Trade unions Books

Book SynopsisProviding fresh insights from the archival record, Who governs Britain? revisits the 1970-74 Conservative government to explain why the Party tried – and failed – to reform the system of industrial relations. Designed to tackle Britain’s strike problem and perceived disorder in collective bargaining, the Industrial Relations Act 1971 established a formal legal framework to counteract trade union power. As the state attempted to disengage from and ‘depoliticise’ collective bargaining practices, trade union leaders and employers were instructed to discipline industry. In just three-and-a-half years, the Act contributed to a crisis of the British state as industrial unrest engulfed industry and risked undermining the rule of law. Warner explores the power dynamics, strategic errors and industrial battles that destroyed this attempt to tame trade unions and ultimately brought down a government, and that shape Conservative attitudes towards trade unions to this day.Trade Review‘With a Conservative government proposing yet more legislation to curb trade unions and workers’ right to strike, Sam Warner’s superb study of the Heath Government’s 1971 Industrial Relations Act is particularly timely. Using a wealth of archival and primary sources, he eloquently provides a fascinating and well-researched case study of how Heath’s legislative attempt to promote more moderate and responsible trade unionism, and thus fewer strikes, had precisely the opposite effect, by serving to mobilise many trade unions against the government and radicalise hitherto moderate union members. Warner’s rigorous study highlights the supreme irony of the 1971 Act, namely that a measure which aimed to “de-politicise” industrial relations and trade unionism actually had precisely opposite effect; a wonderful example of a major policy failure – from which Margaret Thatcher’s governments learned vital lessons.’Pete Dorey, Professor of British Politics, Cardiff University -- .Table of ContentsIntroduction1 Managing the trade unions: four themes2 Planning for government3 Turning strategy into action4 The Act’s institutions5 Bringing the law into disrepute6 Putting the Act ‘on ice’7 Who governs Britain?ConclusionIndex

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Book SynopsisLeading scholar Alex Dupuy investigates themes of class, power, and gender in Haiti in the capitalist world-economy—from independence and indemnity to the US occupation and current crisis after the assassination of President Moïse. This book provides new perspectives on Haiti’s political economy since independence and demystifies major forces that shape Haiti today.In addition to the controversial indemnity, Dupuy looks at how the United States supplanted France as the major power occupying Haiti from 1915-34 and influenced Haiti’s economic and political development. Its policies and those imposed by international financial institutions transformed Haiti into the supplier of the lowest-paid labor, particularly in export assembly industries comprised mostly of women. In the present day, criminal gangs have plunged Haiti into an unprecedented political, economic, and security crisis since the assassination of Moïse, and Prime Minister Ariel Henri has called for foreign intervention to restore order.

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Book SynopsisLeading scholar Alex Dupuy investigates themes of class, power, and gender in Haiti in the capitalist world-economy—from independence and indemnity to the US occupation and current crisis after the assassination of President Moïse. This book provides new perspectives on Haiti’s political economy since independence and demystifies major forces that shape Haiti today.In addition to the controversial indemnity, Dupuy looks at how the United States supplanted France as the major power occupying Haiti from 1915-34 and influenced Haiti’s economic and political development. Its policies and those imposed by international financial institutions transformed Haiti into the supplier of the lowest-paid labor, particularly in export assembly industries comprised mostly of women. In the present day, criminal gangs have plunged Haiti into an unprecedented political, economic, and security crisis since the assassination of Moïse, and Prime Minister Ariel Henri has called for foreign intervention to restore order.

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Book SynopsisThe Southern Tenant Farmers' Union was founded in eastern Arkansas in 1934 to protest the New Deal's enrichment of Southern cotton barons at the expense of suffering sharecroppers, both black and white. Their courageous struggle, in the face of determined and often violent resistance from their landlords, is the subject of this thorough study from Donald H. Grubbs, which was published to critical acclaim in 1971. Cry from the Cotton was the first full-scale look at the STFU and its leaders. It discloses that, although the union operated under noticeable socialist party sponsorship in its infancy, it drew much more upon the native Southern evangelical and populist traditions, much as the civil rights movement would do twenty-five years later. Grubbs convincingly demonstrates that while the STFU failed to gain immediate social justice for its members, it resulted in the formation of the Farm Security Administration, which even today continues to aid the rural poor, and it played a large part in forcing the formation of the La Follette Civil Liberties Committee, whose spotlight on management terrorism helped the CIO toward success. The volume stands as a classic on labor issues and class struggle and still echoes with the haunting plea of the dispossessed for equity.Trade Review"It was in Arkansas—in the rich cotton land of the Mississippi Delta-that the desperation and hope of the early New Deal years led thousands of tenant farmers to do the unimaginable, to rebel and to organize in their own defense." —Dewey W. Grantham, Vanderbilt University author of The South in Modern America

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Book SynopsisOn a grey winter morning in Seattle, in February 1919, 110 local unions shut down the entire city. Shut it down and took it over, rendering the authorities helpless. For five days, workers from all trades and sectors—streetcar drivers, telephone operators, musicians, miners, loggers, shipyard workers—fed the people, ensured that babies had milk, that the sick were cared for. They did this with without police—and they kept the peace themselves. This had never happened before in the United States and has not happened since. Those five days became known as the General Strike of Seattle. Chances are you’ve never heard of it. In Radical Seattle, Cal Winslow explains why. Winslow describes how Seattle’s General Strike was actually the high point in a long process of early twentieth century socialist and working-class organization, when everyday people built a viable political infrastructure that seemed, to governments and corporate bosses, radical—even “Bolshevik.” Drawing from original research, Winslow depicts a process that, in struggle, fused the celebrated itinerants of the West with the workers of a modern industrial city. But this book is not only an account of the heady days of February 1919, it is also about the making of a class capable of launching one of America’s most gripping strikes—what E.P. Thompson once referred to as "the long tenacious revolutionary tradition of the common people."Trade Review“With a writing style of vigor and virility, this book is part of the experience of our class, both bold and free, that we need now.”—Peter Linebaugh, author, Red Round Globe Hot Burning

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Book SynopsisOn a grey winter morning in Seattle, in February 1919, 110 local unions shut down the entire city. Shut it down and took it over, rendering the authorities helpless. For five days, workers from all trades and sectors—streetcar drivers, telephone operators, musicians, miners, loggers, shipyard workers—fed the people, ensured that babies had milk, that the sick were cared for. They did this with without police—and they kept the peace themselves. This had never happened before in the United States and has not happened since. Those five days became known as the General Strike of Seattle. Chances are you’ve never heard of it. In Radical Seattle, Cal Winslow explains why. Winslow describes how Seattle’s General Strike was actually the high point in a long process of early twentieth century socialist and working-class organization, when everyday people built a viable political infrastructure that seemed, to governments and corporate bosses, radical—even “Bolshevik.” Drawing from original research, Winslow depicts a process that, in struggle, fused the celebrated itinerants of the West with the workers of a modern industrial city. But this book is not only an account of the heady days of February 1919, it is also about the making of a class capable of launching one of America’s most gripping strikes—what E.P. Thompson once referred to as "the long tenacious revolutionary tradition of the common people."Trade Review“With a writing style of vigor and virility, this book is part of the experience of our class, both bold and free, that we need now.”—Peter Linebaugh, author, Red Round Globe Hot Burning

