iraqi budgetary capacity; 8. Iraqi budgeting; 9. Successful state building in Iraq? Lessons from the reconstruction of Iraq's budgetary institutions.

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Book SynopsisThe topic of corporate personhood has captured the attention of many who are concerned about the increasing presence, power, and influence of corporations in modern society. Recent Supreme Court cases like Citizens United, Hobby Lobby, and Masterpiece Cakeshop - which solidified the free speech and religious liberty rights of corporations and their owners - have heightened the controversy over treating corporations as persons under the law. What does it mean to say that the corporation is a person, and why does it matter? In Corporate Personhood, Susanna Kim Ripken addresses these questions and highlights the complexity of the corporate personhood concept. Using a broad, interdisciplinary framework - incorporating law, economics, philosophy, sociology, psychology, organizational theory, political science, and linguistics - this highly original work explores the complex, multidimensional nature of corporate personhood and its implications for corporate rights and duties.Trade Review'Corporate personhood has troubled us for millennia, and no book is likely to be the last word. But for readers interested in these issues, vital to the future of American democracy, this lucid, well-informed, fair-minded, and wide-ranging study will serve as an invaluable point of departure for all future debate.' Meir Dan-Cohen, University of California, Berkeley and author of Rights, Persons, and Organizations: A Legal Theory for Bureaucratic Society'Since Citizens United, Americans have been outraged by the notion that, as Mitt Romney infamously said, 'Corporations are people, my friend'. Breaking through the political slogans, Susanna Kim Ripken uses insights from law, economics, philosophy, and anthropology to show how complex and multifaceted corporate personhood is. This book is essential reading for anyone who wants to understand corporations and corporate power in society.' Adam Winkler, University of California, Los Angeles School of Law and author of We the Corporations: How American Businesses Won their Civil Rights'Corporate Personhood constitutes an indispensable contribution to the debate over the proper role, duties, and rights of the corporation. Eschewing more comfortable, less nuanced paths, Professor Ripken's masterpiece forges ahead with a thoughtful, balanced, and insightful portrait of the corporation, informed by a review of the best relevant interdisciplinary scholarship available.' Ronald J. Colombo, Maurice A. Deane School of Law, Hofstra University, New York and author of The First Amendment and the Business Corporation'This pathbreaking book insists – and persuades – that a multi-dimensional approach to the fractured corporate personhood debate best promotes correct understanding and fruitful progress. Distilling literature from many disciplines, Professor Ripken enriches our scholarly understanding and charts a pragmatic way forward on tough issues. A unique, impressive must-read book.' Lyman P. Q. Johnson, Robert O. Bentley Professor of Law, Washington and Lee University'Well referenced with court cases, law reviews, and journal articles.' G. E. Kaupins, ChoiceTable of ContentsIntroduction; 1. Legal theories of the corporate person; 2. Philosophical dimensions of the corporate person; 3. Social science dimensions of the corporate person; 4. Constitutional dimensions of the corporate person: corporate free speech; 5. Constitutional dimensions of the corporate person: corporate religion and race; 6. Abolishing corporate personhood; Conclusion.

