Political science and theory Books

Book SynopsisThe Fates of Political Parties focuses on a number of individual Latin American countries as well as the region as a whole, identifying considerable variation regarding how parties survive and even revive after an electoral crisis. The book demonstrates that parties can be remarkably enduring institutions.Trade Review'Why do some established parties survive or reinvent themselves while other parties disappear when party systems collapse? The Fates of Political Parties provides a compelling explanation to this important but understudied question. Jennifer Cyr carefully shows how high-cost organizational and ideational resources, such as party branches, militants, ideologies, and brands, shape the destiny of parties in crisis contexts. Rigorously argued and exhaustively researched, this book should be the starting point for future research on party survival. It is essential reading not only for scholars specializing in Latin American politics, but for anyone interested in understanding why some parties persist.' Raúl L. Madrid, University of Texas, Austin'The Fates of Political Parties is an impressive and highly topical study of what happens to parties when a party system enters crisis. It is strongly recommended for readers interested in party survival, and the politics of the Andes generally. The book provides compelling evidence for the importance of subnational politics, the power of ideas, and the capacities of parties to reinvent themselves. An essential contribution to the literature.' Maxwell A. Cameron, Director, Centre for the Study of Democratic Institutions, University of British Columbia, Vancouver'By explaining why the fates of parties diverge in the aftermath of electoral crises, this ambitious new book makes a number of critical interventions in the literature on political parties. Jennifer Cyr has used her impressive empirical command of three complicated and crucial cases - Bolivia, Peru, and Venezuela - to develop a powerful and general theory of party survival and revival. Conceptualizing parties as complex entities, this book shows that we need to think expansively not just about the nature of the organizational and ideological resources potentially available to parties, but also about the range of functions they perform in democracy.' Kent Eaton, University of California, Santa Cruz'In this highly original and fascinating book, Lessing (Chicago) examines drug wars in Latin America from the comparative perspective of conflict between the state and drug cartels (as nonstate actors). … This groundbreaking book draws on substantive local research and interviews.' A. Siaroff, Choice'In The Fates of Political Parties, Cyr takes us past the hang-wringing stage of party crisis and pushes us to consider what comes next. Theoretically and conceptually, the book is rich … It is equally impressive as a study in how to conduct rigorous, question-driven, and theoretically informed fieldwork.' Ryan E. Carlin, Latin American Research ReviewTable of Contents1. Introduction; 2. Political parties and their resources; 3. Explaining the fates of parties; 4. The resource wealth of parties after party-system collapse: the empirical record in the Andes; 5. Survival and revival in an atomized party system: Peru after 1992; 6. Survival and revival in a regionalized party system: Venezuela after 1998; 7. The difficulties of survival and revival in a hyper-fluid party system: Bolivia after 2005; 8. Conclusion: resources and the fates of parties.

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Book SynopsisWho ought to do what, and for whom, if global justice is to progress? In this collection of essays on justice beyond borders, Onora O'Neill criticises theoretical approaches that concentrate on rights, yet ignore both the obligations that must be met to realise those rights, and the capacities needed by those who shoulder these obligations. She notes that states are profoundly anti-cosmopolitan institutions, and that even those committed to justice and universal rights often lack the competence and the will to secure them, let alone to secure them beyond their borders. She argues for a wider conception of global justice, in which obligations may be held either by states or by competent non-state actors, and in which borders themselves must meet standards of justice. This rich and wide-ranging collection will appeal to a broad array of academic researchers and advanced students of political philosophy, political theory, international relations and philosophy of law.Trade Review'Onora O'Neill combines the most rigorous philosophical thinking with a rare capacity for judgment in order to address some of the deepest challenges of our age. Her essays are essential reading not only for philosophers and political theorists but for all those concerned about the prospects of justice on our planet.' John Tasioulas, King's College London'Onora O'Neill's moral and political philosophy has guided generations of scholars, practitioners and policy makers. This collection of important papers displays the integrity, rigour, breadth and arc of her thought over four decades. One cannot read this definitive work without concluding that she has torn down false boundaries and built firmer foundations for justice in a world of increasing complexity.' Andrew Kuper, Founder, LeapFrog Investments'A distinguished philosopher with a deep understanding of the real world of politics and professional practice, Onora O'Neill has been enriching and guiding our discourses on justice for over forty years. Amply demonstrating her practical wisdom and sound judgment, this wonderful collection displays her intellectual trajectory and the central insights that unify her thinking about human rights and responsibilities.' Thomas Pogge, Yale University, Connecticut'Onora O'Neill combines the most rigorous philosophical thinking with a rare capacity for judgement in order to address some of the deepest challenges of our age. Her essays are essential reading, not only for philosophers and political theorists but for all those concerned about the prospects of justice on our planet.' John Tasioulas, King's College LondonTable of ContentsIntroduction; Part I. Hunger across Boundaries: 1. Lifeboat Earth; 2. Rights, obligations and world hunger; 3. Rights to compensation; Part II. Justifications across Boundaries: 4. Justice and boundaries; 5. Ethical reasoning and ideological pluralism; 6. Bounded and cosmopolitan justice; 7. Pluralism, positivism and the justification of human rights; Part III. Action across Boundaries: 8. From Edmund Burke to twenty-first-century human rights: abstraction, circumstances and globalisation; 9. From statist to global conceptions of justice; 10. Global justice: whose obligations?; 11. Agents of justice; 12. The dark side of human rights; Part IV. Health across Boundaries: 13. Public health or clinical ethics: thinking beyond borders; 14. Broadening bioethics: clinical ethics, public health and global health; Index.

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Book SynopsisDuring the Cold War, U.S. intelligence was concerned primarily with states; non-state actors like terrorists were secondary. Now the priorities are reversed and the challenge is enormous. States had an address, and they were hierarchical and bureaucratic. They thus came with some ''story''. Terrorists do not. States were ''over there'', but terrorists are there and here. They thus put pressure on intelligence at home, not just abroad. The strength of this book is that it underscores the extent of the change and ranges broadly across data collection and analysis, foreign and domestic, as well as presenting the issues of value that arise as new targets require collecting more information at home.Trade ReviewReviews of the hardback: 'Intelligence for an Age of Terror provides the realistic and comprehensive template necessary for a reform of American intelligence programs. Gregory Treverton has relied on his long experience with the intelligence community and his wide and careful reading to produce what I believe to be the most valuable book on intelligence reform today. It will be widely read within the community, as it deserves to be. I hope it will be equally relied on as we undertake the difficult task of reconceptualizing the daunting challenge of providing understanding to leadership.' Phillip Bobbitt, Columbia University'Dr Treverton has provided thoughtful ideas for policy makers for improving performance of the U.S. intelligence community. The book will also be a useful guide to those who want to work in one or more of the intelligence organizations.' Robert Inman, University of Texas, Austin and former Deputy Director, Central Intelligence Agency'More than seven years after 9/11, America's national intelligence services are still struggling to meet the challenges posed by today's terrorist adversaries. In this important new book, Gregory Treverton guides us through the organizational and operational issues faced by the intelligence community, and the profound political and philosophical questions we all face in governing intelligence today. For policy makers and concerned citizens, an essential read.' Brian Jenkins, RAND Corporation'Greg Treverton is a pro's pro. This superb book is the best guide we will have for a long time to the difficult transition our intelligence community is experiencing from the Cold War to today's Long War with Terror. If you read one book on this subject, read this.' R. James Woolsey, Former Director of Intelligence (1993–1995), Central Intelligence Agency'This book is [Treverton's] most important yet.' H. Nelson, ChoiceTable of Contents1. Introduction; 2. The changed target; 3. The Cold War legacy; 4. The imperative of change; 5. The agenda ahead; 6. The special challenge of analysis; 7. Many customers, too many secrets; 8. Covert action: forward to the past?; 9. Rebuilding the social contract.

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Book SynopsisRethinking politics in a new vocabulary, Hans Sluga challenges the firmly held assumption that there exists a single common good which politics is meant to realize. He argues that politics is not a natural but a historical phenomenon, and not a single thing but a multiplicity of political forms and values only loosely related. He contrasts two traditions in political philosophy: a ''normative theorizing'' that extends from Plato to John Rawls and a newer ''diagnostic practice'' that emerged with Marx and Nietzsche and has found its three most prominent twentieth-century practitioners in Carl Schmitt, Hannah Arendt, and Michel Foucault. He then examines the sources of diagnostic political thinking, analyzes its achievements, and offers a critical assessment of its limitations. His important book will be of interest to a wide range of upper-level students and scholars in political philosophy, political theory, and the history of ideas.Trade Review'The current standing of politics and politicians is low, citizens are disaffected and disengaged, and much writing on politics is empty and abstract. In this important new study Hans Sluga reflects on the nature of politics, and how we might reach a better understanding of it as 'the care of the common'. It is a compelling read.' Andrew Gamble, University of CambridgeTable of ContentsIntroduction; Preface; Part I. The Search for the Common Good: Beyond the Normative and the Natural: 1. From normative theory to diagnostic practice; 2. The failings of political naturalism; 3. The historization of politics; 4. 'The time is coming when we will have to relearn about politics'; Part II. Three Diagnostic Thinkers in Pursuit of the Common Good: 5. Carl Schmitt: 'all essential concepts are not normative but existential'; 6. Hannah Arendt: 'does politics still have a meaning?'; 7. Michel Foucault: 'could you define the sense you give the word 'political'?'; Part III. The Fragility of the Common Good: 8. 'A fundamental change in political paradigms'; 9. Politics as a domain of uncertainty; Bibliography; Index.

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Book SynopsisBellamy deploys a novel republican account of the legitimacy of international organisations, to locate the EU's democratic deficiencies and their resolution at the national rather than the supranational level. This is for readers interested in global democracy, global justice, the statism-cosmopolitanism debate, EU politics, and republican theory.Trade Review'This is the best presentation and defence of the EU as an association of sovereign republican states by Europe's leading republican theorist.' James Tully, Professor Emeritus, University of Victoria'A superb rethinking of the European Union, which both reveals the deep and continuing appeal of the project, scattering the Brexit fog, and motivates an arresting but sensible set of proposals for institutional reform.' Philip Pettit, Princeton University and the Australian National University'Like the best work in EU studies, Richard Bellamy recognizes that insights only come from being both attentive to the Union's institutional detail and sensitive to its uniqueness. However, he alone shows that us that we can only make the most of this by exploring Europe's rich heritage in political thought. This book is the most ambitious example yet of his considerable contribution to the field.' Damian Chalmers, National University of Singapore'In this impressive tome, Richard Bellamy brilliantly demonstrates how the Republican imperatives of self-government and non-domination can be reconciled with the requirements of an interdependent age - in the EU and beyond. This is not an easy feat. Bellamy's elegant edifice - a free association of states - relies on sound theoretical pillars, namely 'republican intergovernmentalism' and 'cosmopolitan statism'. But the ultimate conclusion conforms to a profound intuition. It is possible for sovereign political communities to agree and uphold cosmopolitan norms to regulate their interactions as long as individual demoi give their on-going consent to such designs. In grounding this intuition, Bellamy provides a critical contribution to political theory in general and the demoicratic constellation in particular.' Kalypso Nicolaïdis, University of Oxford'Bellamy's defence of the European Union's legitimacy as depending on democratic reconnection with its Member States will provoke and may displease both euro-sceptics and euro-enthusiasts. Making both groups think again is important right now, as the EU faces some of its biggest ever challenges.' Jo Shaw, University of Edinburgh'In this beautifully argued book, Richard Bellamy sets out why 'in a globalising world democratic states have compelling … reasons to create institutions that resemble the EU in key respects'. For political theorists, this is essential reading on legitimacy, democracy and justice within and beyond the state. For scholars of the EU, this is essential reading on the democratic deficit, on parliaments and the EU, on EU citizenship, on differentiated integration and on the reform of the Eurozone. For everyone, this is a book with important implications for Brexit.' Christopher Lord, Universitetet i Oslo'Richard Bellamy offers a comprehensive and systematic analysis of the potential justifications and normative limits of European government beyond the democratic nation state. Rejecting cosmopolitan legitimacy concepts that ignore the rootedness of rights-based norms in political processes of an established polity, and defending the legitimacy of the heterogeneous achievements of democratic self-government in existing member states, the book is compelling in its critique of present excesses of European legal and monetary integration and of normatively unsustainable proposals for further centralization. Its own vision of a republican Europe of sovereign states that respect their cosmopolitan obligations appears normatively most attractive - but also quite demanding under present conditions of rising intergovernmental tensions.' Fritz Scharpf, Max-Planck-Institut für Gesellschaftsforschung, Germany'Richard Bellamy is a political theorist who truly understands the constitutional strand in Europe's ontology. This gives added purchase to his challenging attempt to 're-understand' and rethink how to frame the ever-illusive European reality.' J. H. H. Weiler, New York UniversityTable of ContentsIntroduction: democratic legitimacy and international institutions – republican intergovernmentalism, cosmopolitan statism, and the demoicratic reconnection of the EU; Part I. Cosmopolitanism, Statism and Republicanism: Democracy, Legitimacy and Sovereignty: 1. Cosmopolitism and statism: global interdependence and national self-determination; 2. Justice, legitimacy and republicanism: non-domination and the global circumstances of legitimate politics; 3. Sovereignty, republicanism and the democratic legitimacy of the EU; Part II. A Republican EU of Sovereign States: Republican Intergovernmentalism, Demoicracy and Non-Domination: 4. Representing the people's of Europe: addressing the demoicratic disconnect; 5. Union citizenship – supra- and post-national, trans-national or inter-national?; 6 Differentiated integration and the demoicratic constitution of the EU; Conclusion: the global trilemma, the future of the EU and Brexit.