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Book SynopsisLengthening hours, lessening pay, no parental leave, scant job security. Never have so many workers needed so much support. Yet the very labour unions that could garner us protections and help us speak up for ourselves are growing weaker every day. In an age of rampant inequality, of increasing social protest and strikes—and when a majority of workers say they want to be union members — why does union density continue to decline? In this compelling new book, Shaun Richman offers some answers. But bringing unions back from the edge of institutional annihilation, says Richman, is no simple proposition. The next few years offer a rare opportunity to undo the great damage wrought on labour by decades of corporate union-busting, if only union activists raise our ambitions. Based on deft historical research and legal analysis, as well as his own experience as a union organizing director, Richman lays out an action plan for U.S. workers in the twenty-first century by which we can internalize the concept that workers are equal human beings, entitled to health care, dignity, job security—and definitely, the right to strike. Unafraid to take on some of the labour movement’s sacred cows, this book describes what it would take—some changes that are within activists’ power and some that require meaningful legal reform—to put unions in workplaces across America.Trade Review“Shaun Richman is a critical voice in the fight for workers’ rights in the New Gilded Age and Tell the Bosses is a manifesto for real change to give workers power over their jobs.”—Erik Loomis, author, A History of America in Ten Strikes

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Book SynopsisWhy has there been no viable, independent labor party in the United States? Many people assert “American exceptionalist” arguments, which state a lack of class-consciousness and union tradition among American workers is to blame. While the racial, ethnic, and gender divisions within the American working class have created organizational challenges for the working class, Moody uses archival research to argue that despite their divisions, workers of all ethnic and racial groups in the Gilded Age often displayed high levels of class consciousness and political radicalism. In place of “American exceptionalism,” Moody contends that high levels of internal migration during the late 1800’s created instability in the union and political organizations of workers. Because of the tumultuous conditions brought on by the uneven industrialization of early American capitalism, millions of workers became migrants, moving from state to state and city to city. The organizational weakness that resulted undermined efforts by American workers to build independent labor-based parties in the 1880s and 1890s. Using detailed research and primary sources; Moody traces how it was that ‘pure-and-simple’ unionism would triumph by the end of the century despite the existence of a significant socialist minority in organized labor at that time. Kim Moody was a founder of Labor Notes and is the author of On New Terrain .Trade Review"This terrific book by Kim Moody offers an entirely original take on the primordial question of why American labor was virtually unique in failing to build its own political party. But there's much more: in investigating labor migration and the 'tramp' phenomenon in the Gilded Age, he discovers fascinating parallels with today's struggles of immigrant workers." —Mike Davis, author, Prisoners of the American Dream "In this richly-detailed analysis, Kim Moody highlights how American workers in the Gilded Age were perpetually on the move -- by necessity, not by choice -- a reality that destabilized early trade unions and undermined political initiatives. So, Moody stresses, it was not some exceptional lack of working class consciousness that explains why no labor party arose in the United States in that earlier era, but rather a set of organizational challenges posed by the specifics of nineteenth century capitalist development on the vast American landscape. Moody's meticulous study, therefore, should be of vital interest not only to historians but to activists seeking to promote independent political activity generated by and for the working class today." —Toni Gilpin, author, The Long Deep Grudge: A Story of Big Capital, Radical Labor, and Class War in the American Heartland "Kim Moody takes apart 'American exceptionalism' to show that the 19th century U.S. working class produced no labor party not because of a deficit of class consciousness. There was plenty of that, as shown in the plethora of strikes. Nor was it because American workers had it too good, or could homestead out West, or could rise into the middle class. Rather, it's because their constant movement from job to job and state to state, generated by the instabilities of capitalism, made it difficult to build unions that lasted long enough and were strong enough to also construct working class political institutions. It's sobering reading in this time of mass worldwide migration and precarious work." —Jane Slaughter, Labor Notes "Kim Moody’ s Tramps and Trade Union Travelers: Internal Migration and Organized Labor in Gilded Age America, 1870-1900 is a seminal contribution to the ongoing discussion of the absence of independent working class politics in the US. Moody’s analysis goes beyond the factors that are usually cited to explain US working class formation-- racial, ethnic and gender divisions—that existed in most capitalist societies. Instead, Moody roots the specific trajectory of labor politics in the US in the specific form of capitalist development in the US—the continental expansion of a thoroughly capitalist agro-industrial frontier in the antebellum period. The constant geographic mobility of both capital and labor in gilded age America becomes the key to explaining 'why the US working class is different.'" —Charles Post, author, The American Road to Capitalism: Studies in Class Structure, Economic Development and Political Conflict, c. 1620-1877

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Book SynopsisWhy has there been no viable, independent labor party in the United States? Many people assert “American exceptionalist” arguments, which state a lack of class-consciousness and union tradition among American workers is to blame. While the racial, ethnic, and gender divisions within the American working class have created organizational challenges for the working class, Moody uses archival research to argue that despite their divisions, workers of all ethnic and racial groups in the Gilded Age often displayed high levels of class consciousness and political radicalism. In place of “American exceptionalism,” Moody contends that high levels of internal migration during the late 1800’s created instability in the union and political organizations of workers. Because of the tumultuous conditions brought on by the uneven industrialization of early American capitalism, millions of workers became migrants, moving from state to state and city to city. The organizational weakness that resulted undermined efforts by American workers to build independent labor-based parties in the 1880s and 1890s. Using detailed research and primary sources; Moody traces how it was that ‘pure-and-simple’ unionism would triumph by the end of the century despite the existence of a significant socialist minority in organized labor at that time. Kim Moody was a founder of Labor Notes and is the author of On New Terrain (Haymarket Books, 2017).Trade Review“Kim Moody is one of the leading intellectuals of the labor movement.” —Robin D.G. Kelley, author of Race Rebels: Culture, Politics and the Black Working Class Praise for On New Terrain: "Moody's "new terrain" is not a world, as most would have it, where globalization has left U.S. workers helpless. It shows how corporations' inevitable push for profits actually opens up new vulnerabilities—if only unions can get their act together. He explodes myths about the gig economy and the potential to transform the Democratic Party. Readers will put the book down convinced that there is a way for workers to win." -Jane Slaughter, LaborNotes

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Book SynopsisTim Davenport and David Walters have extracted the essential core of Debs’s life work, illustrating his intellectual journey from conservative editor of the magazine of a racially segregated railway brotherhood to his role as the public face and outstanding voice of social revolution in early twentieth-century America. Well over 1,000 Debs documents will be republished as part of this monumental project, the vast majority seeing print again for the first time since the date of their original publication. Eugene V. Debs (1855–1926) was a trade unionist, magazine editor, and public orator widely regarded as one of the most important figures in the history of American socialism.

