Social discrimination and social justice Books

Book SynopsisBorn into a tenant farming family in North Carolina in 1946, Mary Louise, Mary Ann, Mary Alice, and Mary Catherine were medical miracles. Annie Mae Fultz, a Black-Cherokee woman who lost her ability to hear and speak in childhood, became the mother of America's first surviving set of identical quadruplets. They were instant celebrities. Their White doctor named them after his own family members. He sold the rights to use the sisters for marketing purposes to the highest-bidding formula company. The girls lived in poverty, while Pet Milk's profits from a previously untapped market of Black families skyrocketed. Over half a century later, baby formula is a seventy-billion-dollar industry and Black mothers have the lowest breastfeeding rates in the country. Since slavery, legal, political, and societal factors have routinely denied Black women the ability to choose how to feed their babies. In Skimmed, Andrea Freeman tells the riveting story of the Fultz quadruplets while uncovering how feeding America's youngest citizens is awash in social, legal, and cultural inequalities. This book highlights the making of a modern public health crisis, the four extraordinary girls whose stories encapsulate a nationwide injustice, and how we can fight for a healthier future.Trade Review"Skimmed provides a powerful portrait of how racism fuels the disparity between who breastfeeds in the U.S. Freeman shows that race continues to matter, even when it comes down to our children's first food, despite many Americans' belief that we are beyond race."—Khiara M. Bridges, University of California, Berkeley"Recovering the remarkable story of the Fultz quadruplets, Andrea Freeman brilliantly reveals how racism, economic inequality, and an unholy alliance between corporations and federal programs create the racial disparity in breastfeeding. Skimmed connects longstanding stereotypes to structural impediments that deny Black mothers the ability to decide for themselves how to feed their babies. This urgent book reveals the deadly consequences of a health crisis that implicates race, gender, economic, food, and reproductive justice."—Dorothy Roberts, author of Killing the Black Body: Race, Reproduction, and the Meaning of Liberty"This book blew me away. In prose that is equally rigorous and lush, Andrea Freeman walks us into the making of an engineered health crisis through the lives of four Black girls. Skimmed patiently explores the nexus between Blackness and Indigeneity, engineered terror and liberatory possibilities. It is the rare book that my heart will never forget, and my head will always wonder how on earth Freeman pulled this off."—Kiese Laymon, author of Heavy: An American Memoir"Skimmed weaves together the story of the Fultz family with history and legal scholarship to explain how medical coercion and white supremacy have shaped Black communities' access to first food. Offering solutions from food justice organizers, Andrea Freeman shows us a path to supporting families who want to breastfeed."—Dani McClain, author of We Live for the We: The Political Power of Black Motherhood"'Wow!' is my understated expression while reading, pausing and writing notes [on Skimmed]. It is a defining read alongside Bryan Stevenson's Just Mercy....Anyone who will listen to me, I am telling about Skimmed."—Wenonah Valentine, MBA, Founder in Residence and Executive Director, iDREAM for Racial Health Equity, a project of Community PartnersTable of ContentsIntroduction: A Formula for Discrimination 1. The Famous Fultz Quads 2. Black Breastfeeding in America 4. The Bad Black Mother 5. When Formula Rules 6. Legalizing Breast Milk 7. The Fultz Quads after Pet Milk Conclusion: "First Food" Freedom

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Book SynopsisThe Color of Creatorship examines how copyright, trademark, and patent discourses work together to form American ideals around race, citizenship, and property. Working through key moments in intellectual property history since 1790, Anjali Vats reveals that even as they have seemingly evolved, American understandings of who is a creator and who is an infringer have remained remarkably racially conservative and consistent over time. Vats examines archival, legal, political, and popular culture texts to demonstrate how intellectual properties developed alongside definitions of the "good citizen," "bad citizen," and intellectual labor in racialized ways. Offering readers a theory of critical race intellectual property, Vats historicizes the figure of the citizen-creator, the white male maker who was incorporated into the national ideology as a key contributor to the nation's moral and economic development. She also traces the emergence of racial panics around infringement, arguing that the post-racial creator exists in opposition to the figure of the hyper-racial infringer, a national enemy who is the opposite of the hardworking, innovative American creator. The Color of Creatorship contributes to a rapidly-developing conversation in critical race intellectual property. Vats argues that once anti-racist activists grapple with the underlying racial structures of intellectual property law, they can better advocate for strategies that resist the underlying drivers of racially disparate copyright, patent, and trademark policy.Trade Review"Building on the work of racial justice and intellectual property pioneers, Anjali Vats elevates the conversation to important new registers, including concerns of equitable distribution and post-racial identity claims. Vats shows how IP and contested citizenship have evolved to embed centuries of systemic racial injustices, reaching into the past to imagine a new and exciting future for creatorship."