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Book SynopsisThe International Panel on Social Progress (IPSP) is an independent association of top research scholars with the goal of assessing methods for improving the main institutions of modern societies. The IPSP has produced a report consisting of twenty-two chapters in three volumes that distills the research of these scholars and outlines what the best social science has to say about positive social change. Written in accessible language by scholars across the social sciences and humanities, these volumes assess the achievements of world societies in past centuries, the current trends, the dangers that we are now facing, and the possible futures in the twenty-first century. It covers the main socio-economic, political, and cultural dimensions of social progress, global as well as regional issues, and the diversity of challenges and their interplay around the world. The authors offer a cautious optimistic conclusion: multiple ideas for social progress and better policies are already availab

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Book SynopsisWhat does justice demand in international trade regulation? And how far does World Trade Organization (WTO) law respond to those demands? Whether our focus is developing countries, struggling industries, or environmental protection, distributive conflict is a pervasive feature of international economic law. Despite this, we lack an adequate theory of distributive justice for this domain. Drawing on philosophical approaches to global justice, this book advances a novel theory of justice in trade regulation, and applies this to explain and critique the law of the WTO. Integrating theoretical and doctrinal approaches, it demonstrates the potential for political theory to illuminate and inform the progressive development of WTO law, including rules on border measures, discrimination, trade remedies and domestic regulation. Written from an interdisciplinary perspective, accessible to lawyers, philosophers and political scientists, the book will appeal both to theorists interested in buildinTable of ContentsPart I. Foundations: 1. Introduction; 2. Why World Trade Law needs a theory of justice; Part II. Justice: 3. Towards a political theory of international economic law; 4. Sovereignty, nationality and the limits of statism; 5. Self-determination and external trade measures; Part III. Law: 6. Border measures, discrimination, and ETMs; 7. Justifying ETMs: development provisions and general exceptions; 8. Trade remedies and fairness in international trade regulation; 9. Domestic regulation, self-determination and DEMs; Part IV. Progress: 10. Conclusion: where to from here?

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Book SynopsisDespite becoming a global economic force, why does India win so few Olympic medals and have so many people living in poverty? Why have opportunities not become available more broadly? How can growing individuals assist with the task of building a growing economy? Krishna presents a refreshingly unusual perspective of emergent realities, drawing on the stories of everyday lives, of people like you and me and those less privileged. Through decades-long investigations, living in villages and slum communities, the author presents eye-opening details of missed opportunities and immense untapped talent that can be harnessed, with tremendous consequences for equity and growth. Offering possible solutions for inequality and those in need, The Broken Ladder is a comprehensive and fascinating account of development strategies in a fast-growing, yet largely agrarian, developing economy.Trade Review'This is a remarkable book pointing our attention to the ground-level realities and vulnerabilities of the poor that are overlooked by the glowing macro-economic growth stories about India. With vivid examples it highlights the micro situations (involving attitudes, beliefs, availability of information and credit, etc.) that make it so difficult to climb out of that poverty and vulnerability for otherwise highly motivated and talented people. The author's human case studies are quite touching as the analysis is incisive. I recommend this book to any reader who is interested in an empathetic understanding of the constraints, institutional failures and opportunities facing vast numbers of people in India.' Pranab Bardhan, University of California, Berkeley'With great clarity, Anirudh Krishna provides acute insights into the complex problems that ensnare ordinary Indians, and imaginative ways out. He is the most ingenious field investigator working on India, and the themes that he tackles here are crucially important to the livelihoods of ordinary folk, and to their access to vital services, especially education and health. This is a realistic and deeply humane book of the first importance.' James Manor, Emeka Anyaoku Professor Emeritus of Commonwealth Studies, School of Advanced Study, University of London'This is not an ordinary book, another one celebrating India's emergence on the global scene or lamenting about its uneven growth story. This is a serious engagement with some of the most compelling questions confronting the ordinary Indian living in its diverse social and demographic locations. Based on a close observation of ground realities, a 'worms' eye view' of someone who besides being an academic of considerable repute has also had the experience of administration and recognizes the critical significance of state policy, the book provides a perspective and a guide to what needs to be done to take a billion plus Indians ahead.' Surinder S. Jodhka, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi'This is at once a passionate and sharply analytical account of how the pathologies of development have created a divide between Indians who live in the urban `dollar economy' and those that live in the rural `rupee economy.' Krishna's worm's eye-view possesses a rare authenticity as it documents the heart-rending ways in which talented young people from disadvantaged rural backgrounds experience the lack of opportunity and social mobility in their lives.' Niraja Gopal Jayal, Centre for the Study of Law and Governance, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.'This is unquestionably the only book I know that so comprehensively and lucidly sets out the full picture of 'the poor' in India, drawing on an immense amount of utterly up-to-date research.' Philip Oldenburg, South Asia Institute, Columbia University'Brilliantly researched and poignantly narrated … [Krishna] has turned familiar chiasmic stories of prosperity and poverty into such scheming and conniving possible-impossible aporias that you are left wonderstruck. … The book's style is racy and crisp. The human stories from various parts of the country are narrated with a natural texture. Every word, every stanza produces a phrasal and tonal narrative so subtle, so varied and so exquisite that the book shimmers with utterly believable stories of pain and paradoxes in contemporary India.' Ashwani Kumar, Financial Express'… a nuanced and empathetic exposition on the pathologies of development in one of the world's most populous and complex nations.' Soutik Biswas, OPEN Magazine'The Broken Ladder is a must-read for India's leaders in every sphere and, especially, for our PM.' John Cheeran, The Times of India'… compel[s] you to look for answers with a different perspective … With PM Modi talking about eliminating poverty by 2032, doubling farmers' incomes, bringing in social equality among all sections of the society, the book has come at the right time.' Anilesh S. Mahajan, Business Today'This interesting book makes the point that bureaucrats are not heartless … they have managed to create a governmental system in which no one has any stake in achieving any outcome.' M. Rajivlochan, The Tribune'Krishna presents detailed case studies of people he lives around, and this closeness keeps him from making glib judgements.' Vikram Johri, Business StandardTable of Contents1. Dollar economy and rupee economy; 2. Beyond 5-km villages; 3. Blue-polygon slums; 4. Preventing future poverty; 5. Plumbing a deep talent pool; 6. Attitudes, experiences, and information; 7. Democracy at the doorstep; 8. Looking ahead: growing the economy and developing individuals; Acknowledgments; Notes; Bibliography; Index.

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Book SynopsisDemands for redress of historical injustice are a crucial component of contemporary struggles for social and transnational justice. However, understanding when and why an unjust history matters for considerations of justice in the present is not straightforward. Alasia Nuti develops a normative framework to identify which historical injustices we should be concerned about, to conceptualise the relation between persistence and change and, thus, conceive of history as newly reproduced. Focusing on the condition of women in formally egalitarian societies, the book shows that history is important to theorise the injustice of gender inequalities and devise transformative remedies. Engaging with the activist politics of the unjust past, Nuti also demonstrates that the reproduction of an unjust history is dynamic, complex and unsettling. It generates both historical and contemporary responsibilities for redress and questions precisely those features of our order that we take for granted.Trade Review'This is a major contribution to our thinking about historical injustice, and especially innovative in taking the position of women as a paradigmatic example. By putting gender at the centre of her analysis, Nuti is able to make compelling new arguments about the normative significance of the unjust past.' Anne Phillips, author of The Politics of the Human'Arguing that discussions about historical injustice wrongly conceptualises history, Alasia Nuti reframes the debate by developing a structural account of history. This new account of history, alongside a focus on women, allows us to see historical injustices in new and important ways. This is a provocative and insightful book that is a major contribution to the literature on historical injustice.' Jeff Spinner-Halev, Kenan Professor of Political Science, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill'In this path-breaking book, Alasia Nuti develops a new way to combine reflections on historical and structural injustice. Taking us beyond reified notions of time, agency or social groups, she suggests a powerful account of political and social justice that speaks to the past, the present and the future.' Rainer Forst, Johann Wolfgang Goethe-Universität Frankfurt am MainTable of Contents1. Introduction; 2. De-temporalising (historical) injustice; 3. The structural reproduction of unjust history; 4. History, injustice and groups; 5. Defining women as a group; 6. Women and the reproduction of unjust history in egalitarian contexts; 7. The policy of the unjust past; 8. The politics of the unjust past; 9. Conclusion: responsibility and the process of redress; References; Index.

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Book SynopsisMeasurement and targets have been widely criticised as distorting policy and engendering gaming - yet they continue to be widely used in government. This book offers an original new account explaining the persistent appeal of performance measurement. It argues that targets have been adopted to address a crisis of trust in politics, through creating more robust mechanisms of accountability and monitoring. The book shows that such tools rarely have their intended effect. Through an in-depth analysis of UK targets on immigration and asylum since 2000, it shows that far from shoring up trust, targets have engendered cynicism and distrust in government. Moreover, they have encouraged intrusive forms of monitoring and reform in public administration, with damaging consequences for trust between politicians and civil servants. Despite these problems, performance measurement has now become embedded in techniques of public management. It has also become normalised as a way of framing policy problems and responses. Thus despite their acknowledged problems, targets are likely to retain their allure as techniques of political communication and governance.Trade Review'A fantastically important and timely book on a topic of phenomenal and - alas - ever growing importance. This is a major intervention in a debate whose significance can scarcely be over-stated. Highly recommended.' Colin Hay, Sciences Po, Paris'[…] the book is highly commendable for showing how what might otherwise risk being dismissed as a narrow technical issue is in fact embedded in, and of importance to, broader political systems. Making these arguments is at the core of showing why public administration is such an important area for research. Relating public administration literature to sociological and similar perspectives, which is relatively unusual, further cements the likely enduring value of the book's contribution.' Oliver James, JPARTTable of Contents1. Performance measurement and the production of trust; 2. The problem of political trust; 3. The double life of targets; 4. Monitoring public administration; 5. Information and trust; 6. Public trust in targets; 7. Targets and issue definition; 8. After performance measurement?