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Book SynopsisThis book provides a ground breaking re-examination of the changing relationship between art, craft, and industry focusing on the transition from workshop to studio, apprentice to pupil, guild to gallery and artisan to artist. Responding to the question whether the artist is a relic of the feudal mode of production or is a commodity producer corresponding to the capitalist mode of cultural production, Beech reveals, instead, that the history of the formation of art as distinct from handicraft, commerce, and industry can be traced back to the dissolution of the dual system of guild and court. This essential history needs to be revisited in order to rethink the categories of aesthetic labour, attractive labour, alienated labour, nonalienated labour and unwaged labour that shape the modern and contemporary politics of work in art.Table of ContentsAcknowledgementsIntroduction1 Art, Labour and Abstraction2 Arts, Fine Arts and Art in General3 Guild, Court and Academy4 Salon, Museum and Exhibition5 Mechanic, Genius and Artist6 Aesthetic Labour7 Attractive Labour8 Alienated Labour9 Nonalienated Labour10 The Critique of LabourConclusionBibliographyIndex

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Book SynopsisThe aggressive exploitation of labor on both sides of the US-Mexico border has become a prominent feature of capitalism in North America. Kids in cages, violent ICE raids, and anti-immigrant racist rhetoric characterize our political reality and are everyday shaping how people intersect at the US-Mexico border. As activist-scholar Justin Akers Chacón carefully demonstrates, however, this vicious model of capitalist transnationalization has also created its own grave-diggers. Contemporary North American capitalism relies heavily on an inter-connected working class which extends across the border. Cross-border production and supply chains, logistics networks, and retail and service firms have aligned and fused a growing number of workers into one common class, whether they live in the US or Mexico. While money moves without restriction, the movement of displaced migrant workers across borders is restricted and punished. Transborder people face walls, armed agents, detention camps, and a growing regime of repressive laws that criminalize them. Despite the growth and violence of the police state dedicated to the repression of transborder populations—the migra-state—migrant workers have been at the forefront of class struggle in the United States. This timely book persuasively argues that labor and migrant solidarity movements are already showing how and why, in order to fight for justice and re-build the international union movement, we must open the border.Trade Review“The Border Crossed Us is a meticulously researched manifesto on the US-Mexico border. Justin Akers Chacón masterfully exposes how capital mobility necessarily criminalizes the movement of labor and, with radical and urgent clarity, he calls on all of us to strengthen the movement to open the border.” —Harsha Walia, author of Border and Rule: Global Migration, Capitalism, and the Rise of Racist Nationalism“At last, here is a book showing just how critical the demand for the freedom of workers' mobility is to the anti-capitalist movement. Justin Akers Chacón makes the urgent case for a new internationalism, one that openly rejects the divisive, racist, and anti-worker politics upholding national borders. With a clear-eyed examination of how labor repression is the core of the migra-state, Chacón's call for cross-border—and anti-border—organizing is shown to be a necessary part of working class politics everywhere.” —Nandita Sharma, author of Home Rule: National Sovereignty and the Separation of Natives and Migrants“This brilliant and timely book, The Border Crossed Us, lays bare the violent extortion and extraction of working-class migrant labor by untangling the hydra of the ‘North American Model’ of capitalist accumulation. Justin Akers Chacón's incisive temporal and geographic analysis of US capitalist imperialism sets the stage for the urgent and immediate mobilization within labor, migrant, and union organizing across borders. As a scholar activist, Justin Akers Chacón empowers us to sharpen our critique of the border paradox of open borders for capital and closed borders for people, and to finally dismantle and abolish the migra-state, from Free Trade Agreements to detention centers. Our communities depend on it.” —Leslie Quintanilla, Co-founder of the Center for Interdisciplinary Environmental Justice and Assistant Professor of Women and Gender Studies at San Francisco State University“The Border Crossed Us provides a salutary antidote to the stale debate about whether immigration harms the working class. The book offers a convincing and comprehensive account of how the ‘half-closed border’ between the United States and Mexico gives more power to employers and makes workers on both sides more exploitable. As US capital has inundated Mexico over the past century, increasing its hold on the Mexican economy in the era of free trade, the border has kept Mexican people impoverished and limited their rights and alternatives both at home and in the United States. This book cuts through the distorted nature of our current debates on immigration and makes the most coherent case I’ve seen for how opening the border will help all workers, on both sides, by giving them the right to organize and fight for a decent life. The border only serves to prevent workers from fighting effectively against capital that has long been transnational.” —Aviva Chomsky, author of Undocumented: How Immigration Became Illegal“This book captures the current political moment perfectly. It takes a look at the past and how we arrived at this point, and the crises that have harmed workers on both sides of the border. It also sheds light on the emerging worker movements that have arisen to overcome the ongoing efforts by capitalist industries to prevent or break grassroots and independent worker organizing. The question of open borders is one that we as workers have to ask ourselves. The borders are already open to finance, products, capital, and wealth, but remain closed for the people who create the wealth through our labor. Yet, it is more than just a labor issue. It is a human right to migrate, and to stay home as well. Our union congratulates Justin for writing a book that is asking the questions we have always had to contend with, while also discussing and proposing a better world for all workers.” —Edgar Franks, political director of independent, Washington State-based farmworker union, Familias Unidas por la Justicia“In The Border Crossed Us, Justin Akers Chacón asks—and answers—the hard questions about how the corporate capitalist class has been using border militarization and violent immigration enforcement to squeeze every last bit of profit out of workers, casting aside their dignity and humanity along the way. Chacón does the necessary work of staring hard into the everyday reality of people trampled by the border machine. This is an essential addition to border studies, as convincing—of the need to open borders—as it is compelling.” —John Washington, author of The Dispossessed: A Story of Asylum at the US-Mexican Border and Beyond“If you want to understand why international borders are open for the corporate-class, while slammed shut for migrant workers, this excellent, incisive, thoroughly-researched, and thought-provoking book is for you. In The Border Crossed Us, Justin Akers Chacón addresses precisely what most discussions on open borders lack: how their enforcement is entrenched in capitalism and the free market system. He makes clear that there is no ‘security’ or ‘protection’ in militarized divisions, that borders need to be broken down for the sake of humanity’s collective wellbeing, and that it is a working-class, cross-border solidarity movement that can lead us to justice.” —Todd Miller, author of Empire of Borders: The Expansion of the US Border Around the World“[The] deadly contradiction of the capitalist trade infrastructure has been written about many times, especially its place in the relationship between Mexico and the United States. Few writers, however, have covered it as explicitly and concisely as scholar Justin Akers Chacón does in his most recent work.” —Ron Jacobs, Counterpunch