—Jessica Silbey, Northeastern University"American law defined black human beings as chattel, deprived Asian Americans the right to own property, and justified the appropriation of Native lands. Anjali Vats's riveting book reveals how intellectual property is rife with racial bias and actively creates racialized notions of citizenship and humanity. From the Marvin Gaye plagiarism suit to Prince's radical protest against copyright as modern slavery, Vats explores the racial biases that underlie rhetoric around ingenuity, citizenship, property, and the public domain. A tour de force."—Madhavi Sunder, Georgetown University Law Center"Anjali Vats delivers a damning polemic on the racist scripts and tropes that have animated American intellectual property law and rhetoric, shaping understandings of citizenship and structures of national feeling in three distinct eras of racial political economy. The Color of Creatorship is destined to be a touchstone and lightning rod in critical race legal theory for years to come."—Rosemary J. Coombe, author of The Cultural Life of Intellectual Properties: Authorship, Appropriation and the Law"Vats's powerful analysis draws mainly from laws and legal cases in the United States, moving roughly chronologically from the eighteenth century to the present. But her argument has international reach."—Shobita Parthasarathy, NatureTable of ContentsIntroduction: Creating Intellectual Property, Creating Americans One: The Intellectual Property Citizen Two: The Race Liberal Intellectual Property Citizen Three: The Postracial Intellectual Property Citizen Four: Rescripting Creatorship, Rescripting Citizenship Conclusion: Decolonizing Creatorship and Remaking Personhood

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Book SynopsisAs immigrants settle in new places, they are faced with endless uncertainties that prevent them from feeling that they belong. From language barriers, to differing social norms, to legal boundaries separating them from established residents, they are constantly navigating shifting and contradictory expectations both to assimilate to their new culture and to honor their native one. In A Place to Call Home, Ernesto Castañeda offers a uniquely comparative portrait of immigrant expectations and experiences. Drawing on fourteen years of ethnographic observation and hundreds of interviews with documented and undocumented immigrants and their children, Castañeda sets out to determine how different locations can aid or disrupt the process of immigrant integration. Focusing on New York City, Paris, and Barcelona—immigration hubs in their respective countries—he compares the experiences of both Latino and North African migrants, and finds that subjective understandings, local contexts, national and regional history, and religious institutions are all factors that profoundly impact the personal journey to belonging.Trade Review"Based on extensive fieldwork in three immigrant-receiving cities, this book provides a rich first-hand look at how immigrants adapt and react to different contexts of reception and how these contexts affect long-term outcomes for their foreign-origin populations. A valuable and original contribution to the study of immigration and ethnicity." -- Alejandro Portes * Princeton University *"This brilliant transnational ethnography illuminates how immigrants constantly negotiate their host communities and their native ones. An astounding fourteen years of painstaking fieldwork provide a one-of-a-kind look at the lives of undocumented and documented immigrants within international, national, and community contexts. This social science masterpiece provides a definitive analysis on what must be done to improve the integration process for vulnerable immigrant populations." -- Victor M. Rios * University of California, Santa Barbara *"A Place to Call Home deepens our knowledge of how place matters in shaping immigrant integration. This book is an important contribution to the study of immigration and cities and leads to more interesting questions...The insights uncovered by this work have important implications for designing better policy for welcoming immigrants into cities."––Jackelyn Hwang, American Journal of Sociology"[Castañeda] develops a rich dialogue between prior research, survey respondents, and ethnographic insights for each city. A Place to Call Home will make an appealing addition to undergraduate or graduate courses in sociology, politics, immigration, citizenship, religion, and ethnic studies."–– Stephen P. Ruszczyk, Sociological Forum