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Book SynopsisHow, and why, did human trafficking out of Russia escalate at the beginning of the twenty-first century? Why did some labour migrants from Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan find happy work situations in Russia whereas others became trapped in forced labour? This book focuses on human trafficking out of the Russian Federation since the collapse of the Soviet state and on labour migration into it from Central Asia, and on some internal movement. It looks at the socio-economic reasons behind labour flows and examines key social, political, legislative and policy responses. Discussion includes how the Russian press covers these topics and what politicians, experts and the public think about them. Based on interviews, polls and focus groups in Russia, this book is rich in original research which highlights different Russian perspectives on exploitation in unfree labour. It gives examples of entrapment in prostitution, construction work, on farms, and in begging rings.Trade Review'Mary Buckley's path-breaking book illuminates timely and under studied issues related to human trafficking and labour migration flows, including how official governmental policy toward migrant streams from Central Asia and Eastern Ukraine has evolved as well as the rise of hostile public attitudes toward migrant labourers. The author pulls together a rich tapestry of evidence - government documents, interviews with key state actors, policy experts, NGO activists, newspaper articles, and personally designed survey research and focus groups - to provide the reader with a thorough and compelling picture of how Russia grapples with 'unfree labour'.' Carol Nechemias, Associate Professor Emerita of Political Science and Public Policy, Pennsylvania State University'In this wide-ranging and impressively written book, Mary Buckley puts the phenomena of forced labour, migration and human trafficking in Russia in their historical, contemporary and geographic contexts. In doing so, she gives readers a nuanced and deeper understanding of the dynamics of unfree labour in this important region of the world. Using a multi-pronged approach that looks at expert opinion, public attitudes, news coverage, law and policy, Buckley investigates to what extent Russians perceive trafficking and unfree labour to be a problem and how their opinions have been constructed by media portrayals. In addition to its many other contributions, Unfree Labour does a tremendous service in helping to reveal why the sense of moral outrage that has driven anti-trafficking policies elsewhere in the world has often been missing in the Russian context. Overall, this exciting and accessible book is a timely and important contribution for understanding the dynamic processes of human trafficking and labour migration in Russia today.' Lauren McCarthy, University of Massachusetts Amherst'… The Politics of Unfree Labour in Russia is a wealth of interesting and insightful findings from years of research by one of the most prominent scholars in the field. The timespan of the research combined with the variety of qualitative methods used in this book (interviews, surveys, focus groups, discourse analysis) are remarkable. … I believe this will be a required volume to anyone who studies migration flows in Eurasia. It would be of interest to social scientists as well as scholars interested in rule of law, gender, and the history of labor in Russia. I also believe that this book is an excellent example of different kinds of complementary qualitative methods and how to combine them into a cohesive narrative that paints a compelling story of trafficking and unfree labor in Russia.' Laura Dean, The Soviet and Post-Soviet Review'Buckley's book convinces with its diverse data material, which gives new insights into how exploitation and violations of rights are handled in Russian society.' Julia Glathe, Journal Of European Asia StudiesTable of ContentsList of tables; Map; Acknowledgments; Note; Introduction; 1. Unfree labour in Russian history; 2. The politics of getting human trafficking onto agendas; 3. Press reporting on human trafficking out of Russia; 4. Public attitudes on human trafficking; 5. How the public talks about human trafficking; 6. Expert narratives on human trafficking; 7. Migration flows into Russia and reports on forced labour; 8. Policy and legislation on labour migrants; 9. Migration experts talking; 10. Public opinion on migrant labour; 11. Conclusion; Glossary; Select bibliography; Index.

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Book SynopsisPrimary elections were supposed to limit the influence of party bosses on the nomination process. The decision to run for House or Senate and a candidate''s success in securing the party''s nomination for these offices has been considered to be largely candidate-centered. In The Party''s Primary, Hans J. G. Hassell shows that parties have a strong influence on the options available to voters and shape the outcomes of the nomination process. Drawing on interviews with party insiders and candidates, Hassell highlights the resources that parties have at their disposal that are not readily available outside the party network and the process by which party elites coordinate behind preferred candidates. Using data from almost 3000 nomination contests for House and Senate in the past decade, this book shows that parties use these tools to clear the field for their preferred candidate and exert a strong influence on the outcomes of primary elections.Trade Review'Hans J. G. Hassell's book takes the literature on party influence in nominations far beyond our own The Party Decides by looking systematically at a much larger set of nominations across a wider range of contexts. Its conclusions can thus make a better case for when and how party leadership can matter in candidate selection.' Hans Noel, Georgetown University, Washington, DC'The Party's Primary offers an original, subtle and sophisticated analysis of how contemporary party elites shape the choices presented to voters in primary elections. It is a valuable and highly readable addition to the literature on parties and elections.' Gary C. Jacobson, Distinguished Professor of Political Science Emeritus, University of California, San DiegoTable of Contents1. Introduction: the primary: of political operatives and academics; 2. The sources of party strength; 3. The choosing of the candidate; 4. Clearing the Senate field; 5. Clearing the House field; 6. Winning the nomination; 7. Influencing the political system.