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Book SynopsisThe aggressive exploitation of labor on both sides of the US-Mexico border has become a prominent feature of capitalism in North America. Kids in cages, violent ICE raids, and anti-immigrant racist rhetoric characterize our political reality and are everyday shaping how people intersect at the US-Mexico border. As activist-scholar Justin Akers Chacón carefully demonstrates, however, this vicious model of capitalist transnationalization has also created its own grave-diggers. Contemporary North American capitalism relies heavily on an inter-connected working class which extends across the border. Cross-border production and supply chains, logistics networks, and retail and service firms have aligned and fused a growing number of workers into one common class, whether they live in the US or Mexico. While money moves without restriction, the movement of displaced migrant workers across borders is restricted and punished. Transborder people face walls, armed agents, detention camps, and a growing regime of repressive laws that criminalize them. Despite the growth and violence of the police state dedicated to the repression of transborder populations—the migra-state—migrant workers have been at the forefront of class struggle in the United States. This timely book persuasively argues that labor and migrant solidarity movements are already showing how and why, in order to fight for justice and re-build the international union movement, we must open the border.Trade Review“The Border Crossed Us is a meticulously researched manifesto on the US-Mexico border. Justin Akers Chacón masterfully exposes how capital mobility necessarily criminalizes the movement of labor and, with radical and urgent clarity, he calls on all of us to strengthen the movement to open the border.” —Harsha Walia, author of Border and Rule: Global Migration, Capitalism, and the Rise of Racist Nationalism“At last, here is a book showing just how critical the demand for the freedom of workers' mobility is to the anti-capitalist movement. Justin Akers Chacón makes the urgent case for a new internationalism, one that openly rejects the divisive, racist, and anti-worker politics upholding national borders. With a clear-eyed examination of how labor repression is the core of the migra-state, Chacón's call for cross-border—and anti-border—organizing is shown to be a necessary part of working class politics everywhere.” —Nandita Sharma, author of Home Rule: National Sovereignty and the Separation of Natives and Migrants“This brilliant and timely book, The Border Crossed Us, lays bare the violent extortion and extraction of working-class migrant labor by untangling the hydra of the ‘North American Model’ of capitalist accumulation. Justin Akers Chacón's incisive temporal and geographic analysis of US capitalist imperialism sets the stage for the urgent and immediate mobilization within labor, migrant, and union organizing across borders. As a scholar activist, Justin Akers Chacón empowers us to sharpen our critique of the border paradox of open borders for capital and closed borders for people, and to finally dismantle and abolish the migra-state, from Free Trade Agreements to detention centers. Our communities depend on it.” —Leslie Quintanilla, Co-founder of the Center for Interdisciplinary Environmental Justice and Assistant Professor of Women and Gender Studies at San Francisco State University“The Border Crossed Us provides a salutary antidote to the stale debate about whether immigration harms the working class. The book offers a convincing and comprehensive account of how the ‘half-closed border’ between the United States and Mexico gives more power to employers and makes workers on both sides more exploitable. As US capital has inundated Mexico over the past century, increasing its hold on the Mexican economy in the era of free trade, the border has kept Mexican people impoverished and limited their rights and alternatives both at home and in the United States. This book cuts through the distorted nature of our current debates on immigration and makes the most coherent case I’ve seen for how opening the border will help all workers, on both sides, by giving them the right to organize and fight for a decent life. The border only serves to prevent workers from fighting effectively against capital that has long been transnational.” —Aviva Chomsky, author of Undocumented: How Immigration Became Illegal“This book captures the current political moment perfectly. It takes a look at the past and how we arrived at this point, and the crises that have harmed workers on both sides of the border. It also sheds light on the emerging worker movements that have arisen to overcome the ongoing efforts by capitalist industries to prevent or break grassroots and independent worker organizing. The question of open borders is one that we as workers have to ask ourselves. The borders are already open to finance, products, capital, and wealth, but remain closed for the people who create the wealth through our labor. Yet, it is more than just a labor issue. It is a human right to migrate, and to stay home as well. Our union congratulates Justin for writing a book that is asking the questions we have always had to contend with, while also discussing and proposing a better world for all workers.” —Edgar Franks, political director of independent, Washington State-based farmworker union, Familias Unidas por la Justicia“In The Border Crossed Us, Justin Akers Chacón asks—and answers—the hard questions about how the corporate capitalist class has been using border militarization and violent immigration enforcement to squeeze every last bit of profit out of workers, casting aside their dignity and humanity along the way. Chacón does the necessary work of staring hard into the everyday reality of people trampled by the border machine. This is an essential addition to border studies, as convincing—of the need to open borders—as it is compelling.” —John Washington, author of The Dispossessed: A Story of Asylum at the US-Mexican Border and Beyond“If you want to understand why international borders are open for the corporate-class, while slammed shut for migrant workers, this excellent, incisive, thoroughly-researched, and thought-provoking book is for you. In The Border Crossed Us, Justin Akers Chacón addresses precisely what most discussions on open borders lack: how their enforcement is entrenched in capitalism and the free market system. He makes clear that there is no ‘security’ or ‘protection’ in militarized divisions, that borders need to be broken down for the sake of humanity’s collective wellbeing, and that it is a working-class, cross-border solidarity movement that can lead us to justice.” —Todd Miller, author of Empire of Borders: The Expansion of the US Border Around the World“[The] deadly contradiction of the capitalist trade infrastructure has been written about many times, especially its place in the relationship between Mexico and the United States. Few writers, however, have covered it as explicitly and concisely as scholar Justin Akers Chacón does in his most recent work.” —Ron Jacobs, Counterpunch