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Book SynopsisAs immigrants settle in new places, they are faced with endless uncertainties that prevent them from feeling that they belong. From language barriers, to differing social norms, to legal boundaries separating them from established residents, they are constantly navigating shifting and contradictory expectations both to assimilate to their new culture and to honor their native one. In A Place to Call Home, Ernesto Castañeda offers a uniquely comparative portrait of immigrant expectations and experiences. Drawing on fourteen years of ethnographic observation and hundreds of interviews with documented and undocumented immigrants and their children, Castañeda sets out to determine how different locations can aid or disrupt the process of immigrant integration. Focusing on New York City, Paris, and Barcelona—immigration hubs in their respective countries—he compares the experiences of both Latino and North African migrants, and finds that subjective understandings, local contexts, national and regional history, and religious institutions are all factors that profoundly impact the personal journey to belonging.Trade Review"Based on extensive fieldwork in three immigrant-receiving cities, this book provides a rich first-hand look at how immigrants adapt and react to different contexts of reception and how these contexts affect long-term outcomes for their foreign-origin populations. A valuable and original contribution to the study of immigration and ethnicity." -- Alejandro Portes * Princeton University *"This brilliant transnational ethnography illuminates how immigrants constantly negotiate their host communities and their native ones. An astounding fourteen years of painstaking fieldwork provide a one-of-a-kind look at the lives of undocumented and documented immigrants within international, national, and community contexts. This social science masterpiece provides a definitive analysis on what must be done to improve the integration process for vulnerable immigrant populations." -- Victor M. Rios * University of California, Santa Barbara *"A Place to Call Home deepens our knowledge of how place matters in shaping immigrant integration. This book is an important contribution to the study of immigration and cities and leads to more interesting questions...The insights uncovered by this work have important implications for designing better policy for welcoming immigrants into cities."––Jackelyn Hwang, American Journal of Sociology"[Castañeda] develops a rich dialogue between prior research, survey respondents, and ethnographic insights for each city. A Place to Call Home will make an appealing addition to undergraduate or graduate courses in sociology, politics, immigration, citizenship, religion, and ethnic studies."–– Stephen P. Ruszczyk, Sociological Forum

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Book SynopsisExposing ethical dilemmas of neuroscientific research on violence, this book warns against a dystopian future in which behavior is narrowly defined in relation to our biological makeup. Biological explanations for violence have existed for centuries, as has criticism of this kind of deterministic science, haunted by a long history of horrific abuse. Yet, this program has endured because of, and not despite, its notorious legacy. Today's scientists are well beyond the nature versus nurture debate. Instead, they contend that scientific progress has led to a nature and nurture, biological and social, stance that allows it to avoid the pitfalls of the past. In Conviction Oliver Rollins cautions against this optimism, arguing that the way these categories are imagined belies a dangerous continuity between past and present. The late 1980s ushered in a wave of techno-scientific advancements in the genetic and brain sciences. Rollins focuses on an often-ignored strand of research, the neuroscience of violence, which he argues became a key player in the larger conversation about the biological origins of criminal, violent behavior. Using powerful technologies, neuroscientists have rationalized an idea of the violent brain—or a brain that bears the marks of predisposition toward "dangerousness." Drawing on extensive analysis of neurobiological research, interviews with neuroscientists, and participant observation, Rollins finds that this construct of the brain is ill-equipped to deal with the complexities and contradictions of the social world, much less the ethical implications of informing treatment based on such simplified definitions. Rollins warns of the potentially devastating effects of a science that promises to "predict" criminals before the crime is committed, in a world that already understands violence largely through a politic of inequality.Trade Review"With the emergence of fMRI technology in the 1990s, neuroscientists have attempted to explain violent behavior by locating specific brainwave activity. However, because of the fluidity of the boundaries that define "violence," it has been a bumpy road. With Conviction, Oliver Rollins has made a significant contribution to explaining why the path has been so fraught—providing a 'sociology of knowledge' construction that illuminates how the scaffolding of key concepts have come into play, and as often, into conflict."—Troy Duster, Chancellor's Professor Emeritus, University of California, Berkeley"Oliver Rollins brilliantly probes claims by contemporary neuroscientists that brain science can investigate racist behavior divorced from bio-criminology's past promotion of biological determinism and racist stereotypes. He incisively exposes the social assumptions embedded in the new neuroscientific model of violence—the "violent brain"—and shows how researchers' attempts to ignore race actually help to perpetuate racist myths about potential criminals. Conviction makes an essential contribution to our understanding of the promises and pitfalls of biosocial science."