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Book SynopsisCitizens, political leaders, and scholars invoke the term ''democracy'' to describe present-day states without grasping its roots or prospects in theory or practice. This book clarifies the political discourse about democracy by identifying that its primary focus is human activity, not consent. It points out how democracy is neither self-legitimating nor self-justifying and so requires critical, ethical discourse to address its ongoing problems, such as inequality and exclusion. Wallach pinpoints how democracy has historically depended on notions of goodness to ratify its power. The book analyses pivotal concepts of democratic ethics such as ''virtue'', ''representation'', ''civil rightness'', ''legitimacy'', and ''human rights'' and looks at them as practical versions of goodness that have adapted democracy to new constellations of power in history. Wallach notes how democratic ethics should never be reduced to power or moral ideals. Historical understanding needs to come first to higTrade Review'Democracy and Goodness is an admirable exercise in argumentation, as refined in its theoretical perspective as it is expansive in its political scope. Ranging across ancients and moderns in an unabashedly 'historicizing' mode, Wallach intervenes decisively onto the contested terrain of contemporary democratic theory, retrieving an account of democratic ethics that is intrinsic to democracy as an ongoing activity in politics and history. On these terms, Wallach's book is a welcome provocation at a moment when principled and coherent conceptions of the relation between democracy, power, and goodness are in short supply.' Mary G. Dietz, Northwestern University, Illinois'Wallach argues on the opening page of this ambitious, erudite, and wide-ranging book, 'democracy' is often treated as self-evidently 'good'. Why - on the basis of what conceptualizations of democracy and goodness - have successive generations of self identified democrats believed that? And how should future democracies act so as to bring democracy and goodness closer together? Wallach argues that efficacious answers to the second question require the kind of critical political judgment that can be developed by answering the first one.' Daniela Cammack, University of CaliforniaTable of ContentsPreface; Acknowledgements; Introduction; 1. Historicizing democratic ethics; 2. Democracy and virtue in ancient Athens; 3. Representation as a political virtue and the formation of liberal democracy; 4. Civil rightness: a virtuous discipline for the modern Demos; 5. Democracy and legitimacy: popular justification of states amid contemporary globalization; 6. Human rights and democracy; Conclusion: political action and retrospection; Bibliography; Index.

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Book SynopsisWhy are some states in India able to facilitate foreign capital inflows better while others are not? This book addresses the socio-political factors such as ideas and interests of political actors, which produce the different levels of foreign direct investment (FDI) in states of India. It studies the causal role of disparate state-society relations in the evolution of institutions facilitating and regulating FDI inflows in the states through a comparative case study on the manufacturing industries of Tamil Nadu and Odisha.Trade Review'Sojin Shin's study broadens our understanding of development in Asia. It highlights the local variation in state-society relations and institutional change that promotes or discourages foreign direct investment, as observed in the more politically inclusive Tamil Nadu and the largely exclusionary state of Odisha. In doing so, the study brings attention to the considerable importance of non-market factors that drive firm decisions to locate or dismantle investment projects. It is equally valuable for drawing out the economic linkages between East and South Asia. This book is a welcome addition to scholars of Asian political and economic development.' Sooyeon Kim, National University of Singapore'Sojin Shin's study offers a rare glimpse of the struggles and contests around FDI promotion in two important states of Tamil Nadu and Odisha. She shows how and why state actors embody different ideas, and negotiate with different elements of mobilized society in the two states. In essence, Sojin Shin adds a much-needed political flavor to the dynamics of FDI implementation in India. Societal responses to FDI policies and varying state-society linkages come alive in this important book.' Aseema Sinha, Claremont McKenna College, California'Why do some FDI projects succeed and some fail? A perplexing question everywhere, but particularly so for India where everything and its opposite can be true at the same time. Sojin Shin combines deep scholarship, sharp analysis and rich political economy insights to help us find an answer. A masterly book that policy makers and potential investors must read.' Duvuuri Subbarao, Former Governor, Reserve Bank of IndiaTable of ContentsPreface; 1. Introduction; 2. FDI inflows in India: ideas, interests, and institutional change; 3. FDI inflows in Tamil Nadu: inclusionary ideas, weakened interests, and incremental institutional change; 4. Making FDI work in Tamil Nadu; 5. FDI inflows in Odisha: weakened ideas, strong interests, and unstable institutional change; 6. Making FDI work in Odisha?; 7. Conclusion; Bibliography; Index.

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Book SynopsisWhile millions feel politically marginalized, there is evidence that democracy is evolving into a conversation-based, public-centered practice called deliberative democracy. In this new form of democracy, public discussion, conscious reflection, and collective choice drive democratic governance and have the power to override democratic dysfunction. Illustrating this emerging possibility with examples from 28 years of US public engagement on LGBT equality, this book offers a practical model for the growth of deliberative democracy in which everyone can take part. It identifies the necessary social catalysts, the role of social networks and technology, and key pathways to addressing unconscious bias, hidden fears, and identity based polarization as they were overcome in the LGBT case. It demonstrates how each person can gain voice and influence in a deliberative democracy in which people once again become the true source of political power. This book will interest anyone who cares about the future of democracy.Trade Review'This book is well written, well argued, and theoretically informed. It adds an important contribution to the growing literature on deliberative democracy and public reason. Barvosa argues that the evolution of public thinking and policy on LGBT issues in the US over the past several decades is an instance of public reasoning / deliberative democracy at work. Scholars have been skeptical that the idea of deliberative democracy is at all plausible for large-scale democracies with deep diversity, such as the US. This book responds to those criticisms directly through a grounded, qualitative study of public deliberation over LGBT issues. In addition to examining LGBT rights discourse as an example of deliberative systems at work through law, media, the economy, etc., the author also elaborates in convincing detail on the mechanisms of such discourse. This book is not only highly original but also instructive for more work of a similar kind in the future.' Lori Watson, University of San DiegoTable of ContentsIntroduction. Deliberative systems and the problem of scale; 1. Theoretical overview: deliberative systems at work; 2. Three catalysts of a deliberative system; 3. Social networks in deliberative system growth and implementation power; 4. Overcoming cognitive obstacles: implicit bias, identity threats and fear; 5. Hidden quandaries and implications for deliberative democracy; Conclusion: large-scale deliberative democracy: possible if chosen.

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Book SynopsisMuch of the time, when confronted with a crisis of national dimensions, businesses do exactly what we expect them to do: they look to their own survival. Occasionally, however, firms in some contexts go beyond this. Based on qualitative, country-based fieldwork in Eastern and Southern Africa, Antoinette Handley examines how African businesses can be key responders to wider social and political crises, often responding well in advance of the state. She reveals the surprising ways in which business responses can be focused, not on short-term profits, but instead on ways that assist society in resolving that crisis in the long term. Taking African businesses in Kenya, Uganda, Botswana and South Africa as case studies, this detailed exploration of the private sector response to crises, including HIV/AIDS and political violence crises, introduces the concept of relative business autonomy, exploring the conditions under which it can emerge and develop, when and how it may decline, and how itTrade Review'Handley effectively unpacks the conditions and contexts in which private companies have responded constructively to HIV/AIDS and election-related violence in Africa. By documenting the variation in responses by firms across national borders and over time, she disrupts canonical ideas regarding the pursuit of 'self-interest' by business.' M. Anne Pitcher, University of Michigan'In this strikingly innovative work of comparative political economy, Antoinette Handley inquires into the conditions that lead business interests to furnish collective goods and to act with assertive public purpose in moments of crisis. The resulting argument furnishes important new insights on the political behaviour of firms, in Africa and well beyond. This will be a touchstone for those interested in the shifting relations between government and business in the developing world.' Peter M. Lewis, The Johns Hopkins University'Is business socially responsible in Africa? That is the fundamental question Handley (Univ. of Toronto) attempts to answer in this innovative and carefully researched study.' R. I. Rotberg, ChoiceTable of Contents1. Doing business like a state: the response to social crisis; Part I. Business, HIV/AIDS and the Provision of Public Health: 2. Not our business: HIV/AIDS in Kenya and Uganda; 3. Healthy responses: HIV/AIDS in South Africa and Botswana; Part II. Business, Political Crisis and the Provision of Broader Social Stability: 4. The business of business is politics: political and electoral violence in South Africa and Kenya; 5. Business interests and the broader social good in the developing world.

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Book SynopsisNiccolò Machiavelli is the most prominent and notorious theorist of violence in the history of European political thought - prominent, because he is the first to candidly discuss the role of violence in politics; and notorious, because he treats violence as virtue rather than as vice. In this original interpretation, Yves Winter reconstructs Machiavelli''s theory of violence and shows how it challenges moral and metaphysical ideas. Winter attributes two central theses to Machiavelli: first, violence is not a generic technology of government but a strategy that tends to correlate with inequality and class conflict; and second, violence is best understood not in terms of conventional notions of law enforcement, coercion, or the proverbial ''last resort'', but as performance. Most political violence is effective not because it physically compels another agent who is thus coerced; rather, it produces political effects by appealing to an audience. As such, this book shows how in MachiavelliTrade Review'Winter's path-breaking study probes how violence actually works in politics. With Machiavelli as our guide, Winter shows us, strikingly, how little this political work has to do with the direct threat of physical coercion. Rather, the aim and function of political violence is profoundly public and performative; violence is meant to provoke an audience on symbolic and affective registers. This keen insight is explored through historically and conceptually nuanced discussions of Machiavelli's analyses of force, cruelty, and spectacle and the logic of princely, republican, and plebian violence.' Karuna Mantena, Yale University, Connecticut'Yves Winter places violence at the center of Machiavelli's thought by engaging insightfully with its many different manifestations and forms. In doing so, he demonstrates the conceptual and empirical impoverishment of contemporary theoretical discussions and envisions an alternative approach. This book not only makes an essential contribution to the Machiavelli scholarship, but also offers a decisive intervention into contemporary theories of political violence.' Jason Frank, Robert J. Katz Chair of Government, Cornell University, New York'An original and important study; Winter's book explains why Machiavelli was so fascinated by spectacular violence: he saw it as a conceptual 'order' equal to law, religion, and arms. Winter demonstrates its role throughout Machiavelli's oeuvre as a complex, polyvalent, and pedagogical language capable of radical popular challenges to elite hegemony.' Mark Jurdjevic, author of A Great and Wretched City: Promise and Failure in Machiavelli's Florentine Political Thought'A tour de force: one of the most perspicacious contemporary investigations into the nature of political violence; an outstanding contribution to the recent wave of republican, populist and democratic readings of Machiavelli. With impressive originality, Yves Winter meticulously and exhaustively traces the multiple ways in which the Florentine's logic of violence plays out - in all of Machiavelli's major works.' John P. McCormick, University of Chicago'This book would be of great interest to a variety of scholars on Machiavelli, 16th-century political thought, and violence or non-violence studies.' T. Varacalli, Choice'… carefully argued, theoretically sensitive and deeply engaging study …' Adam Woodhouse, TheoriaTable of Contents1. Spectacle; 2. Force; 3. Cruelty; 4. Beginnings; 5. Institutions; 6. Tumults; References; Index.