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Book SynopsisFor those who want to build a fighting labor movement, there are many questions to answer. How to relate to the union establishment which often does not want to fight? Whether to work in the rank and file of unions or staff jobs? How much to prioritize broader class demands versus shop floor struggle? How to relate to foundation-funded worker centers and alternative union efforts? And most critically, how can we revive militancy and union power in the face of corporate power and a legal system set up against us? Class struggle unionism is the belief that our union struggle exists within a larger struggle between an exploiting billionaire class and the working class which actually produces the goods and services in society. Class struggle unionism looks at the employment transaction as inherently exploitative. While workers create all wealth in society, the outcome of the wage employment transaction is to separate workers from that wealth and create the billionaire class. From that simple proposition flows a powerful and radical form of unionism. Historically, class struggle unionists placed their workplace fights squarely within this larger fight between workers and the owning class. Viewing unionism in this way produces a particular type of unionism which both fights for broader class issues but is also rooted in workplace-based militancy. Drawing on years of labor activism and study of labor tradition Joe Burns outlines the key set of ideas common to class struggle unionism and shows how these ideas can create a more militant, democratic and fighting labor movement.Trade Review"There is nothing more essential for the resurgence of the labor movement than cutting through the racial, social, gender and political divisions driven by the corporate class to deny working class power and keep workers in competition with each other. Class Struggle Unionism not only defines the urgency of our common struggle, it's a textbook on how to organize around our common demands right where we work in order to build a movement strong enough to realize an inclusive economy and thriving democracy. This is required reading for these times, and required consciousness for our labor movement at all times." —Sara Nelson, International President of the Association of Flight Attendants-CWA, AFL-CIO “Anyone trying to rebuild an effective U.S. labor movement needs to read Class Struggle Unionism by Joe Burns. He lays out the fundamental principles that UE has tried to uphold for the last 85 years. For a union to be worthwhile to the working class, it needs to know which side it is on and it has to recognize that the fight itself is what allows workers to gain the knowledge and power they need.”—Carl Rosen, General President, United Electrical Workers (UE) “Joe Burns’ Class Struggle Unionism gives us a vision of what a labor movement should and could be. Burns reminds us that unions are about more than collective bargaining. When workers take collective action into their own hands, they can change the political agenda and bring real power to the struggles for equality and a truly democratic society.”—Kim Moody, author, On New Terrain: How Capital Is Shaping The Battleground of Class War “What will reignite the labor movement? Beyond organizing techniques, Class Struggle Unionism argues that a revival would require a grounding in class struggle ideology and organizing to name and confront the power of capital. Burns draws out why this has gone missing from labor, the steps to bring it back, and the solidarity and power it will build. Read it. Share it. Put the movement back in the labor movement.”—Barbara Madeloni, Labor Notes, former president Massachusetts Teachers Association “Class Struggle Unionism has arrived just in time. It is supremely relevant and cutting-edge smart, providing exactly what's needed at a moment when our labor movement is finally regaining its footing after decades of flat-footed, directionless wandering. Joe Burns thinks strategically like an organizer, brings the sweeping view of a historian, and writes so that workers, organizers, and allies can come away transformed by what he says. It is a book that reminds us why we have a labor movement, and what hell we can raise when we remember which side we're on.”—Ellen David Friedman, Labor Notes “How can we rekindle widespread working class militancy? And what should such militancy seek to achieve? In Class Struggle Unionism, Joe Burns makes the case that a combative, cohesive, and effective labor movement requires class-conscious unions expressly committed to challenging capitalist exploitation. Burns' handbook will prove invaluable to organizers who recognize that taking on the ruling class must begin with an ideological reorientation of the labor movement.”—Toni Gilpin, author, The Long Deep Grudge: A Story of Big Capital, Radical Labor, and Class War in the American Heartland “Joe Burns’ Class Struggle Unionism is a must read for any labor activists or socialists concerned with the future of the US workers’ movement. He details that the ersatz social unionism of “labor liberalism”—with its abandonment of workplace organization and struggle, and reliance on professional staff and alliances with the Democratic Party—is no alternative to the discredited “business unionism” that had dominated US labor since World War II. His alternative—a class struggle unionism that builds upon workplace confrontations to challenge capitalist exploitation and oppression across society—is crucial for labor militants today.”—Charlie Post, editor Spectre: A Marxist Journal “The notion of ‘class struggle unionism’ sounds like ‘duh’ until you realize how widespread is the idea that some force can save workers other than workers themselves—in Class Struggle Unionism, Joe Burns has coined the great phrase 'labor liberalism,' and makes clear why the labor movement can't survive without committing to fighting the bosses and thinking big.”—Jane Slaughter, Labor Notes “Workers and bosses have conflicting interests. Workers build power in the workplace. Unions need to strike to win. Strikes need to shut down the company. These are basic ideas that built the labor movement, but they have fallen out of favor in recent years. In this bracing call to action, Joe Burns calls for a revival of class struggle unionism, showing why it’s the only hope for rebuilding the labor movement and creating a better world.”—Barry Eidlin, McGill University “I appreciate theories about union organizing and socialism but I always needed something I could carry back to work. Joe Burns did it again. He explains in prose as solid and precise as a toolmaker what class struggle unionism is, how it works, and how to implement a workable solution to the chronic failure of socialist organizing: integration with the working class.”—Gregg Shotwell, author, Autoworkers Under the Gun: A Shop-Floor View of the End of the American Dream “Joe Burns’ new book, Class Struggle Unionism, is both timely and urgently needed for young and new fighters emerging in the labor movement today. It’s also a must-read for those union veterans who need a shot of adrenaline after many years. Winning will come from disciplined efforts and adherence to proven formulas, not from employer schemes or panaceas dreamed up by those far, far away from our reality. I commend it to all militants in the workplaces today trying to kick-start our movement again.”—Chris Townsend, organizing director, ATU International Union “With the public's and particularly young people's growing support for unions, Joe Burns has written an easy-to-read and insightful contribution. Class Struggle Unionism clarifies the different approaches to labor organizing and contract campaigns, staff roles and responsibilities, and most importantly, different philosophies of labor's vision and mission. Burns' prescriptions for the labor movement's revitalization build on his own years of practical experience. Anyone who aspires to be a union leader or organizer should read this book!”—Rand Wilson, former national organizer, Labor for Bernie “Written in a very accessible fashion, this book provides a refreshingly bold, uncompromising, and compelling reassertion of the value of the class struggle and need for a form of ‘kick-ass’-fighting-unionism, fundamentally different from what we are accustomed to today within the labor movement. It deserves to become an A-Z guidebook for activists in helping to energize collective resistance.”—Ralph Darlington, Emeritus Professor of Employment Relations, University of Salford "Can the union movement revive, or even survive, without winning more fights against corporate power? Joe Burns doesn’t think so. In Class Struggle Unionism, Burns makes the case for labor organizations that are militant, democratic, and membership-oriented. Drawing on his own past experience in the public and private sector, Burns provides a road map for union-rebuilding that will increase bargaining and organizing success. His latest invaluable book is essential reading for rank-and-file activists, new and old."—Steve Early, author, Refinery Town and Civil Wars in US Labor “Joe Burns’ Class Struggle Unionism has application to working class struggles around the world. This book shows we can address the challenges of class struggle unionism, which are capable of defeating our ruling classes. Our organizing task is historic, necessary, and urgent in today’s capitalist domination, exploitation, and ecological crisis.”—Chris White, former Secretary of the United Trades and Labor Council of South Australia "In Class Struggle Unionism, Joe Burns makes an impassioned argument for a militant labor movement. He covers a great deal of ground in this highly readable volume that challenges contemporary unions to step out of their complacency to build a more just and equitable world. "—Tom Juravich, Professor of Labor Studies, University of Massachusetts Amherst “In this new book, Class Struggle Unionism, written and published just as pundits and labor activists are hailing the resurgence of strikes, militancy, and new organizing, Joe Burns fires a well-aimed volley across the bow of ‘business unionism’ and ‘labor liberalism,’ insisting that ‘class struggle unionism’ provides a path leading not only to the revival of the labor movement but also to the transformation of the American working class into a cohesive force for social change. Class Struggle Unionism is certain to become part of the brewing debates among labor activists, scholars, socialist theorists, and union supporters as we seek to learn from history, think critically about the present, and envision a brighter future.”—Peter Rachleff, Co-Executive Director, East Side Freedom Library, St. Paul, Minnesota “How are we going to build a movement that can occupy plants, violate injunctions and pick the big, audacious fights that can galvanize millions of workers? Joe Burns shows how only a movement grounded in a clear understanding of the struggle between workers and bosses can figure this out. We don’t need more labor-management partnership, better tactics or more polished messaging. We need a labor movement that stands for militant struggle, member control, anti-racism and political independence - and isn’t afraid to say it. Joe Burns offers some of the vital tools we’ll need to get there.”—Mark Meinster, Director of Organization, United Electrical Workers (UE)

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Book SynopsisFor those who want to build a fighting labor movement, there are many questions to answer. How to relate to the union establishment which often does not want to fight? Whether to work in the rank and file of unions or staff jobs? How much to prioritize broader class demands versus shop floor struggle? How to relate to foundation-funded worker centers and alternative union efforts? And most critically, how can we revive militancy and union power in the face of corporate power and a legal system set up against us? Class struggle unionism is the belief that our union struggle exists within a larger struggle between an exploiting billionaire class and the working class which actually produces the goods and services in society. Class struggle unionism looks at the employment transaction as inherently exploitative. While workers create all wealth in society, the outcome of the wage employment transaction is to separate workers from that wealth and create the billionaire class. From that simple proposition flows a powerful and radical form of unionism. Historically, class struggle unionists placed their workplace fights squarely within this larger fight between workers and the owning class. Viewing unionism in this way produces a particular type of unionism which both fights for broader class issues but is also rooted in workplace-based militancy. Drawing on years of labor activism and study of labor tradition Joe Burns outlines the key set of ideas common to class struggle unionism and shows how these ideas can create a more militant, democtractic and fighting labor movement.