—Dorothy Roberts, author of Fatal Invention"Conviction is a vital book that pushes social scientific critiques of neuroscience onto more sophisticated terrain. The biologization of crime and violence is a seductive and dangerous idea that scientists cannot seem to resist, even with all its ethical baggage. Concerned social scientists must meet it with arguments that are not recycled from the last battle but engage with the contemporary manifestations of this bad idea."—Owen Whooley, New Genetics and Society"Conviction is a fascinating book that addresses core issues in medical sociology, science studies, the sociology of race, biopolitics, and the sociology of knowledge.... [W]hat we get here is a nuanced, deeply researched portrait of a scientific program that is rife with political problems and uncertainty, wherein scientists' failed efforts to deal with 'the social' demand that we pursue bolder sociological engagements with science."—Paige L. Sweet, American Journal of Sociology"Rollins's final product is a sensible and respectful critique of modern neuroscience and its ambition to succeed in proposing a neutral and complete understanding of violence, where the brain is both the question and the solution and broader social contingencies are overlooked altogether. The book spares readers the redundant free will rhetoric attacking the flaws of biological determinism—which is very welcome. Instead, it confronts readers with a paramount limitation of the neuroscience of violence that is far more concrete, timely, and truly worth of consideration in interdisciplinary discussions on neuroscience, law, and society."—Federica Coppola, Criminal Law and Criminal Justice Books"Conviction arrives at a timely moment in which controversial questions surrounding neurological maturity, culpability, and future dangerousness present immediate concerns in the criminal justice system.... Rollins' blending of sociological and medical knowledge makes for a thorough and persuasive argument about the persistence of colorblind racial logics at the intersection of neuroscience and criminology."—Ernest K. Chavez, Law & Society ReviewTable of Contents1. Biology, Violence, and the Continued Debate 2. Finding the "Fit" 3. "Picturing" Risky Brains 4. Beyond Determinism? 5. The Taboo of Race 6. Fixing Violent Brains 7. The Limits of Scientific Conviction

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Book SynopsisBorders of Belonging investigates a pressing but previously unexplored aspect of immigration in America—the impact of immigration policies and practices not only on undocumented migrants, but also on their family members, some of whom possess a form of legal status. Heide Castañeda reveals the trauma, distress, and inequalities that occur daily, alongside the stratification of particular family members' access to resources like education, employment, and health care. She also paints a vivid picture of the resilience, resistance, creative responses, and solidarity between parents and children, siblings, and other kin. Castañeda's innovative ethnography combines fieldwork with individuals and family groups to paint a full picture of the experiences of mixed-status families as they navigate the emotional, social, political, and medical difficulties that inevitably arise when at least one family member lacks legal status. Exposing the extreme conditions in the heavily-regulated U.S./Mexico borderlands, this book presents a portentous vision of how the further encroachment of immigration enforcement would affect millions of mixed-status families throughout the country.Trade Review"In this superior work of scholarship, Heide Castañeda allows readers to experience the sorrow, pain, and trauma current immigration laws and practices have inflicted not just on undocumented migrants, but also on their family members with some form of legal status. Engaging and brilliantly observed, Borders of Belonging makes an incredibly timely and policy-relevant argument about the interlocking fates within mixed-status families. This book is poised for instant success within and beyond the classroom." -- Roberto G. Gonzales * author of Lives in Limbo: Undocumented and Coming of Age in America *"This book's investigations into sibling relationships, the Rio Grande region, and the impacts of illegalization on U.S. citizen family members is important and original. Through the use of compassionate personal narratives, Castañeda humanizes the anguish and resilience of the book's protagonists. An essential and engrossing read." -- Susan Bibler Coutin * University of California, Irvine *"Borders of Belonging is a brilliant, powerful, unprecedented book. It is an absolute must read for everyone. This book is critical not only for all who are interested in immigration in the United States and around the world, but also for anyone who cares about families, children, and parents. Castañeda skillfully portrays real families in the Rio Grande Valley who are navigating the unintended, harmful consequences of immigration and social policies, displaying their deep compassion and care for one another. As they experience powerful discrimination and racism, these families display resilience and solidarity across lines of difference, actively resisting inequality in their midst. The families and individuals—immigrants and citizens—whom the reader comes to know in these pages offer us all models for a more healthy and equal society and teach us important lessons for our communities, schools, health care systems, and public policies." -- Seth M. Holmes * author of Fresh Fruit, Broken Bodies: Migrant Farmworkers in the United States *"This work powerfully and effectively addresses the situation of undocumented migrants to the United States caught up in the larger political crisis of immigration policies and enforcement. This inspired and moving work of ethnography is cast at the level of everyday life and the complexities of undocumented status, though the author fully grasps the formal levels of policy making and enforcement that led to such difficult challenges for families in the Rio Grande borderlands...Recommended."