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Book SynopsisThis book is for political scientists, historians, sociologists, and educated lay readers interested in a more complete account of the Second World War's relationship with the response to black civil rights advocacy, as well as the more general relationship between war and the inclusion of marginalized groups in democratic societies.Trade Review'Steven White's remarkable book enriches our scholarly understanding of the relationship between World War II and black civil rights advocacy. White acknowledges the compelling narrative that black activists were able to advance in light of their service, the ways that the executive branch both supported and resisted these narratives, and how white racial attitudes shifted during this period. This book encourages us to see the World War II era as an important but incomplete step toward civil rights, and helps to show the strengths and limitations of arguments for rights based on service.' Julie Novkov, University at Albany, State University of New York'Unique among scholars working on this issue, the author is able to draw expertly on both public opinion surveys and archival materials to complicate our understanding of the impact of war on the fight for racial equality. When he concludes that the effects of war 'can be uneven and often surprising, its consequences both compelling and constraining', we should believe him. An impressive book.' Robert Mickey, University of Michigan'Total war forces a flawed democracy to live into its ideals - or does it? Carefully interrogating the canonical case of the color line during World War II America, Steven White complicates conventional wisdom with fresh evidence and clear thinking.' Rick Valelly, Swarthmore College, Pennsylvania'This book offers a fresh approach to difficult aspects of World War II's legacy in the US.' J. P. Sanson, Choice'Steven White challenges an axiom of American historical memory: that World War II helped push white Americans toward more liberal views on race and civil rights … World War II and American Racial Politics demonstrates excellence in research and writing …' Andrew S. Baer, Journal of Southern History'… White contributes to our knowledge about this important and interesting topic. World War II is a crucial era that has been the subject of many presumptuous accounts. White brings direct evidence to bear that provides a corrective to some of the overgeneralizations in the literature. Furthermore, White offers some guideposts about how scholars could extend this work by integrating public opinion (and other types of data) with the historical study of political institutions.' Joseph Stewart Jr, Congress & the PresidencyTable of Contents1. Introduction; 2. White racial attitudes, 1937–1950; 3. White veterans and racial attitudes, 1946–1961; 4. The Roosevelt Administration and civil rights during the Second World War; 5. The Truman Administration, military service, and postwar civil rights; 6. War, race, and American political development; Appendix; Bibliography; Index.

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Book SynopsisThis is a new interpretation and analysis of John Rawls''s leading theory of distributive justice, which also considers the responding egalitarian theories of scholars such as Richard Arneson, G. A. Cohen, Ronald Dworkin, Martha Nussbaum, John Roemer, and Amartya Sen. Rawls''s theory, Kaufman argues, sets out a normative ideal of justice that incorporates an account of the structure and character of relations that are appropriate for members of society viewed as free and equal moral beings. Forging an approach distinct amongst contemporary theories of equality, Rawls offers an alternative to egalitarian justice methodologies that aim primarily to compensate victims for undeserved bad luck. For Rawls, the values that ground the most plausible account of egalitarianism are real equality of economic opportunity combined with the guarantee of a fair distribution of social goods. Kaufman''s analysis will be of interest to scholars and advanced students of political theory and political philosophy, particularly those working on justice, and on the work of John Rawls.Trade Review'Kaufman's book is an important contribution to the elaboration of Rawls's theory of distributive justice and its defense against many recent criticisms developed over the past 10–15 years. It should appeal to academic philosophers and political theorists who work on Rawls and on distributive justice more generally, including graduate students and upper level undergraduates.' Samuel Freeman, Avalon Professor of the Humanities, University of Pennsylvania'This book reflects a deep engagement with the work of John Rawls, and it captures both the general spirit and the details of that theory better than the great majority of commentaries. The most prominent criticisms of Rawls's work - including notably those of G. A. Cohen and Amartya Sen - rely on misunderstandings of the target view, and this manuscript goes a long distance toward explaining how and why that is so. Graduate students in philosophy or political science who are writing on Rawls (or on the particular critics considered here) will do very well to read this book, regardless of whether their own work is ultimately in sympathy with Rawls's work or critical of it. Critics of Rawls would also do well to read this book, since that would enable sharper and more sympathetic treatment of Rawls's views in the presentations of their own criticisms.' Jon Garthoff, University of Tennessee'… a learned and engaging book, and it will be of interest to scholars of Rawls and political equality. It pays meticulous attention to Rawls's particular arguments while keeping his entire political vision in mind.' Andrius Gališanka, Journal of Moral PhilosophyTable of ContentsIntroduction: democratic equality: retrieving Rawls's egalitarianism; 1. Rawls's practical conception of justice opinion, tradition and objectivity in political liberalism; 2. Stability, fit, and consensus; 3. Rawls and ethical constructivism; 4. A satisfactory minimum conception of justice reconsidering Rawls's maximin argument; 5. Cohen's ambiguities; 6. Justice as fairness and fair equality of opportunity; 7. Democratic equality; 8. Ideal theory and practical judgment; 9. Poverty, inequality, and justice.

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Book SynopsisBetween 1963 and 2008 Kenya experienced systematic atrocities, economic crimes, ethnic violence, and the illegal taking of land. To come to terms with these historical injustices and gross violations of human rights, the Kenyan Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission (TJRC) was established. From the perspective of an insider and academic expert, The Kenyan TJRC: An Outsider''s View from the Inside reveals for the first time the debates and decisions made within the Commission, including how the Kenyan Commission became the first such commission to recommend that its Chair be prosecuted for gross violations of human rights. This book is one of the few insider accounts of a truth commission, and one of the few that reflects on the limitations and opportunities of such a commission. The Kenyan TJRC provides lessons and recommendations to those interested in addressing historical injustices through a truth commission process. The full copy of the Final Report of the Kenyan TJRC, alongTrade Review'The Kenyan TJRC provides the fascinating, definitive history of the Kenyan Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission that Kenya's own government sought to suppress. Unlike any other text, Slye offers an equally unforgettable human story about how a courageous outsider fought to keep a process fair, so that even a deeply flawed human rights institution could make a difference.' Harold Hongju Koh, Yale Law School, Former Legal Adviser and Assistant Secretary for Human Rights, US Department of State'Applying a Band-Aid to gaping national wounds has become a political habit in Kenya, but for true healing to take place, the country needs to go deeper. The story of how the TJRC was born, the hurdles it negotiated in order to do its work, the heart-breaking evidence it heard and its eventual findings must surely be part of that process. It's good to see this finally published.' Michela Wrong, author of It's Our Turn to Eat: The Story of a Kenyan Whistleblower'Ronald C. Slye tells us the unvarnished truth about the complex and sometimes tortuous story of the Kenyan TJRC. Perhaps even more importantly he draws crucial lessons for negotiators and activists alike. A must read for all those working in the fields of transitional justice and peacebuilding!' David Tolbert, President of the International Center for Transitional Justice'This fascinating book delves into the fissures that emerged among the commissioners, why the international members of the commission issued a dissent from some of the body's findings, and the broader implications of the commission's work for Kenya and other postconflict societies. Slye's book makes for compelling reading, whether he is discussing the personal foibles of the commissioners, the backroom negotiations and compromises that mark such work, the legal issues involved, or the broader context of Kenyan politics.' Nicolas van de Walle, Foreign AffairsTable of ContentsList of maps, photos and cartoons; Foreword by Desmond Tutu; Acknowledgements; Timeline; Introduction; 1. The end game; 2. The most expansive mandate; 3. The elephant in the room; 4. I am Kenyan: voices of the Wanachi; 5. The elephant returns; 6. Ships passing in the night: the ICC, the Kenyan government, and the TJRC; Index.

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Book SynopsisCitizens, political leaders, and scholars invoke the term ''democracy'' to describe present-day states without grasping its roots or prospects in theory or practice. This book clarifies the political discourse about democracy by identifying that its primary focus is human activity, not consent. It points out how democracy is neither self-legitimating nor self-justifying and so requires critical, ethical discourse to address its ongoing problems, such as inequality and exclusion. Wallach pinpoints how democracy has historically depended on notions of goodness to ratify its power. The book analyses pivotal concepts of democratic ethics such as ''virtue'', ''representation'', ''civil rightness'', ''legitimacy'', and ''human rights'' and looks at them as practical versions of goodness that have adapted democracy to new constellations of power in history. Wallach notes how democratic ethics should never be reduced to power or moral ideals. Historical understanding needs to come first to higTrade Review'Democracy and Goodness is an admirable exercise in argumentation, as refined in its theoretical perspective as it is expansive in its political scope. Ranging across ancients and moderns in an unabashedly 'historicizing' mode, Wallach intervenes decisively onto the contested terrain of contemporary democratic theory, retrieving an account of democratic ethics that is intrinsic to democracy as an ongoing activity in politics and history. On these terms, Wallach's book is a welcome provocation at a moment when principled and coherent conceptions of the relation between democracy, power, and goodness are in short supply.' Mary G. Dietz, Northwestern University, Illinois'Wallach argues on the opening page of this ambitious, erudite, and wide-ranging book, 'democracy' is often treated as self-evidently 'good'. Why - on the basis of what conceptualizations of democracy and goodness - have successive generations of self identified democrats believed that? And how should future democracies act so as to bring democracy and goodness closer together? Wallach argues that efficacious answers to the second question require the kind of critical political judgment that can be developed by answering the first one.' Daniela Cammack, University of CaliforniaTable of ContentsPreface; Acknowledgements; Introduction; 1. Historicizing democratic ethics; 2. Democracy and virtue in ancient Athens; 3. Representation as a political virtue and the formation of liberal democracy; 4. Civil rightness: a virtuous discipline for the modern Demos; 5. Democracy and legitimacy: popular justification of states amid contemporary globalization; 6. Human rights and democracy; Conclusion: political action and retrospection; Bibliography; Index.

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Book SynopsisMuch of the time, when confronted with a crisis of national dimensions, businesses do exactly what we expect them to do: they look to their own survival. Occasionally, however, firms in some contexts go beyond this. Based on qualitative, country-based fieldwork in Eastern and Southern Africa, Antoinette Handley examines how African businesses can be key responders to wider social and political crises, often responding well in advance of the state. She reveals the surprising ways in which business responses can be focused, not on short-term profits, but instead on ways that assist society in resolving that crisis in the long term. Taking African businesses in Kenya, Uganda, Botswana and South Africa as case studies, this detailed exploration of the private sector response to crises, including HIV/AIDS and political violence crises, introduces the concept of relative business autonomy, exploring the conditions under which it can emerge and develop, when and how it may decline, and how it might contribute to a higher level of overall societal resilience.Trade Review'Handley effectively unpacks the conditions and contexts in which private companies have responded constructively to HIV/AIDS and election-related violence in Africa. By documenting the variation in responses by firms across national borders and over time, she disrupts canonical ideas regarding the pursuit of 'self-interest' by business.' M. Anne Pitcher, University of Michigan'In this strikingly innovative work of comparative political economy, Antoinette Handley inquires into the conditions that lead business interests to furnish collective goods and to act with assertive public purpose in moments of crisis. The resulting argument furnishes important new insights on the political behaviour of firms, in Africa and well beyond. This will be a touchstone for those interested in the shifting relations between government and business in the developing world.' Peter M. Lewis, The Johns Hopkins University'Is business socially responsible in Africa? That is the fundamental question Handley (Univ. of Toronto) attempts to answer in this innovative and carefully researched study.' R. I. Rotberg, ChoiceTable of Contents1. Doing business like a state: the response to social crisis; Part I. Business, HIV/AIDS and the Provision of Public Health: 2. Not our business: HIV/AIDS in Kenya and Uganda; 3. Healthy responses: HIV/AIDS in South Africa and Botswana; Part II. Business, Political Crisis and the Provision of Broader Social Stability: 4. The business of business is politics: political and electoral violence in South Africa and Kenya; 5. Business interests and the broader social good in the developing world.