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Book SynopsisDrawing on the work of contributors from a variety provinces, institutions, and disciplines, Social and Solidarity Economy in Cuba examines the role of Social and Solidarity Economics (SSE) amidst national change in Cuba. The contributors examine a variety of topics, including public–private relations, production chains, gender roles, vulnerable groups, social participation, social balance, and the training of stakeholders. Depicting both challenges and opportunities, this book makes a strong and sustained case for solidary and socially responsible practices in Cuba.Table of ContentsChapter 1 Socialism Is the Solution, Not the Problem. A Solidary and Socially Responsible Formula for a Prosperous Economy, by Enrique Gómez CabezasChapter 2 Now More than Ever, a Social and Solidary Economy Is Necessary to Build Socialism in Cuba, by Rafael J. BetancourtChapter 3 The Social and Solidarity Economy: Integrating Bases, Experiences and Possible Projections for Socialist Development in Cuba, by Ovidio D’Angelo HernándezChapter 4 The Foundations of Popular and Solidarity Economics as Fulfillment of the Social Property of All People in the Socialist Transition, by Luis del Castillo SánchezChapter 5 Participatory Budgeting: A Management Tool for Local Development in Cuba, Seen from the Experiences of the Office of the Historian of the City of Havana, by Orestes J. Díaz Legón and Maidolys Iglesias PérezChapter 6 The Inclusion of Vulnerable Groups as Subjects of Development: Proposals from the Viewpoint of the Solidarity Economy, by Geydis Fundora Nevot and Reynaldo Miguel Jiménez GuethónChapter 7 Population, Value Chains, and Social and Solidarity Economy: Epistemological Alignments, by Dianné Griñan BergaraChapter 8 Do Public–Private Partnerships Have Room in the Present Cuban Context? Notes from a Practical Experience, by Mirlena Rojas PiedrahitaChapter 9 Business Social Responsibility of the State Enterprise: The Experience of the Center of Molecular Immunology, by Jusmary Gómez Arencibia and Mirlena Rojas PiedrahitaChapter 10 Cooperatives in the Restarted Reforms: Some Proposals for a Law of Cooperatives, by Camila Piñeiro HarneckerChapter 11 The Cooperative as an Energizing Agent of the Social and Solidarity Economy Model in Cuba, by Yamira Mirabal González and Iriadna Marín de LeónChapter 12 Participation in the Strategies and Social Management of Non-agricultural Cooperatives in Centro Habana Municipality, by Francisco Damián Morillas ValdésChapter 13 Committing to Cooperative Solidarity Labor: The Taxi Rutero 2 experience, by Mirell Pérez GonzálezChapter 14 Cooperative Social Balance: A Useful Tool to Establish a Social and Solidarity Economy, by Oscar Llanes Guerra, Mercedes Zenea Montejo, Annia Martínez Massip, and Lienny García PedrazaChapter 15 Gender Perspective Viewed from the Model of Social Balance in Agricultural Cooperatives in Villa Clara, by Annia Martínez Massip, Lienny García Pedraza, Oscar Llanes Guerra, Mercedes Zenea Montejo, Lázaro Julio Leiva Hoyo, Anelys Pérez Rodríguez, Elianys de la Caridad Zorio GonzálezChapter 16 Business Social Responsibility in Local Development: A Look at the Training of Local Actors in the Province of Mayabeque, by Orquídea Hailyn Abreu González, Yuneidys González Espinosa, Joanna Gasmury RoldánChapter 17 “Go for it: You can do it!”: The Solidarity Experience of Female Entrepreneurs, by Jusmary Gómez ArencibiaChapter 18 Business Social Responsibility Does Not Go Unnoticed in Cuban Private Enterprises, by William Bello SánchezChapter 19 Institutional Social Responsibility and Subjectivity, by Consuelo Martin Fernández and Jany Bárcenas Alfonso

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Book SynopsisOne hundred years of progress for Canadians. One hundred years of results for Canadian workers. On February 6, 1920, a small group of public service employees met for the first time to form a professional association. A century later, the Professional Institute of the Public Service Canada (PIPSC) is a bargaining agent representing close to 60,000 public sector workers, whose collective efforts for the public good have touched the lives of every Canadian. Published on the centennial of PIPSC’s founding, Leading Progress is the definitive account of its evolution from then to now—and a rare glimpse into an under-studied corner of North American labour history. Researcher Dr. Jason Russell draws on a rich collection of sources, including archival material and oral history interviews with dozens of current and past PIPSC members. The story that unfolds is a complex one, filled with success and struggle, told with clarity and even-handedness. After decades of demographic and generational shifts, economic booms and busts, and political sea change, PIPSC looks toward its next hundred years with its mission as strong as ever: to advocate for social and economic justice that benefits all Canadians.

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Book SynopsisAlthough the health of the trade union movement may rest on its ability to include women in membership and leadership, little attention has been paid to women-only labour education.This original collection contains vibrant example of labour education events and the women involved who develop, implement, research, evaluate and facilitate at them. All the contributors speak from first-hand experience with women-only programs in unions across Canada, the United States and the world. They identify the methods used in pursuit of learner empowerment and transformation, and frankly discuss the outcomes. These real-life examples offer practical guidance and inspiration for all who create and support activist learning within unions and other social-justice organizations.

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Book SynopsisOn a Saturday morning in November 1865, between 1,200 and 1,500 men gathered above the small town of Bethesda, to launch a society which they called the United Society of Welsh Quarrymen. Although there had been earlier revolts of quarrymen, this was the first recorded attempt to organise a trade union. The society failed almost as soon as it was started but an idea had been planted and despite the most strenuous efforts of its opponents, it was not to be uprooted. This book is about the struggle of quarrymen to organise and ‘combine’ in the slate quarries and mines of North Wales, and particularly in the giant Penrhyn quarries. It was often a battle for survival, fought in very distinctive communities, and the struggle witnessed some of the most bitter and dramatic disputes in the history of the British working class.Table of ContentsPart 1: The Roots of Conflict 1. The Slate Industry and Gwynedd Society 2. The Quarrymen 3. Beliefs and Attitudes 4. The Quarry 5. The Union, 1874-1900 Part 2: The Conflict 6. Dinorwg and Llechwedd 7. The First Penrhyn Lock-out 8. The Penrhyn Lock-out 1900-1903 9. Repercussions Part 3: Aftermath 10. The Union, 1900-1922 11. ‘Politics Obtain Here’