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Book SynopsisOver the last fifty years in the United States, unions have been in deep decline, while income and wealth inequality have grown. In this timely work, editors Richard Bales and Charlotte Garden - with a roster of thirty-five leading labor scholars - analyze these trends and show how they are linked. Designed to appeal to those being introduced to the field as well as experts seeking new insights, this book demonstrates how federal labor law is failing today''s workers and disempowering unions; how union jobs pay better than nonunion jobs and help to increase the wages of even nonunion workers; and how, when union jobs vanish, the wage premium also vanishes. At the same time, the book offers a range of solutions, from the radical, such as a complete overhaul of federal labor law, to the incremental, including reforms that could be undertaken by federal agencies on their own.Trade Review'Charlotte Garden and Rick Bales have brought together an impressive group of experts to provide a comprehensive look at how our labor laws could and should be strengthened to give workers more collective bargaining power. This book is a valuable contribution to the public debate around a critically important issue at a critically important time.' Lynn Rhineheart, Economic Policy Institute, and former general counsel, AFL-CIO'At a time of increasing income inequality and declining union power, this much-needed volume provides many smart and provocative ideas on how to overhaul our nation's labor laws in order to strengthen unions, increase worker power, and, most important, lift America's more than 150 million workers. In this book, a who's who of labor experts provide one thoughtful essay after another on many of the key issues that unions and workers face today.' Steven Greenhouse, long-time labor journalist and author of Beaten Down, Worked Up: The Past, Present, and Future of American Labor'In a year of teacher strikes for the public good, private-sector flight attendants standing strong on behalf of locked-out federal workers, and New York state farmworkers just winning a century-long struggle for collective bargaining rights, this book is exceptionally timely and relevant. Richard Bates and Charlotte Garden have chosen an outstanding group of scholars who are refreshingly forward-looking while still being grounded in the daily reality faced by workers and unions.' Kate Bronfenbrenner, Cornell University'The Cambridge Handbook of US Labor Law for the Twenty-First Century is an important resource. It provides a range of opinion and is rich in thought-provoking ideas. It should soon be on the bookshelves of practitioners, scholars, policy makers, and activists - indeed, anyone interested in labor law and policy, worker rights and activism, unions and employers, collective bargaining, economic fairness, and democracy.' Wilma B. Liebman, former chairman, National Labor Relations Board, and professor, author, and advisor on labor law and workplace policy'The Cambridge Handbook of U.S. Labor Law for the Twenty-First Century represents a highly valuable tool for both the scholars and the practicing lawyers to address practical issues and de lege ferenda policies surveying a wide range of topics in a synthetic and clear way, whose analysis is frequently neglected or underestimated by most.' Prof. Dr Andrea Borroni, Contemporary Labour Law Review'The Handbook of US Labor Law for the Twenty-First Century performs several valuable roles: it is a primer on the current state of the organized labor movement and on the economic, political, social, and cultural consequences of its weakness … In assembling such a large and diverse group of contributors, the Handbook can realistically claim to represent the best of what is on offer in addressing all of these crucial topics for discussion and action.' Christopher Tomlins, Law & Social InquiryTable of ContentsList of contributors; Preface; Acknowledgements; Part I. Introduction: 1. Union trends Richard Bales; 2. The consequences of union decline Jake Rosenfeld; Part II. Labor Law Is Out of Date: 3. Yesterday's labor law and today's challenges Cynthia Estlund; 4. The National Labor Relations Board in the twenty-first century William B. Gould, IV; 5. Beyond the race to the bottom: reforming labor law preemption to allow state experimentation Charlotte Garden; 6. Union rights for all: towards sectoral bargaining in the United States Kate Andrias; 7. Public sector innovations: valuing voice Ann C. Hodges