––G. E. Marcus, CHOICE"One of Castañeda's contributions lies in legitimizing the family as a uniform social unit with potential for action and adaptation in the face of adverse conditions. By positing the family as a mediator of culture, Castañeda redefines the boundaries of social life and the ways they can be understood to gauge the impacts of policies that, though aimed at individuals, inevitably affect those around them."––Javier Porras Madera, NACLA Report on the Americas"Borders of Belonging illuminates a poorly understood aspect of life in a way that is compelling, clear, theoretically and methodologically grounded, timely and compassionate....essential reading for anyone who wishes to understand the complex and layered human experience of immigration in the United States today." -- Faidra Papavasiliou * General Anthropology *"Drawing on meticulous ethnographic interviews with various members of families in the Rio Grande Valley, Castañeda tells a fascinating story, nuanced and attentive to the specifics of the geographic region of 'the Valley'....Future research should build off this excellent work and document similarities and differences across varying geographic and local contexts throughout the United States and, perhaps, around the world." -- Joanna Dreby * Social Forces *"Borders of Belonging is an essential read for anyone seeking to understand the lived experience of US immigration laws and their enforcement....[An] insightful examination into both the visible and invisible effects of US immigration policy." -- Jane Lilly López * Journal of American Ethnic History *"Borders of Belongingis a policy-relevant and accessible piece of work that provides extremely significant insight in the spill-over effects of tightened border control and draconian migration policies. Through vivid descriptions of the harmful consequences of these policies, the book attests to the ways in which family members become the 'collateral damages' of these politics of migration. I appreciate Heide Castañeda's commitment to bringing to life the daily reality of mixed-status families as they navigate borders, belonging and family-life." -- Elsemieke van Osch * Border Criminologies *Table of ContentsContents and AbstractsIntroduction: Illegality and the Immigrant Family chapter abstractThis chapter lays out the three main arguments of the book: (1) that the construction of "illegality" for some members in a family influences opportunities and resources for all, including legal residents and U.S. citizens; (2) that people are not simply passive victims of this circumstance, but are resilient and creative, and mobilize to challenge its effects; and (3) that the incorporation experiences of mixed-status families are significantly framed by place, in this case the U.S.–Mexico border region. The chapter defines "mixed-status" families as those comprised of at least one undocumented member and at least one other person with any authorized legal status or transitional status. It also describes the study methods and outlines the chapters of the book. 1Belonging in the Borderlands chapter abstractThis chapter examines how local context uniquely shapes pathways of incorporation and the everyday experiences of mixed-status families. Local configurations of laws, practices, and attitudes reflect how specific geographic settings provide unique mobilities, resources, opportunities, and disadvantages. Place matters. The chapter examines the geographic, cultural, and political landscape of the Rio Grande Valley of South Texas, which in some ways may be viewed as a pocket of inclusion because of its ethnic makeup, the dominance of the Spanish language, and its strong binational frame of reference. However, the historical marginalization and illegalization of Mexican migration through U.S. immigration laws provide an important backdrop for understanding the experience of illegality for families. This is strengthened by relentless and constant surveillance associated with the militarized border, including checkpoints that supplement and intensify interior enforcement. 2United Yet Divided: Mixed-Status Family Dynamics chapter abstractThis chapter examines the dynamics of mixed-status families, including shared norms, interpersonal tensions, and systems of mutual support. As legal status stratifies the household, creating divisions and even resentment, the central pattern is nonetheless family unity. Family relationships necessarily challenge simplistic distinctions between citizens and immigrants, and underscore the impossibility of assigning rigid juridical categories to entangled social lives. Juxtaposing the perspectives of various members within the same family illustrates how those experiences played out in complex ways. Mutual support is critical, and certain family members take on specific roles. Finally, the progress of the entire family and the social mobility of subsequent generations are viewed as linked to children's educational success. 