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Book SynopsisThis book provides a critical investigation of what has been termed the ‘global justice movement’. Through a detailed study of a grassroots peasants’ network in Asia (People’s Global Action), an international trade union network (the International Federation of Chemical, Energy, Mining and General Workers) and the Social Forum process, it analyses some of the global justice movement’s component parts, operational networks and their respective dynamics, strategies and practices. The authors argue that the emergence of new globally-connected forms of collective action against neoliberal globalisation are indicative of a range of place-specific forms of political agency that coalesce across geographic space at particular times, in specific places, and in a variety of ways. Rather than being indicative of a coherent ‘movement’, the authors argue that such forms of political agency contain many political and geographical fissures and fault-lines, and are best conceived of as ‘global justice networks’: overlapping, interacting, competing, and differentially-placed and resourced networks that articulate demands for social, economic and environmental justice. Such networks, and the social movements that comprise them, characterise emergent forms of trans-national political agency. The authors argue that the role of key geographical concepts of space, place and scale are crucial to an understanding of the operational dynamics of such networks. Such an analysis challenges key current assumptions in the literature about the emergence of a global civil society.Table of Contents1. Neoliberalism and its discontents 2. Networks, global civil society and global justice networks3. Global justice networks: operational logics and strategies4. Global justice networks: geographical dynamics and convergence spaces5. People's Global Action (Asia): peasant solidarity as horizontal networking?6. International Federation for Chemical, Energy, Mine and General Workers: labour internationalism as vertical networking?7. Social Forums as convergence spaces8. Geographies of transnational solidarityReferencesIndex

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Book SynopsisThis book addresses one of the greatest challenges of post-modern democracy: how to bridge the perceived gap between citizens and democratic institutions. It examines internet-mediated multi-stakeholder processes of international and regional organisations - the European Union and United Nations - which aim to democratise decision-making processes in an attempt to counter criticisms of a 'democratic deficit'. The book evaluates two multi-stakeholder consultation processes where the internet played an important mediating role. It critically evaluates multi-stakeholderism as well as the potentials and constraints of the internet in terms of mediating or facilitating such consultation processes at international and regional levels of governance. It also addresses the perceived impact of civil society organisations on decision-making processes beyond the nation-state and, in turn, the impact of such participatory experiments on civil society itself.Table of ContentsContentsList of figuresList of tablesAcknowledgementsList of acronymsForewordIntroductionPART 1: THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES1. Theorising multi-stakeholderism2. Internet and democracyPART II: EMPIRICAL ANALYSIS3. Global and European multi-stakeholder processes4. Productive power in the WSIS5. Productive power in the Convention on the Future of Europe6. Does any of it make a difference?Annex 1BibliographyIndex

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Book SynopsisThe 2008 global financial crisis and the subsequent Eurozone crisis triggered dramatic changes in European labour relations. Unemployment and precariousness increased considerably. This was further exacerbated by austerity measures, leading to declining minimum wages and layoffs in the public sector. These structural changes varied considerably by country but collectively pose challenges to organized labour as they confront neoliberal restructuring. Concurrently, recent social struggles continue to develop with unemployed and precarious workers playing a major role as protest actors. Focusing on the triangular relationship of precariousness, trade unions and social movements, this book draws on a range of exciting cases, both comparative and country case studies, in order to understand how the shadow of the crisis still haunts organized labour in Europe. The chapters in this collection each offer a unique perspective on how the results of the crisis, in Western, Southern and Eastern Europe, are leading to a variety of new social movements as a consequence of increased precariousness and also how trade unions are attempting to respond.Trade ReviewThe Great Regression has developed through very uneven territorial patterns. Common paths of neoliberal restructuring had different effects in different economic and political contexts. Bridging political economy with social movement studies, this remarkable collection presents a much needed account on how variegated neoliberalism was reflected in diverse forms of protest and union action. -- Donatella Della Porta, Dean of the Department of Political and Social Sciences, Scuola Normale SuperioreConfronting Crisis and Precariousness provides a comprehensive framework in order to understand basic issues of European labor markets. First, the role of macro regulation, at European level, that promotes a pressure towards precariousness. Second, the national development of this process is uneven. Third, the challenge to unions and their different capacities to adapt and to develop new lines of action confronting austerity -- Albert Recio, Professor of Economics, Universitat Autònoma de BarcelonaThis book is a unique and timely contribution to the debate on precariousness and collective action in the post-crisis context. The consequences of increased precariousness are discussed bringing together the debates on austerity politics, worker organisation and political transformations in Europe. This book is also admirable for its analysis of the role that not only traditional unions, but also new collective actors and grassroots movements, are playing in organised labour and in labour market policies in EU countries. -- Annalisa Murgia, Associate Professor in Sociology, University of MilanEuropean labour relations have become fundamentally restructured. Through a focus on the triangular relationship of increasing precariousness, trade unions and social movements, this volume makes a crucial contribution to our understanding of two different worlds of precariousness and a variety of labour responses. This is a must-read for anyone seeking a way out of crisis for European labour. -- Andreas Bieler, Professor of Political Economy, University of NottinghamAcross Europe, work today is increasingly precarious. This wide-ranging survey by leading scholars in the main countries affected shows that intensified commodification of labour creates few winners and a multiplicity of losers. But the contributors also map innovative responses to the challenges, and explore how trade unions and social movements are building coalitions to respond to labour market insecurities. -- Richard Hyman, Emeritus Professor of Industrial Relations, London School of EconomicsA comprehensive country by country assessment of the underbelly of European integration, focused on the variable but always fraught relation between the included and the excluded; between those countries at the center of the EU and those at the periphery; between trade unions representing secure wage labor and movements of the precarious classes. Essential reading for understanding political responses - right and left - to the deepening inequality within and between nations. -- Michael Burawoy, University of California, BerkeleyTable of ContentsIntroduction: Confronting Crisis and Precariousness in the European Union, Stefan Schmalz, Raúl Lorente, Antonio Loffredo, Johanna Sittel and Brandon Sommer / 2. Precariousness in Europe: Causes, Effects and Resistance, Klaus Dörre / 3. The Competitive Architecture of European Integration: the European Division of Labour and Locational Competition, Stefanie Hürtgen / 4. Nuit Debout and Labour: France's Mobilization against the Neo-liberalization of Labour Law, Karel Yon / 5. Italy: Precariousness and Trade Union Strategies after Post-Crisis Labour Market Reforms, Giovanni Orlandini and Giulia Frosecchi / 6. The End of the German Model? Labour Conflicts in the German Service Sector, Karina Becker, Yalcin Kutlu and Stefan Schmalz / 7. Are Trade Unions in Portugal Trapped? Precariousness, Work and Detachment, Elísio Estanque, Dora Fonseca, Hermes Augusto Costa and Andreia Santos / 8. No Break from Austerity and Labour Deregulation: Left-wing Crisis Management in Greece, Geoff Kennedy and Maria Markantonatou / 9. Labour Protests in Eastern Europe, Joachim Becker / 10. Precarity and Counter-movements in the European Semi-peripheries: The Case of Poland, Adam Mrozowicki / 11. Precarious Environment: European Trade Unions in a Time of Crises, Steffen Lehndorff / 12. Spatialities of Precarity: Young People in the Southern Mediterranean, Jörg Gertel / 13. Conclusion: The Failure of Progressive Social Movements as the Breeding Ground for the Far Right?, Stefan Schmalz and Brandon Sommer