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Book SynopsisIn every era of communications technology - whether print, radio, television, or Internet - some form of government censorship follows to regulate the medium and its messages. Today we are seeing the phenomenon of ''machine speech'' enhanced by the development of sophisticated artificial intelligence. Ronald K. L. Collins and David M. Skover argue that the First Amendment must provide defenses and justifications for covering and protecting robotic expression. It is irrelevant that a robot is not human and cannot have intentions; what matters is that a human experiences robotic speech as meaningful. This is the constitutional recognition of ''intentionless free speech'' at the interface of the robot and receiver. Robotica is the first book to develop the legal arguments for these purposes. Aimed at law and communication scholars, lawyers, and free speech activists, this work explores important new problems and solutions at the interface of law and technology.Trade Review'Collins and Skover have long been among the finest minds focused on free expression in America. In this remarkable book, they now turn insightfully to an incredibly complex and timely issue associated with 'robotic expression': how should the First Amendment handle contests involving regulation of 'robot speech' as artificial intelligence grows rapidly in prominence? This book conveys their deep knowledge - and the knowledge of other noted scholars - of the history, law, and technology that inform the way we should think about this emerging field of constitutional inquiry.' John Palfrey, Head of School at Phillips Academy, Massachusetts; former Executive Director of the Berkman Center for Internet and Society, Harvard University, Massachusetts; and author of Born Digital'Collins and Skover have produced a wonderfully readable, thorough, and insightful exploration of the intersection of technology and free speech theory, from the beginning of time well into the future. If any current scholarly work of free speech theory survives into the next century, it will undoubtedly be this book.' Martin Redish, Louis and Harriet Ancel Professor of Law and Public Policy, Northwestern University Law School, Illinois, and author of The Adversary First Amendment: Free Expression and the Foundations of American DemocracyTable of ContentsThe thesis; Ronald Collins and David Skover; Prologue: technology and communication; 1. The progress and perils of communication; 2. Robots and their receivers; 3. The new norm of utility; Epilogue: from Areopagitica to Robotica; The commentaries; Robotica in context: an introduction to the commentaries Ryan Calo; The age of sensorship Jane Bambauer; Speech in, speech out James Grimmelmann; An old libel lawyer confronts Robotica's brave new world Bruce E. H. Johnson; What's old is new again (and vice-versa) Helen Norton; Reply Ronald Collins and David Skover; Robotica refined.

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Book SynopsisThe most sophisticated theories of judicial behavior depict judges as rational actors who strategically pursue multiple goals when making decisions. However, these accounts tend to disregard the possibility that judges have heterogeneous goal preferences - that is, that different judges want different things. Integrating insights from personality psychology and economics, this book proposes a new theory of judicial behavior in which judges strategically pursue multiple goals, but their personality traits determine the relative importance of those goals. This theory is tested by analyzing the behavior of justices who served on the US Supreme Court between 1946 and 2015. Using recent advances in text-based personality measurement, Hall evaluates the influence of the ''big five'' personality traits on the justices'' behavior during each stage of the Court''s decision-making process. What Justices Want shows that personality traits directly affect the justices'' choices and moderate the inTrade Review'Professor Hall has produced a fascinating study of Supreme Court justices' personality traits that opens a new window on their decision-making. Using a sophisticated machine-learning model to assess the justices' written opinions, Hall identifies specific personality types and characteristics that ring true in many instances based on our own anecdotal experiences observing the Court. By blending psychological analysis with our current knowledge of judicial attitudes, Professor Hall's work makes a uniquely interesting and creative contribution to the literature.' Stefanie A. Lindquist, Arizona State University'Using innovative data and appropriate methods to demonstrate the role personality plays in structuring judicial behavior, Hall does so much more than pose a challenge to existing accounts. He takes nothing short of a quantum leap in the quest to develop a deeper and more realistic conception of judging.' Lee Epstein, Ethan A. H. Shepley Distinguished University Professor, Washington University, St Louis'Professor Hall makes a solid contribution to our knowledge. It links a leading theory in psychology to virtually every type of decision that has been modeled by quantitative research on the Supreme Court. It addresses an interesting and important topic and is methodologically sophisticated. Written in an engaging fashion, What Justices Want will be an important and lasting study.' Kevin T. McGuire, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill'… Hall's book is an impressive piece of work. Its insights are valuable for scholars, graduate students, and [*49] advanced undergraduates interested in Supreme Court dynamics and the practical implications of personality theory. The book did exactly what good books in the discipline are supposed to do: it made me think about how justices approach their tasks in an entirely different way. Hall is clearly pushing the envelope in the right direction.' Eileen Braman, Law and Politics Book ReviewTable of Contents1. Who they are and what they want; 2. Goals and personality; 3. Measuring justice personality; 4. Agenda setting; 5. Opinion assignments; 6. Intra-court bargaining; 7. Voting on the merits; 8. Separate opinions; 9. Behind the black robes; Appendices; Notes; Index.

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Book SynopsisWhy do Americans have such animosity for people who identify with the opposing political party? Jaime E. Settle argues that in the context of increasing partisan polarization among American political elites, the way we communicate on Facebook uniquely facilitates psychological polarization among the American public. Frenemies introduces the END Framework of social media interaction. END refers to a subset of content that circulates in a social media ecosystem: a personalized, quantified blend of politically informative ''expression'', ''news'', and ''discussion'' seamlessly interwoven into a wider variety of socially informative content. Scrolling through the News Feed triggers a cascade of processes that result in negative attitudes about those who disagree with us politically. The inherent features of Facebook, paired with the norms of how people use the site, heighten awareness of political identity, bias the inferences people make about others'' political views, and foster stereotyTrade Review'Easily the most comprehensive, theory-driven examination of social media and political polarization to date.' Diana Mutz, Samuel A. Stouffer Professor of Political Science and Communication, University of Pennsylvania'Frenemies is compelling social science with an original, provocative claim: our minds see the often non-political bits and pieces that unknown friends of friends reveal about themselves on Facebook and exaggerate them into a phalanx of misguided political opponents. Combine this mechanism with Facebook's scope, and you get a veritable polarization machine that transforms casual chitchat among strangers into bitter if illusionary partisan disagreement.' Markus Prior, Princeton University'Frenemies is a path-breaking and well-researched book. It offers both theoretical and empirical breakthroughs on the political effects of social media. Settle's novel and insightful theoretical framework succeeds where previous scholarship has failed in providing a coherent model for understanding how unique aspects of the social media environment interact with human psychology to influence political attitudes and behavior. She also makes a compelling and strong case that Facebook, of which a majority of Americans use, has contributed to the increase in partisan bitterness and division that we observe today. This book will set the standard in the study of political communication for years to come.' Kevin Arceneaux, Temple University, Pennsylvania'An instant classic … brilliant, [challenges] assumptions that pundits and scholars have about how the process works. The book will set the standard for future media and politics research.' Marc Hetherington, Vanderbilt University, Tennessee'Exhaustively researched, intensely data-driven and featuring an index for ease of reference, Frenemies is a welcome contribution to public and college library Social Issues collections.' Library Bookwatch'Frenemies represents the most comprehensive articulation and treatment of the polarizing impact of social media use available and should be essential reading for scholars who delve into this issue … [it will] appeal primarily to academic audiences.' Robert Faris, Perspectives on Politics'… the first comprehensive and truly novel theory of political communication on social media. The book provides a whole slew of testable hypotheses that should set the agenda for research on this topic for years to come.' Kevin Munger, Public Opinion QuarterlyTable of Contents1. A fundamental change in political communication; 2. Facebook in context: theorizing interaction on twenty-first century social media; 3. The END framework of political interaction on social media; 4. How do END interactions on the news feed psychologically polarize users?; 5. In the eye of the beholder: politically informative news feed content; 6. Political inference from content on the news feed; 7. Biased inference from END interactions; 8. Judging the other side; 9. Erasing the coast of Bohemia in the era of social media; Appendix A; Appendix B.

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Book SynopsisEach year, millions of people die from poverty-related causes. In this groundbreaking and thought-provoking book, Gwilym David Bluntargues that the only people who will end this injustice are its victims, and that the global poor have the right to resist the causes of poverty. Heexplores how the right of resistance is used to reframe urgent political questions: is illegal immigration a form of resistance? Can transnational social movements, such as the indigenous rights movement, provide the foundations for civil resistance to global poverty? If peaceful resistance fails, is armed struggle justified? Do people living in affluent states have a responsibility to help even if it requires them to break the law? Giving clear historical examples and engaging with fields including philosophy, international law, history, and international political studies, this volume addresses real-world issues from terrorism to activism. It will be important for anyone interested in applied philosophy and gTrade Review'There is no doubt that this is a valuable and original contribution to the literature on global justice and resistance to injustice. It is impressive not only in its philosophical sophistication but also in respect to the large historical and empirical literature on which it draws.' Jon Mandle, State University of New York, Albany'Global Poverty, Injustice, and Resistance is a provocative intervention that offers a fresh perspective on ethical and political questions of real-life import. Blunt's book subverts debates on global poverty and immigration in a way that demands serious attention from scholars interested in these topics and should provoke significant debate.' Elizabeth Kahn, Ethics and International AffairsTable of ContentsIntroduction: an unavoidable gaze; 1. Global poverty, justice, and intransigent non-compliance; 2. The right to resistance; 3. Does global poverty trigger the right to resistance?; 4. Illegal immigration as resistance to global poverty; 5. Transnational social movements, solidarity, and resistance; 6. Redistributive war as resistance; 7. Armed struggle and global poverty; 8. Duties of resistance; Conclusion: an inescapable choice.

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Book SynopsisComparative studies can reveal much about how law is formed out of social reality and political power by exploring these interactions in different national contexts. In this work Mauricio García-Villegas compares ideas about law and society in France and the United States, demonstrating different approaches to sociopolitical legal studies. Using the interdisciplinary tools of the sociology of law, critical legal theory, and sociolegal studies, García-Villegas builds up an insightful overview of what constitutes law and society theory and practice in France and the United States. He brings together diverse perspectives and practices that generally do not communicate well with one another, as is often the case between the critical theory of law of jurists and the legal sociology of sociologists. This study will allow readers to understand the sociology of law in a comparative perspective and sets out a new research agenda for the field of sociopolitical legal studies.Table of Contents1. A sociopolitical understanding of law; 2. The symbolic uses of law: at the heart of a political sociology of law; 3. Legal fields and the social sciences in France and the United States; 4. Sociopolitical legal studies in the United States; 5. Sociopolitical legal studies in France; 6. Conclusion: the present and future of sociopolitical legal studies.

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Book SynopsisChildren''s Rights and Business: Governing Obligations and Responsibility is a comprehensive legal inquiry into children''s rights and business. Relying on insights from various disciplines, the book illustrates the need for a children-focused inquiry on business and human rights. An analysis of the norm legalization process around the regulation of business and human rights, particularly of children''s rights follows the inquiry into existing hard and soft law regulatory frameworks on children''s rights and business. The book goes on to evaluate the promise of these frameworks in light of globalized business transactions through the lens of in-depth case illustrations on children''s rights in cotton and mineral supply chains and children''s rights in large-scale energy and transport investment projects. Finally, it concludes with a normative outlook on governing the children''s rights obligations of businesses and responsibility when violations occur, drawing on global governance apprTrade Review'Throughout the veritable industry that is now 'business and human rights' the plight of children is too often overlooked or understudied. In this impressively ambitious book Gamze Erdem Türkelli first illustrates precisely how the corporate exploitation of children is different and disproportionate, and then mounts a convincing argument for what domestic and international legal systems can do to educate, cajole, coerce, and punish irresponsible corporations.' David Kinley, Chair in Human Rights Law, University of Sydney'Business greatly impacts on children's Iives. Nevertheless, while business and human rights matters have been discussed for four decades, children's rights only entered this scene rather recently. In her lucid book, Gamze Erdem Turkelli appealingly unlocks the developments involved, both in theory and in practice. Cases from Uzbekistan, the DRC and Uganda finely illustrate child rights aspects that have come up in the cotton sector, mineral extraction, and infrastructure projects.' Karin Arts, International Institute of Social Studies, The Hague and Erasmus Universiteit RotterdamTable of ContentsPart I: 1. Children's rights obligations and business; Part II. Case Illustrations: A Brief Introduction: 2. Children's rights in supply chains; 3. Children's rights in investment projects; Part III: 4. A polycentric governance model of children's rights and business; 5. Polycentric governance of responsibility; 6. Children's rights, multiple duty-bearers and polycentric governance: summary conclusions.