3"Little Lies": Disclosure and Relationships Beyond the Family chapter abstractThis chapter turns outward to explore relationships between mixed-status families and others in their communities. Disclosure—that is, to whom, when, and why people talk about their own or their family's status—is a major concern, with both undocumented persons and U.S. citizens describing "little lies," acts of concealment, and feeling as if they must live a double life. Even close friendships and intimate romantic relationships are affected, as those in mixed-status families face difficulties adhering to normative expectations of dating and courtship. Disclosure is weighed against the possible repercussions, including stigmatization, discrimination, ridicule, and fear of denunciation by friends, lovers, neighbors, co-workers, and even other family members. Finally, the chapter explores empowered disclosure, or strategic "coming out" as undocumented, and its role in creating new identities and political subjectivities. 4Estamos Encerrados: Im/mobilities in the Borderlands chapter abstractThis chapter focuses on spatial restrictions to mobility, including the various checkpoints, the fear of driving that exposes people to apprehension, and the racialization of illegality and its effects on inspection practices. Legal status within the family becomes embodied as stratified forms of mobility. Many people are relegated to life within this small strip along the border, and describe feeling "trapped in a cage." The geographies of policing mobility in the border region are distinct by virtue of the constraints of the international border, the 100-mile buffer zone, and specific enforcement practices. Due to shifting legal terrains and requirements, a range of legal driving opportunities often coexist within a single family. For everyday driving practice and during inspection at one of the many checkpoints, racialization is a recurring theme. The chapter shows how fear, anxiety, and pressure are all part of the affective nature of the dynamic borderlands. 5Additional Borders: Education, Work, and Social Mobility chapter abstractThis chapter examines the social mobility of children who grow up in mixed-status families, including the barriers and secondary borders they encounter as they try to go to college, obtain jobs, and become independent. Early experiences in schools are generally inclusive and positive, but this shifts in high school and with the pressures of applying for and attending college. Youth living in the borderlands may be unable or unwilling to attend college in the nation's interior, past the Border Patrol checkpoints, including U.S. citizens who restrict themselves from moving away from undocumented family members, thus affecting their own social mobility. Financial barriers, discrimination, and feelings of alienation coexist alongside educational success in college. Rarely explored elsewhere has been young adults' desire to enlist in the U.S. military or Border Patrol; both are common career paths in this region with few alternative well-paying jobs. 6Unequal Access: Health and Well-Being chapter abstractSimply being part of a mixed-status family can result in poorer health and unequal access to care, creating hierarchies between individual family members. Health policies have multiple direct and indirect impacts specifically on these families, including their hesitancy to enroll citizen children in programs due to fear of deportation or to avoid jeopardizing chances of future regularization. As formal systems fail to meet the needs of a large segment of the population, alternative and informal channels of care proliferate, including illicit medications, unlicensed providers, and home treatments. Heavy border enforcement impacts mixed-status families when specialty care is required outside the region, as well as exacerbating stress and anxiety. Some families avoid enrolling eligible members in programs as notions of "deservingness" are internalized. This has a chilling effect that extends to U.S. citizens, meaning that they are discouraged from the exercise of their rights, a form of "multigenerational punishment." 7Family Separation: Deportation, Removal, and Return chapter abstractThis chapter examines family separation through deportation, illustrating how the detention and deportation of relatives shapes children's sense of security and well-being, and increases economic uncertainty in the household. The chapter follows several families whose members have experienced deportation, as well as the elaborate "emergency planning" measures they develop in case of family separation. This shifts household power dynamics, empowering citizen children in a complex micropolitical economy of deportability. Finally, the chapter explores how deported family members are brought back, reliant upon on ties in Mexico, connections to smugglers, and their ability to pay. Geographic context changes the landscape of deportability, making security much more precarious in the borderlands than in other parts of the United States. 