and Martin H. Malin; 8. Combatting union monopoly power: the contrast between pre- and post-new deal legal regimes Richard A. Epstein; 9. The case for repealing the firm exemption to antitrust (a modest proposal; or, a response to Professor Epstein) Sanjukta Paul; 10. Make labor organizing a civil right Richard Kahlenberg and Moshe Marvit; Part III. The 'Fissured' Workplace: 11. Some problems with NLRA coverage: independent contractors and joint employers Joseph Slater; 12. Reinventing employers Jeffrey Hirsch; 13. The problem of 'misclassification' or how to define who is an 'employee' under protective legislation in the information age Kenneth G. Dau-Schmidt; 14. Rupture and invention: the changing nature of work and the implications for social policy Katherine V. W. Stone; 15. Contemplating new categories of workers: technology and the fissured workplace Miriam A. Cherry; 16. Balancing flexibility and rigidity: do unions make sense in the on-demand economy? Seth Oranburg and Liya Palagashvili; Part IV. Barriers to Forming a Collective Bargaining Relationship: 17. Tactical mismatch in union organizing drives Charlotte Garden; 18. The power of place Michael M. Oswalt; 19. Assembly and collective rights Marion Crain; 20. Leveraging secondary activity within and outside legal boundaries Anne Marie Lofaso; 21. Captive audience meetings: the right not to attend Paul M. Secunda; Part V. Barriers to Bargaining a Good Contract: 22. Obtaining a first contract after winning recognition David Rosenfeld; 23. Advancing global labor standards: potential and limits of international labor law for worker-rights advocacy in the United States Lance Compa; 24. Organizing for workplace rights when immigration law discourages it Leticia M. Saucedo; 25. The central role of the right to strike Julius Getman; 26. Organizational power for workers within the firm Matthew T. Bodie; 27. Returning members-only collective bargaining to the American workplace: how to restore labor's countervailing power Charles J. Morris: Part VI. Unions, Civil Society, and Culture: 28. Can labor law reform encourage robust economic democracy? Brishen Rogers; 29. Union security for the twenty-first century Catherine L. Fisk; 30. Union membership and the Ghent system Matthew Dimick; 31. Principled hope: labor law reform from an alt-labor perspective Cesar F. Rosado Marzan; 32. Politically engaged unionism: the culinary workers union in Las Vegas Ruben J. Garcia; 33. Union commitment to racial diversity Michael Z. Green; 34. The economics of minimum wage regulations Jesus Fernandez-Villaverde; 35. The role of labor research and education in the labor movement of the twenty-first century: the UCLA Labor Center and the CLEAN Carwash Campaign Victor Narro; Index.

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Book SynopsisAdvocates for economic development often call for greater transparency. But what does transparency really mean? What are its consequences? This breakthrough book demonstrates how information impacts major political phenomena, including mass protest, the survival of dictatorships, democratic stability, as well as economic performance. The book introduces a new measure of a specific facet of transparency: the dissemination of economic data. Analysis shows that democracies make economic data more available than do similarly developed autocracies. Transparency attracts investment and makes democracies more resilient to breakdown. But transparency has a dubious consequence under autocracy: political instability. Mass-unrest becomes more likely, and transparency can facilitate democratic transition - but most often a new despotic regime displaces the old. Autocratic leaders may also turn these threats to their advantage, using the risk of mass-unrest that transparency portends to unify the rTrade Review'Information, Democracy, and Autocracy provides a novel theoretical approach to leveraging meaningful data out of strategically missing data …' Steven Lloyd Wilson, Perspectives on PoliticsTable of Contents1. A new approach to the study of transparency; 2. The content of information; 3. The HRV index of transparency; 4. Comparing measures of transparency; 5. Transparency and (in)stability – the theory; 6. The evidence – examples and descriptive data; 7. The evidence – regression analyses; 8. Transparency and investment; 9. Why democracies disseminate more data than autocracies; 10. Why autocrats disclose; 11. Consequences of transparency; References; Index.

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