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Book SynopsisThe US Constitution did not establish a clear division of responsibilities between the national government and state governments, so the distribution of policymaking authority is subject to constant renegotiation and debate. When national lawmakers introduce policy initiatives that implicate the states in important ways, why do state leaders sometimes respond with strong support and other times with indifference or outright hostility? Moving beyond the conventional story that state officials simply want money and autonomy from their national counterparts, this book explains how the states'' responses over the short, medium, and long term are shaped by policy design, timing, and the interaction between the two. Reaching across different historical eras with in-depth case studies of policies such as Superfund, the No Child Left Behind Act, and the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, the book shows how federalism has influenced, and continues to influence, the evolution of AmericaTrade Review'This engaging and innovative book puts forward a significant theoretical innovation backed up by extensive research.' C. Shortell, ChoiceTable of ContentsIntroduction: states as stakeholders; 1. Federalism and policy feedback; 2. The surprising persistence of unemployment insurance; 3. The brief life of the Sheppard-Towner Act; 4. Medicaid's remarkable expansion; 5. The rise and demise of general revenue sharing; 6. How Superfund sowed the seeds of its own instability; 7. No Child Left Behind and the politics of state resistance; 8. Policy design, polarization, and the Affordable Care Act; Conclusion: responsive states.

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Book SynopsisThis book analyzes current challenges and opportunities for the global trading system. It maps scenarios for sustainable global economic governance in ways that could transform the system as we know it.Trade Review'The WTO is not living its best moments, and what this book does better than any other volume is to highlight the reasons why this has been the case. By highlighting the concerns that have not been addressed, the voices that have not been heard, as well as the faux pas taken by those in charge, this volume offers an unparalleled collection of well-thought papers that should find their way to the desk of every policymaker steering the world trading system these days.' Petros C. Mavroidis, Edwin B. Parker Professor of Foreign & Comparative Law, Columbia University, New YorkTable of Contents1. Introduction: current challenges and future scenarios Manfred Elsig, Michael Hahn and Gabriele Spilker; Part I. New and Old Challenges: 2. The elephant in the negotiation room: PTAs through the eyes of citizens Quynh Nguyen and Gabriele Spilker; 3. Corporate strategy in times of anti-trade sentiment: current challenges and future scenarios Jappe Eckhardt and Louise Curran; 4. Understanding and shaping trade rules for the digital era Mira Burri; 5. The need for better disciplines on rules of origins in the WTO: evidence from NAFTA Caroline Freund; 6. For whom the bell tolls: the WTO's third decade Michael Hahn; Part II. Trade Policy and Trade-Related Concerns: 7. Reconceiving trade agreements for social inclusion Gregory Shaffer; 8. Our alarming climate crisis demands border adjustments now John Odell; 9. The multilateralization of PTAs' environmental clauses: scenarios for the future? Jean-Frédéric Morin, Clara Brandi and Axel Berger; 10. The trend to more and stricter non-trade issues in preferential trade agreements Lisa Lechner; Part III. Development Angles: 11. The trade-migration nexus from a multilevel perspective Flavia Jurje and Sandra Lavenex; 12. Trips implementation in developing countries: likely scenarios to 2025 Omar Serrano and Mira Burri; 13. Investment promotion and facilitation for LDCs Rodrigo Polanco Lazo and Azernoosh Bazrafkan; Part IV. Diffusion across Economic Treaties: 14. Heading for divorce? Investment protection rules in free trade agreements Wolfgang Alschner; 15. The regime complex for investment governance: overlapping provisions in PTAs and BITs Soo Yeon Kim and Clara Lee; 16. Asian Trade agreements in services: filling form with content Mark Manger.

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Book SynopsisIt is because Catholicism played such a formative role in the construction of Western legal culture that it is the focal point of this enquiry. The account of international law from its origin in the treaties of Westphalia, and located in the writing of the Grotian tradition, had lost contact with another cosmopolitan history of international law that reappeared with the growth of the early twentieth century human rights movement. The beginnings of the human rights movement, grounded in democratic sovereign power, returned to that moral vocabulary to promote the further growth of international order in the twentieth century. In recognising this technique of periodically returning to Western cosmopolitan legal culture, this book endeavours to provide a more complete account of the human rights project that factors in the contribution that cosmopolitan Catholicism made to a general theory of sovereignty, international law and human rights.Trade Review'Catholic cosmopolitanism has made an essential contribution to the rise of human rights law in the twentieth century. This well-researched book convincingly demonstrates that such an approach to international law did not come out of the blue but instead built on a millennium of Catholic legal, political and theological thought from the medieval period to the modern. It also leaves the reader with a pressing question: will the fruitful alliance of cosmopolitan traditions stemming from the Enlightenment and Christianity hold? Swimming somewhat against the tide, the author makes a case for why this would be desirable while acknowledging that it appears increasingly unlikely.' Hans-Martien ten Napel, Universiteit Leiden'This timely and challenging book takes us beyond the traditional histories of human rights law, exploring its often neglected roots in and links to the contested cosmopolitanism of Catholicism. Understanding the roots and limits of the modern human rights project requires continuous reflection and an openness to new ways of thinking about the ruptures that human rights claims seek to provoke. Catholic Cosmopolitanism and Human Rights will be an indispensable resource for all scholars and historians of the human rights project, and for critical and sympathetic observers of Catholicism's claims to universalism.' Siobhán Mullally, Established Professor of Human Rights Law and Director of the Irish Centre for Human Rights at National University of Ireland GalwayTable of ContentsIntroduction; 1. Catholic cosmopolitan and the birth of human rights; 2. Catholic cosmopolitanism from the centre to the periphery; 3. Catholic cosmopolitanism from the periphery to international concern; 4. Locating a modern Christian cosmopolitanism; 5. An imperfect cosmopolitan project; Conclusion.

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Book SynopsisIn light of growing urgency in tackling the global environmental crisis, there is a need for new visions and strategies to ensure a more sustainable and just world. This book provides a comprehensive overview of Green perspectives on a range of global issues, including security, the economy, the state, global governance, development and the environment. Drawing on academic literature on Green political theory, combined with insights from real-world practice and the author''s own extensive personal experience, it provides a timely and accessible account of why we need to embrace Green politics in order to tackle the multiple crises facing the world today. Presenting alternative visions and concrete strategies for achieving change, this book will be of interest to activists and policy-makers as well as students of environment, development and politics.Trade Review'With young people on the streets and the climate emergency top of the political agenda, Green politics has never been more important. With everybody trying to steal the Greens' political clothes, a book that explains the role Green politics can play in ensuring a safe, sustainable and happy life for all global citizens is very timely.' Molly Scott Cato, Member of the European Parliament'Change can simmer for decades then happen overnight. Peter Newell has concentrated years of thought into a single, landscape-shaping publication which reveals the potential of Green politics and the perils of it remaining the poor relation of how we try to understand the world. He shows that, without a Green perspective, there can be no answer to our epochal challenges of conflict, inequality, migration and climate breakdown.' Andrew Simms, NewWeather Institute'Radical, ecologically oriented political perspectives have much to teach us about the study and practice of world politics. For the first time, Global Green Politics fully exposes the deep insights and essential lessons from these perspectives. Anyone who wants to understand why our global sustainability crisis is escalating, and what action is necessary, should rush to read Peter Newell's visionary book.' Peter Dauvergne, University of British Columbia'Accessible, timely and comprehensive, Peter Newell's latest book provides a lucid and thorough review of the various strands of Green politics and discusses how they might enrich the broader field of international relations. Most valuable is the insightful and pragmatic way that Global Green Politics offers a set of tools and frameworks that enable the systematic application of these perspectives to a range of key contemporary issues, including the economy, security and development. Overall, the book illuminates how Green politics can provide the conceptual frameworks, critical analysis, and practical strategies needed to address the severe challenges facing our societies and the planet.' David Levy, University of Massachusetts–Boston'Global Green Politics makes the case for international relations scholarship to take seriously Green politics … as an important critical normative and analytical approach to IR issues ranging from state security and sovereignty to 'globalisation' and international political economy. Against the backdrop of growing (if uneven) recognition of the scale and urgency of the changes necessary to meet the challenges and transformative opportunities of climate and ecological breakdown, Newell makes the persuasive case for the long overdue acknowledgement of the insights of Green political theory and political economy within IR thinking. Global Green Politics not only is the first comprehensive integration of Green political analysis and IR, but in doing so constitutes an invaluable and pioneering guide to how to think globally in the twenty-first century, and how to understand and navigate our uncertain and turbulent times.' John Barry, Queens University Belfast'At last, here is a critical introduction to global Green politics from one of the field's most versatile intellectual pioneers. Grounded in a deep appreciation of the inextricable interconnections between social and ecological systems, this book offers a clear normative vision, a penetrating critique of business and politics as usual and a set of practical strategies for sustainability transitions. Younger generations can now take heart!' Robyn Eckersley, University of Melbourne'Newell's incisive analysis brings a vital Green lens to the study of global politics that has been largely neglected by mainstream scholars of international relations. Global Green Politics provides powerful insights and critiques that arise from taking an expressly ecological perspective on humanity's most pressing global concerns.' Jennifer Clapp, University of Waterloo'In addition to its relevance for international relations, this volume provides a well-documented survey of the current state of green thought … In the end, Newell is convincing in arguing that an approach such as the one he lays out is needed if the global society is to ward off catastrophic collapse.' J. C. Berg, Choice'In addition to its relevance for international relations, this volume provides a well-documented survey of the current state of green thought … In the end, Newell is convincing in arguing that an approach such as the one he lays out is needed if the global society is to ward off catastrophic collapse.' J. C. Berg, ChoiceTable of Contents1. Global Green politics: for the common good; 2. What is green politics?; 3. Green security; 4. Green economy; 5. Green state; 6. Green global governance; 7. Green development; 8. Green sustainability; 9. Conclusions: global politics for the common goal; References; Index.

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Book SynopsisAn important and topical contribution to the field of Middle East studies, this innovative, provocative, and timely study tackles head-on the main assumptions of the foundation of Israel as a Jewish state. Theoretically sophisticated and empirically rich, Yaacov Yadgar provides a novel analysis of the interplay between Israeli nationalism and Jewish tradition, arriving at a fresh understanding of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict through its focus on internal questions about Israeli identity. By critiquing and transcending the current discourse on religion and politics in Israel, this study brings to an international audience debates within Israel that have been previously inaccessible to non-Hebrew speaking academics. Featuring discussions on Israeli jurisprudence, nation-state law, and rabbinic courts, Israel''s Jewish Identity Crisis will have far-reaching implications, not only within the state of Israel but on politics, society and culture beyond its borders.Trade Review'Readers interested in untangling the many arguments swirling through Israel today may find this addition to Cambridge's 'The Global Middle East' series of interest.' G. M. Massey, Choice'To the large library devoted to modern Jewish-Israeli identity Yaacov Yadgar's newest book is, despite its relative slimness, a weighty addition. As its aim is to expose the root causes of the spiritual crisis Yadgar sees engulfing public life in Israel, the book is indeed innovatively 'radical' in its analytical attitude and breadth of discussion.' Israel Studies Review'… a robust analysis of the politics of identity in Israel, one that connects seemingly abstract and technical theological arguments with contemporary political and social issues within the frame-work of post-secularism.' Glen Rangwala, Journal of Modern Jewish StudiesTable of ContentsPreface; Introduction. Israel's Jewish identity crisis; 1. The politics of religious conversion and the limits of Zionist nationhood; 2. Israel as the nation-state of the Jewish people?; 3. Two contemporary debates on Zionism and secularism; 4. Non-Jewish Israeli nationalism and the limits of Israeliness.