8Fixing Papers: Status Adjustment in Mixed-Status Families chapter abstractMixed-status families have an intimate relationship with the law, most evident when individuals undergo regularization, or "fix their papers." Law impacts family bonds in distinct ways, often shifting or reversing power relations between parents and children. It also empowers children, who finally feel they have agency and control over their family's destiny. The chapter also provides rich stories of DACA recipients in their transition from undocumented to "DACAmented," a status that was experienced as precarious and that solidified prior and produced new forms of inequality. For some, there are simply "dead ends" in the regularization process. Finally, for those who are successful in obtaining legal relief or status, another peril looms: jealousy, stratification, and hierarchies created within families and communities because others are left behind. The flip side is survivor's guilt; once people regularize their status, they avoid seeming boastful or fostering bitterness or resentment. Conclusion chapter abstractThe book concludes with a reflection on the lessons learned from the 100 families in this book, arguing that political efforts toward reform or social integration must take into account mixed-status family configurations, since they are now a primary and enduring feature of the contemporary immigration experience in the United States. The book complicates the idea of living "in the shadows" as it is used in scholarly and popular discourse, instead portraying mixed-status families as resilient, socially engaged, and living as active members of their communities. Yet the daily lives of some 16.7 million people in mixed-status families are marked by uncertainty and exclusion. The chapter summarizes both the scholarly and policy implications of the themes presented in the book. Through a deeper understanding of their experiences, we can work toward policies that lift communities up rather than exacerbate inequalities.

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Book SynopsisFrom Boas to Black Power investigates how U.S. cultural anthropologists wrote about race, racism, and "America" in the 20th century as a window into the greater project of U.S. anti-racist liberalism. Anthropology as a discipline and the American project share a common origin: their very foundations are built upon white supremacy, and both are still reckoning with their racist legacies. In this groundbreaking intellectual history of anti-racism within twentieth-century cultural anthropology, Mark Anderson starts with the legacy of Franz Boas and Ruth Benedict and continues through the post-war and Black Power movement to the birth of the Black Studies discipline, exploring the problem "America" represents for liberal anti-racism. Anderson shows how cultural anthropology contributed to liberal American discourses on race that simultaneously bolstered and denied white domination. From Boas to Black Power provides a major rethinking of anthropological anti-racism as a project that, in step with the American racial liberalism it helped create, paradoxically maintained white American hegemony. Anthropologists influenced by radical political movements of the 1960s offered the first sustained challenge to that project, calling attention to the racial contradictions of American liberalism reflected in anthropology. Their critiques remain relevant for the discipline and the nation.Trade Review"From Boas to Black Power thoughtfully examines the contradictions and tensions of anthropology's last 100 years. Using Boasian interventions on race and culture as a valuable starting point, this important book explains how thinking about race/racism in anthropology (and in the wider public culture) pivots on various assumptions about liberalism that link race to American identity in ways that haunt the country as much as ever these days." -- John L. Jackson, Jr. * University of Pennsylvania *"This is an important intervention in the history of U.S. anthropology, particularly the history of anthropological debates on race, racism, and the intellectual impact of Black Power as a social movement. Mark Anderson's interrogation of the liberal anti-racism associated largely with Boasians seriously engages the critiques and alternative scholarship of William Willis, Diane Lewis, Charles & Betty Lou Valentine, and St. Clair Drake, who belonged to an earlier decolonizing generation that cleared the ground for later critical anti-racist projects. This insightful analysis un-silences significant aspects of anthropology's past and illuminates how dominant liberal modalities of anti-racism—regardless of intention—sustain the epistemic, cultural, and structural power of white supremacy, an obstacle to justice, well-being, and liberation." -- Faye V. Harrison * University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign *"What [Anderson] selects is essential, informative, and critical. His significant contribution to the history of anthropology and American liberalism is the way he combines his razor-sharp analysis of text and context and paradox and contradiction." -- Lee D. Baker * Transforming Anthropology *Table of ContentsContents and AbstractsPrologue: The Custom of the Country chapter abstractThe Prologue uses a discussion between anthropologist Margaret Mead and writer James Baldwin, recorded in A Rap on Race, to foreshadow core themes of the book: the anthropology of race and racism and its legacies; Black Power; anti-racist liberalism and its contradictions; and challenges to anti-racist liberalism that emerged in the 1960s. Introduction chapter abstractThe Introduction provides an overview of the main arguments of the book and the theoretical perspectives informing the analysis. It discusses how the book differs from previous scholarship by focusing on the historical relationship between anthropology, U.S. liberalism, and the creation of liberal anti-racism, as developed in the first half of the twentieth century and challenged in the late 1960s. A discussion of the contradictions of liberal anti-racism, and how to think about them, is at the heart of this chapter. 