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Book SynopsisThe Yellow Vest (Gilets Jaunes) protests that started in November 2018 have rocked French political culture and led critics to denounce the movement as being a threat to democracy, or worse. Among other things the protestors were accused of being barbarians, philistines, racists, anti-Semites and reactionaries who would destroy both France and European civilization. In fact, this book argues that the protests must be understood as part of a wave of protests against the extension of the market into all areas of social life that have been taking place around the world since the 1980s. While the Yellow Vest protests embrace a range of actors that cut across the French political spectrum the agenda that rapidly emerged from the movement in the shape of the ‘People’s Directive’ shows that it is a broadly progressive protest that has articulated radical ideas and practices with a view to transforming French political culture by means of direct democracy. The end goal is to be a new social order which is environmentally sustainable and built around principles of social justice. In this respect its ideas and actions are a challenge to mainstream French political culture.Trade Review“Fear of a Yellow Planet: The Gilets Jaunes and the End of the World provides a compelling account of one of the most misunderstood movements of recent times. Tracing its history and practices, Wilkin convincingly situates Gilets Jaunes in relation to central developments in the modern world-system and, in so doing, significantly advances our understanding of protest movements today. This book is recommended reading for anyone interested in the current populist moment and what it means for progressive politics. “ -- Lina Dencik, Cardiff Univeristy“Wilkin sees the world in a single protest movement and does so in style. Fears of a Yellow Planet is a refreshing, and much needed, counter-perspective on progressive populism, too long derided and conflated with its negative counterparts. The book offers a compelling case study of the Gilets Jaunes as people’s politics in action, expertly situated within its wider historical, conceptual and political frames of reference. Compellingly written and timely, it deserves careful attention from all those seriously invested in thinking through and beyond the major problems confounding our global and national systems.” -- Sophie Scott-Brown, University of East Anglia“Peter Wilkin’s accessible and scholarly work expertly explains the ideological, economic ,and cultural context from which the French Gilet Jaunes movement emerged. The book draws out significant differences in forms of populism and in doing so carefully defuses myths about the movement. Fear of a Yellow Planet’s sympathetic analysis of the Gilet Jaunes provides a valuable resource for all those interested in contemporary French politics as well as those resisting neoliberal capitalism, especially during its authoritarian and chauvinistic turn.” -- Benjamin Franks, University of Glasgow and author of Anarchisms, Postanarchisms and EthicsTable of ContentsChapter 1: The Core Eats Its OwnChapter 2: Napoleon IV? The Macron Presidency, or, How to Build a Gilets JaunesChapter 3: The Return of the Yellow Peril: Les Beaufs are Coming!Chapter 4: A Threat to Democracy? The Gilets Jaunes Break the Rules of the GameChapter 5: The Emperor Strikes Back: How Dare They Speak?

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Book SynopsisIn Abusive Supervision in Government Agencies, Caillier uses both quantitative and qualitative survey data, a mixed-method approach, to argue that certain organizational norms and subordinate factors either increase or decrease the presence of abusive supervision in agencies and that when employees experience abusive supervision, their well-being and work attitudes are adversely affected. In addition, a mixed-method approach is used to contend that problems concerning the abusive supervision process are pervasive in agencies. More specifically, many targets of abuse supervision fail to report the incident, and for those who do, agencies seldom do anything to stop abusive supervisors and the overwhelming majority of targets experience some form of retaliation for reporting the abuse. The author also uses qualitative data to argue that many agencies still do not have a robust workplace aggression policy. The author concludes by identifying future directions for research concerning abusive supervision. Table of ContentsChapter 1: Abusive Supervision DefinedChapter 2: Antecedents of Abusive SupervisionChapter 3: The Impact of Abusive Supervision on the TargetChapter 4: Reporting Abuse SupervisionChapter 5: Retaliation Against Reporters of Abusive SupervisionChapter 6: Issuance of Corrective Actions After Reporting Abusive SupervisionChapter 7: Workplace Aggression PoliciesChapter 8: Future Research Avenues Regarding Abusive Supervision

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Book SynopsisThe book presents a long-term ethnographic study of arguably the largest environmental protest action in Australian history: The Walmadany / James Price Point conflict. Carsten Wergin offers a detailed account of how local community members, Indigenous custodians, heritage preservationists, environmentalists, and tourists collaboratively joined forces to successfully oppose the construction of a $45 billion (AUD) liquefied natural gas facility on sacred Indigenous land. Tourism, Indigeneity and the Importance of Place is a close reading of Aboriginal ‘country’ and its living heritage. It follows the Lurujarri Heritage Trail, an Indigenous Tourism experience that would have been destroyed by the LNG project, to offer a timely discussion of the sociocultural and political relevance of heritage and tourism for ecological preservation and the wider decolonial project in Australia and beyond.Trade ReviewCarsten Wergin's book, rooted in extensive research, emphasizes the central role of Indigeneity and the recognition of Aboriginal heritage values by both Indigenous and non-Indigenous protestors in resource debates. Wergin offers a groundbreaking contribution to the field, paving the way for a vision of a decolonized Australia in a post-resources boom era. -- Melissa Baird, Michigan Technological UniversityThis innovative ethnography from North-West Australia benefits from the frictions among mining, tourism and ancient Indigenous cultures. With his lively prose, Carsten Wergin clearly demonstrates what is at stake, as he offers an innovative conceptual framework for contemporary anthropology. -- Stephen Muecke, University of New South WalesTable of ContentsChapter 1 Learning Through ExperienceChapter 2 ‘Nowhere Else But Here’Chapter 3 From Transculturality To TransecologyChapter 4 The Four Pillars of Settler-ColonialismChapter 5 On Common GroundChapter 6 Knowledge and Place-MakingChapter 7 Collaborative ScienceChapter 8 All Heritage Is Collaborative

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Book SynopsisThis is the second volume on the history of the Transport and General Workers' Union (TGWU), covering the period 1932 to 1945. In 1931, when the economic slump created mass unemployment, the TGWU was a large rambling union. The union lost members, struggled to hold its activists together, and split politically between communists and their allies and the right-wing labour leadership of Bevin. This spilled over to the struggle of the unemployed, the role of the state, and attitudes to the growth of fascism at home and abroad. By the late 1930s, an armament-inspired boom allowed the TGWU to negotiate industry-wide formal agreements in many of its strongholds – docks, passenger and commercial road transport, and general labourers. These deals favoured the weak but held back the strong such as the London bus workers who staged strikes based on rank-and-file organisation. These were matched by local strikes against a range of speed-up initiatives. The TGWU backed rearmament and the war when it came. The leadership put aside its anti-communism for the duration, and communist-inspired shop stewards played major roles in improving war-time productivity. The union grew and large numbers of women joined, forming their own groups and playing an increasing role in union affairs. At the same time the TGWU hesitantly supported liberation in the colonies. As the war came to an end, the union supported the welfare reforms of the Beveridge report and backed the election of a Labour Government.Trade Review‘Throughout the volume evidence obtained directly from local and regional shop stewards, union officials and histories is used to analyse the most militant industrial action taken by the most influential groups in the union… Seifert’s history is a welcome addition to labour histories for the inter-war era highlighting the importance of internal union policy in instigating societal change.’ Hazel Perry, Labour History ReviewTable of ContentsAcknowledgements Part One: Trade unionism in the ‘age of catastrophe’ (1931-1939) Introduction Chapter 1: “Journeys through hell” Chapter 2: TGWU policies and sections in the 1930s Chapter 3: 1936-1939: Rearmament, recovery, and the fight against fascism Part Two: War and Welfare – 1939-1945 Introduction Chapter 4: 1939-1942: The European War Chapter 5: 1943-1945: The world war Conclusions

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