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Book SynopsisThe first two decades of the twenty-first century have witnessed a rise of populism and decline of public confidence in many of the formal institutions of democracy. This crisis of democracy has stimulated searches for alternative ways of understanding and enacting politics. Against this background, Tessa Morris-Suzuki explores the long history of informal everyday political action in the Japanese context. Despite its seemingly inflexible and monolithic formal political system, Japan has been the site of many fascinating small-scale experiments in ''informal life politics'': grassroots do-it-yourself actions which seek not to lobby governments for change, but to change reality directly, from the bottom up. She explores this neglected history by examining an interlinked series of informal life politics experiments extending from the 1910s to the present day.Trade Review'Tessa Morris-Suzuki incisively explains why democracy is so difficult. For two centuries, many Japanese individuals have produced an impressive array of visionary, cosmopolitan, compassionate, and useful institutions that improve the lives of their neighbors - both body and soul - at the local level - surely the beginning of the answer, she argues.' Laura Hein, Harold H. and Virginia Anderson Professor of History, Northwestern University'From White Birch Teachers, Peasant Art and Free University, to craft and health cooperatives, Morris-Suzuki powerfully exposes the Japanese multitude's transnational past from the ground up and in transwar perspective. This history of symbiotic everyday networks that countered capitalist modernity reveals a new past that could change and challenge old future imaginations of the Anthropocene, democracy and climate change.' Sho Konishi, University of Oxford'Morris-Suzuki reminds us that the transnational history of Japan involves more than the circulation of ideas and practices at the level of nation-states. In this engaging account of translocal connections, we witness the formation of 'new villages' and other communities that championed autonomous politics outside the state and in dialogue with like-minded groups around the world.' Sheldon Garon, Princeton University'… those who are interested in rural activism in Japan will find a fascinating and rewarding read that is elegantly written and presents an important and new perspective on Japan and its history of grassroots activism.' David Chiavacci, Journal of Japanese Studies'Japan's Living Politics is likely to be of greatest interest to Japan scholars and students, and it should be widely adopted in Japan studies courses. That said, it should also be of interest to sociologists and anthropologists interested in community activism and communal living. I hope that comparative democracy scholars also take notice because Morris-Suzuki's methodology reads, to this reviewer at least, as both more authentic and more informative than much of the large-n quantitative research that has become a focus of that subfield.' Mary Alice Haddad, Monumenta NipponicaTable of Contents1. Japan and the crisis of democracy; 2. Living politics: Japan and the world; 3. The white birch and the Earth: giving life to the self in interwar Japan and beyond; 4. Rethinking the village; 5. Peasant art, free drawing and the free university; 6. The body politic: Saku Hospital and the Japanese cooperative movement; 7. Seeds of democracy: rural spaces of autonomy in postwar Japan; 8. Development from within: environment, region and autonomous action from the 1980's onwards; 9. Disaster and aftermath: informal life politics after 2011; Conclusion. Towards another democracy.

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Book SynopsisThat a constitution should express the will of ''the people'' is a long-standing principle, but the identity of ''the people'' has historically been narrow. Women, in particular, were not included. A shift, however, has recently occurred. Women''s participation in constitution-making is now recognised as a democratic right. Women''s demands to have their voices heard in both the processes of constitution-making and the text of their country''s constitution, are gaining recognition. Campaigning for inclusion in their country''s constitution-making, women have adopted innovative strategies to express their constitutional aspirations. This collection offers, for the first time, comprehensive case studies of women''s campaigns for constitutional equality in nine different countries that have undergone constitutional transformations in the ''participatory era''. Against a richly-contextualised historical and political background, each charts the actions and strategies of women participants,Table of ContentsIntroduction Ruth Rubio-Marín and Helen Irving; 1. Women's movements and the recognition of gender equality in the constitution-making process in Morocco and Tunisia (2011–14) Sara Borrillo; 2. Women and constitution-making in post-Communist Romania Elena Brodeala and Silvia Suteu; 3. Re-living yesterday's battles: women and constitution-making in post-Saddam Iraq Noga Efrati; 4. Women's participation in peace-building and constitution-making in Somalia Sakuntala Kadirgamar; 5. Feminist legalism: Colombian constitution-making in the 1990s Julieta Lemaitre; 6. Women and constitution-making in Turkey: from Ottoman modernism to a constitutionalism of women's platform Bertil Emrah Oder; 7. Egypt's tale of two constitutions: diverging gendered processes and outcomes Mariz Tadros; 8. Dialogic democracy, feminist theory, and women's participation in constitution-making Susan H. Williams.

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Book SynopsisThis book develops a winsome and confident understanding of political and social liberalism while exploring issues in ethics, law, and politics - including consumer responsibility, deception by lawyers, war and empire, and the use of victim-impact statements in parole decisions - in light of a rich understanding of fulfilment and flourishing.Trade Review'Most particularly in an age of illiberal populism, 'liberalism' urgently needs redefinition, away from its bizarre US definition as yet another collectivism. Chartier's brilliant and wide-ranging book defends a new, and old, liberalism in detail. It is, as he says, 'a confident reassertion of liberalism', but willing to listen to the other side, and to consider. His 'radical' liberalism is in fact a modest and reasonable program for a flourishing world of natural-law equals.' Deirdre N. McCloskey, University of Illinois, Chicago'This book is a rich exploration of two strands of natural law theory and how they contribute to flourishing for us all. Linking his preferred natural law view with the broad liberal tradition, Gary Chartier shows how 'natural law liberalism' might shed new light on a wide range of issues.' John Hagel, author of The Power of Pull'I can't name a higher intellectual priority than reframing and reviving liberalism. Chartier does just this in his humane, learned, and erudite manifesto. His liberalism seeks appealingly to foster the good life and universal ennoblement through voluntary means - in a way consistent with human rights and social harmonies. Read it. Believe it.' Jeffrey A. Tucker, American Institute for Economic Research'This is a masterful work. Drawing on a version of Aristotelian natural law theory and Scottish Enlightenment insights into spontaneous order, Gary Chartier elaborates a natural law position that supports liberal social and political views. But Chartier takes his arguments in unexpected directions, and in so doing illuminates issues of genuine theoretical and practical significance. In each case, Chartier's analysis helps to elaborate and defend his theoretical framework. Flourishing Lives is philosophy at its best - advancing our understanding of natural law and drawing on this understanding to support timely and provocative conclusions.' James Stacey Taylor, College of New Jersey'… a pleasure to read and a stimulating occasion for one's own reflections … I doubt that many liberals will be persuaded to embrace natural law as a result of reading the book or that many traditional natural lawyers will be moved to endorse Chartier's radical liberalism, but all will be better for the intellectual workout, and many of Chartier's particular arguments deserve a hearing.' V. Bradley Lewis, EthicsTable of ContentsAcknowledgments; About the author; Introduction: Liberals; 1. Boycotts; 2. Lies; 3. Grades; 4. Adversaries; 5. Lawyers; 6. Victims; 7. Believers; 8. Interventions; 9. Anarchists; Conclusion: radicals; Index.

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Book SynopsisWhen refugees flee war and persecution, protection and assistance are usually provided by United Nations organisations and their NGO implementing partners. In camps and cities, the dominant humanitarian model remains premised upon a provider-beneficiary relationship. In parallel to this model, however, is a largely neglected story: refugees themselves frequently mobilise to create organisations or networks as alternative providers of social protection. Based on fieldwork in refugee camps and cities in Uganda and Kenya, this book examines how refugee-led organisations emerge, the forms they take, and their interactions with international institutions. Developing an original theoretical framework based on the concept of ''the global governed'', the book shows how power and hierarchy mediate the seemingly benign notion of protection. Drawing upon ideas from anthropology and international relations, it offers an alternative vision for more participatory global governance, of relevance to oTrade Review'The Global Governed? is a detailed examination of the (underappreciated) role of refugee-led organisations at the local level. Theoretically grounded and empirically rich, the book portrays a wide range of social protection activities undertaken by refugees for refugees. Adopting a bottom-up approach, it shows both the possibility of, and barriers to, participation of refugees in global governance.' T. Alexander Aleinikoff, Professor at the New School, New York, Director of the Zolberg Institute on Migration and Mobility'The Global Governed? draws on the best tradition of Oxford University's Refugee Studies Centre and its founder, Barbara Harrell-Bond, by starting from the premise that refugees, no matter how destitute and vulnerable, are always actively trying to help themselves. They do not sit back and wait for assistance or for someone else to protect them, but work together to get what they need. By focusing on refugee community organisations, the authors shine a light into the relationships of power that often work against such self-help. They recognise the complexity of different forms of refugee community organising. This book provides a welcome contribution to understanding the political economy of refugee contexts, but is also relevant to policymakers and aid providers seeking to support refugee populations and to localise approaches to humanitarian and development assistance.' Laura Hammond, Professor in the Department of Development Studies, SOAS University of London'Pincock, Betts, and Easton-Calabria (all, Univ. of Oxford, UK) have combined their expertise and fieldwork to produce this excellent comparison of four major refugee sites in East Africa-Kampala and Nakivale in Uganda, and Nairobi and Kakuma in Kenya … Because of the tight four-site comparison, this would be an excellent text for discussion in upper-level undergraduate and graduate courses on refugees, or on humanitarian action in general.' D. W. Haines, ChoiceTable of Contents1. Introduction; 2. Theoretical framework; 3. Kampala; 4. Nakivale; 5. Nairobi; 6. Kakuma; Conclusion.

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Book SynopsisCalvo and Murillo consider the non-policy benefits that voters consider when deciding their vote. While parties advertise policies, they also deliver non-policy benefits in the form of competent economic management, constituency service, and patronage jobs. Different from much of the existing research, which focuses on the implementation of policy or on the delivery of clientelistic benefits, this book provides a unified view of how politicians deliver broad portfolios of policy and non-policy benefits to their constituency. The authors'' theory shows how these non-policy resources also shape parties'' ideological positions and which type of electoral offers they target to poorer or richer voters. With exhaustive empirical work, both qualitative and quantitative, the research documents how linkages between parties and voters shape the delivery of non-policy benefits in Argentina and Chile.Trade Review'This complex and nuanced theory helps explain moderate party positions in Argentina and ideological differences in Chile. The level of analysis is impressive but requires readers to examine each part in detail. The summaries at the end of each chapter and the conclusion provide clear interpretations for those who are not familiar with the two countries or the types of statistical analyses.' M. L. Godwin, ChoiceTable of ContentsPrologue; 1. Non-policy politics; 2. A demand-side model of non-policy politics; 3. Tracing political preferences and party organization in Argentina and Chile; 4. Mapping voter preference in Argentina and Chile: 5. Party organization: how activists reach voters; 6. Voters' preferences and Pparties' electoral offers; 7. Party activists and their conditional effect on the vote; 8. Targeting patronage in Argentina and Chile; 9. Back to policy offers; 10. Non-policy politics and electoral responsiveness; 11. Appendices.

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Book SynopsisCan America Govern Itself? brings together a diverse group of distinguished scholars to analyze how rising party polarization and economic inequality have affected the performance of American governing institutions. It is organized around two themes: the changing nature of representation in the United States; and how changes in the political environment have affected the internal processes of institutions, overall government performance, and policy outcomes. The chapters in this volume analyze concerns about power, influence and representation in American politics, the quality of deliberation and political communications, the management and implementation of public policy, and the performance of an eighteenth century constitution in today''s polarized political environment. These renowned scholars provide a deeper and more systematic grasp of what is new, and what is perennial in challenges to democracy at a fraught moment.Trade Review'Lee and McCarty have put together a stellar team of authors to address one of the most critical questions facing Americans: can our governing institutions cope with intense partisan polarization? The resulting chapters offer valuable insights into how representation, lawmaking, and policy implementation work - and fail to work - in our political system.' Eric Schickler, University of California, Berkeley'America's democratic institutions - in Washington and beyond - are under stress. This robust volume brings together an all-star cast of scholars to probe the nation's governing capacity and to consider the prospects for significant reform.' Sarah Binder, George Washington University, Washington DC and The Brookings Institution'With public trust in political institutions plummeting, parties growing ever more divided, and our elected leaders failing to attend to pressing national problems, we are right to wonder whether our political system is up to the most basic tasks of governance. In this fine volume, Frances E. Lee and Nolan McCarty assemble a terrific group of scholars who offer a range of answers - some reassuring, some not - that reformers would do well to heed in this age of anxiety.' William Howell, University of ChicagoTable of Contents1. Anxieties of American democracy Frances E. Lee and Nolan McCarty; Part I. Anxieties of Power, Influence, and Representation: 2. In the private interest? Business influence and American democracy Anthony S. Chen; 3. The interest group top tier: lobbying inequality and American governance Lee Drutman, Matt Grossmann and Timothy LaPira; 4. Developments in Congressional responsiveness to donor opinion Brandice Canes-Wrone and Nathan Gibson; 5. Minority protest and the early stages of governmental responsiveness in the electoral process Daniel Gillion and Patricia Posey; 6. The hollow parties Daniel Schlozman and Sam Rosenfeld; Part II. Procedural Anxieties: 7. Does regular order produce a more deliberative Congress? Evidence from the annual appropriations process Lee Drutman and Peter Hanson; 8. Congress at work: legislative capacity and entrepreneurship in the contemporary Congress James Curry and Frances Lee; 9. Dumbing down? Trends in the complexity of political communication Kenneth Benoit, Kevin Munger and Arthur Spirling; Part III. Anxieties of Governance: 10. Public policy and political dysfunction: the policyscape, policy maintenance, and oversight Suzanne Mettler and Claire Leavitt; 11. The effects of partisan polarization on the bureaucracy David Spence; 12. Polarization and the changing American constitutional system Nolan McCarty.

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Book SynopsisComparing the experiences of different countries before, during, and after the Arab Spring, this is a broad but focused account of how societies, including those of Egypt, Libya, Yemen, Iraq, and Tunisia, handled the challenge of democratic consolidation.Trade Review'Stephen J. King's very insightful and timely study sheds important light on what followed the 2011 uprisings in six Arab countries. He has picked exactly the right cases for comparative analysis aimed at identifying generalizable patterns and scope conditions for authoritarian breakdown and the different paths that followed. The chapters on each country are rich and informative, but King explains as well as describes. His thesis that challenges associated with democratic consolidation bear much of the responsibility for the failure of most Arab Spring revolutions is both welcome and persuasive.' Mark Tessler, Samuel J. Eldersveld Professor of Political Science, University of Michigan'In his valuable new book, Stephen J. King offers a new take on the trajectories of the Arab Uprising states. While most analyses have focused on authoritarian breakdown, King focuses on the requisites of democratic consolidation: consensus via pacts on key issues. This enables a deeper understanding of the variation in post-uprising trajectories between the one case of relative consolidation, Tunisia, and authoritarian restoration or state failure elsewhere.' Raymond Hinnebusch, University of St Andrews'King tells this story in five well-researched chapters with a short conclusion. His book should be an instant classic in comparative politics and would be suitable for undergraduate courses on Middle East politics.' S. Waalkes, ChoiceTable of ContentsTable of abbreviations; Introduction; 1. Tunisia; 2. Egypt; 3. Libya; 4. Yemen; 5. Broken states: Iraq, Syria and ISIS; 6. Summary and conclusions; Index.

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Book SynopsisAn important and topical contribution to the field of Middle East studies, this innovative, provocative, and timely study tackles head-on the main assumptions of the foundation of Israel as a Jewish state. Theoretically sophisticated and empirically rich, Yaacov Yadgar provides a novel analysis of the interplay between Israeli nationalism and Jewish tradition, arriving at a fresh understanding of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict through its focus on internal questions about Israeli identity. By critiquing and transcending the current discourse on religion and politics in Israel, this study brings to an international audience debates within Israel that have been previously inaccessible to non-Hebrew speaking academics. Featuring discussions on Israeli jurisprudence, nation-state law, and rabbinic courts, Israel''s Jewish Identity Crisis will have far-reaching implications, not only within the state of Israel but on politics, society and culture beyond its borders.Trade Review'Readers interested in untangling the many arguments swirling through Israel today may find this addition to Cambridge's 'The Global Middle East' series of interest.' G. M. Massey, Choice'To the large library devoted to modern Jewish-Israeli identity Yaacov Yadgar's newest book is, despite its relative slimness, a weighty addition. As its aim is to expose the root causes of the spiritual crisis Yadgar sees engulfing public life in Israel, the book is indeed innovatively 'radical' in its analytical attitude and breadth of discussion.' Israel Studies Review'… a robust analysis of the politics of identity in Israel, one that connects seemingly abstract and technical theological arguments with contemporary political and social issues within the frame-work of post-secularism.' Glen Rangwala, Journal of Modern Jewish StudiesTable of ContentsPreface; Introduction. Israel's Jewish identity crisis; 1. The politics of religious conversion and the limits of Zionist nationhood; 2. Israel as the nation-state of the Jewish people?; 3. Two contemporary debates on Zionism and secularism; 4. Non-Jewish Israeli nationalism and the limits of Israeliness.

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Book SynopsisThe Fourth Ordeal tells the history of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt from the late 1960s until 2018. Based on over 140 first-hand interviews with leaders, rank-and-file members and dissidents, as well as a wide range of original written sources, the story traces the Brotherhood''s re-emergence and rise following the collapse of Nasser''s Arab nationalism, all the way to its short-lived experiment with power and the subsequent period of imprisonment, persecution and exile. Unique in terms of its source base, this book provides readers with unprecedented insight into the Brotherhood''s internal politics during fifty years of its history.Trade Review'This superb oral history offers a forensic analysis of the Brotherhood's far from inevitable rise and fall from power in Egypt. Brothers are presented neither as victims nor villains, rather as social actors forced to make difficult choices in unprecedented circumstances. With enviable scholarly impartiality, The Fourth Ordeal is history at its best.' Hazem Kandil, Cambridge University'A highly readable account of the Muslim Brotherhood's modern history, based on a well of primary sources and interviews. Focusing on factional struggles between old-school leaders and younger reformists, the book offers an insightful interpretation of the background to the failed Mursi presidency and the violent movement's suppression in 2013.' Brynjar Lia, University of Oslo'A compelling and dramatic account of the rise of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood from suppressed opposition movement to the pinnacle of presidential power, only to be overthrown by the military in 2013 and banned as a terrorist organisation. An outstanding book, drawing on extensive interviews of Muslim brothers and their opponents, Victor J. Willi tells the story of the Muslim Brothers in their own words and as he himself witnessed events in the 2010s. The best book available on the most influential Islamist movement in the world.' Eugene Rogan, University of Oxford'This is a fresh contribution to the much-studied Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, with a novel concentration on the internal voices of this organization … An impressive merit of the book is the 'oral history' approach.' Chaoqun Lian, China International Strategy ReviewTable of ContentsPrologue; Introduction; 1. The Society of the Muslim Brothers; 2. The Second Founding (1968–1981); 3. The Rise of the Vanguard (1981–1991); 4. Brotherhood Incorporated (1991–2001); 5. Struggle for Leadership (2001–2011); 6. Revolution, Rise and Fall (2011–2013); 7. The Beginning of the Fourth Ordeal (2013–2018); Conclusion; Epilogue.

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Book SynopsisThe COVID-19 pandemic will forever be remembered as a pivotal event in American history. Written by one of the world''s foremost experts on leadership and followership, this book centers on the first six months of the pandemic and the crises that ran rampant. The chapters focus less on the former president, Donald Trump, than on his followers: on people complicit in his miserable mismanagement of the crisis in public health. Barbara Kellerman provides clear and compelling evidence that Trump was not entirely to blame for everything that went wrong. Many others were responsible including his base, party, administration, inner circle, Republican elites, members of the media, and even medical experts. Far too many surrendered to the president''s demands, despite it being obvious his leadership was fatally flawed. The book testifies to the importance of speaking truth to power, and a willingness to take risks properly to serve the public interest.Trade ReviewAn eye-opening look at how bad leaders – one in particular – rely on bad followers.' KirkusTable of ContentsPart I. Trump's Tribe: 1. Base; 2. Party; 3. Administration; 4. Inner Circle; Part II. Virus Crisis: 5. Prequel to the Pandemic; 6. Sequence of the Pandemic; 7. Science of the Pandemic; 8. Politics of the Pandemic; Part III. Trump's Team: 9. Vice President, Cabinet; 10. Senior Advisors; 11. Senators, Governors, Media; 12. Medical Experts; Epilogue: Enabler Effect.

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Book SynopsisWesterners on both the left and right overwhelmingly conflate globalisation with Westernisation and presume that the global economy is a pure Western-creation. Taking on the traditional Eurocentric Big Bang theory, or the ''expansion of the West'' narrative, this book reveals the multicultural origins of globalisation and the global economy, not so as to marginalise the West but to show how it has long been embedded in complex interconnections and co-constitutive interactions with non-Western actors/agents and processes. The central empirical theme is the role of Indian structural power that was derived from Indian cotton textile exports. Indian structural power organised the first (historical-capitalist) global economy between 1500 and c.1850 and performed a vital, albeit indirect, role in the making of Western empire, industrialisation and the second (modern-capitalist) global economy. These textiles underpinned the complex inter-relations between Africa, West/Central/East/Southeast Trade Review'Building on his past path-breaking work, Hobson lays a historical foundation for a 'non-Eurocentric new Global Political Economy' in this engagingly written book. Teachers will be rewriting their lectures after reading its many fascinating arguments about the role of the 'non-West' in constructing the global economy.' Eric Helleiner, University of Waterloo'Hobson's compelling story takes us beyond Eurocentrism without falling prey to Eastern-centrism, finally offering a proper global-historical account that locates the origins of capitalism and the global economy not in 'the West' nor in 'the East' but in the complex relations in-between. This is a much-needed work of historiographical synthesis and conceptual innovation.' Julian Go, Boston University'This is a masterful and revisionary account of the premodern and global lineages of capitalism. It shows how the complexity of non-European societies and economies shaped their encounter with Europe as well as with each other. A necessary and supple corrective to Eurocentric histories of both modernity and globalization.' Ania Loomba, University of Pennsylvania'… monumental work … Highly recommended.' M. F. Farrell, Choice MagazineTable of Contents1. Taking Stock for the Journey Ahead – Mapping a New Global Political Economy; Part I. Multicultural Origins of the First (Historical Capitalist) Global Economy, 1500–1850: 2. Going Global 1.0: Chinese Agency in the Making of the First Global Economy; 3. The Afro-Indian Pivot (I): Indian Structural Power and the Global Atlantic System; 4. The Afro-Indian Pivot (II): Entangled Agencies and Power of Africans, Indians and West Asian Muslims; 5. Entangled Indo-European Agencies: Implications of Indian Structural Power; 6. Indian Merchant-Financial Capitalists: Navigating beyond the Western-centric Sea Frontier; Part II. What was Global about the First Global Economy, 1500–c.1850?: 7. Countering the Neoliberal/Transformationalist Rejection of the First Global Economy: Un-veiling Global Structural Properties; 8. Countering the Fundamentalist-Marxist Rejection of the First Global Economy: Un-veiling Global Historical Capitalism; Part III. The First Global Economy in the Making of Modern Industrial Capitalism, 1500–1800: 9. The Global Atlantic-Production Driver and the Imperial Primitive Accumulation of British Capital; 10. The Global Atlantic-Consumption Driver and British Late-Developmental Agency in Global Uneven and Combined Development; Part IV: Differing 'Developmental Architectures' in Differing Global Contexts in the Second Great Divergence, 1600–1800: 11. Why Britain initiated a Cotton-Industrialization and why India and China did not; 12. Why Britain initiated an Iron and Steel Industrialization and why India and China did not; Part V. Rehabilitating and Provincializing Western Imperialism: Afro-Asians Inside and Outside the Shadow of Empire: 13. Multicultural Origins of the Second Global Economy: Un-veiling the 'Multicultural Contact Zone', C.1850–C.1940; 14. Varieties of Global Economy: From Historical Capitalism to Modern Capitalism, C.1500–2020.

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