1The Anti-Racist Liberal Americanism of Boasian Anthropology chapter abstractChapter 1 develops an account of the Boasian intervention on race within the context of racial stratification in the U.S. and the development of anthropology as an academic discipline in the early twentieth century. The Boasians were part of larger intellectual networks striving to reinvent understandings of America and U.S. culture along liberal and socialist principles in the post–World War I era, a moment of intense American nativism directed against both peoples of color and southern and eastern European immigrants. The chapter discusses the principal Boasian contributions to anti-racist thought, focusing on how they critiqued scientific racism, reconceptualized racial classification, and promoted the culture concept. It also compares Boasian approaches to race and culture with that of Harlem Renaissance intellectuals, who sought to carve out a space for the recognition of a distinctive African American culture and identity in ways that departed from the Boasian orientation toward assimilation. 2Franz Boas, Miscegenation, and the White Problem chapter abstractChapter 2 analyzes an under-examined paradox in the thought of Franz Boas, one of the most important anti-racist intellectuals of the twentieth century. Why did Boas contend that the ultimate solution to the "Negro problem" involved sexual relations between white men and African American women? The chapter develops a close reading of his discussions of race relations in the U.S. and argues that Boas' thought was driven by a deeply pessimistic assessment of the possibility of the liberalization of American whites. This assessment provided the potential grounds for a critical analysis of American liberalism and white supremacy. Boas, however, ultimately embraced a vision of American belonging that tacitly confirmed the whiteness of America. The chapter concludes with a comparison of Boas' reflections on miscegenation to those of Harlem Renaissance intellectual George Schuyler to explore the contradictions in Boas' thought on the political economy of interracial sex and marriage. 3Ruth Benedict, "American" Culture, and the Color Line chapter abstractChapter 3 examines Ruth Benedict's writings on race and racism. Benedict was a student and colleague of Boas and one of the most famous anthropologists of the twentieth century. The chapter provides a close reading of Race: Science and Politics (1940) and related essays and popular works. It details how Benedict built on the Boasian intervention by providing a cultural history of racism and suggesting solutions consistent with New Deal economic and social reforms. It then shows how she drew on the model of European immigrant assimilation to assess the condition of non-whites, ultimately representing racism in the U.S. as an aberration from American culture, a problem in the nation rather than of the nation. She instructed (white) Americans how to reconcile the existence of racism in America with a faith in America as a liberal racial democracy, erasing the constitutive power of whiteness in the U.S. body politic. 4Post–World War II Anthropology and the Social Life of Race and Racism chapter abstractThis chapter provides an account of anthropological engagements with race and racism in the post–World War II era. It identifies key developments in U.S. anthropology in the context of formal decolonization abroad, domestic civil rights mobilization, and the ascendance of the U.S. as the preeminent global power. It also examines the institutional expansion and transformation of the discipline as it confronted challenges to racial exclusion in the civil rights era, paying particular attention to the situation of Black anthropologists within a white-dominant academy. Finally, the chapter discusses anthropological engagements with race as a social phenomenon and challenges the standard scholarly view that cultural anthropologists abandoned the analysis of race and racism. 5Charles Wagley, Marvin Harris, and the Comparative Study of Race chapter abstractChapter 5 examines the work of anthropologists Charles Wagley and Marvin Harris, who developed comparative analysis of racial classification in the Americas in the 1950s and early 1960s. This work was initiated through a project on race relations in Brazil sponsored by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). This project sought to understand the "harmonious" race relations perceived as characteristic of Brazil. However, Wagley and Harris provided ethnographic evidence of racial prejudice in Brazil. They developed comparative accounts of racial classification systems and "social race" that had the potential for generating a structural, materialist account of white-dominant racisms across the Americas. This potential, however, went unrealized. Harris and Wagley relied on an understanding of racism that equated racial discrimination with "caste" segregation, a model that led them to downplay racism in Latin America and the power of whiteness in the U.S. 6Black Studies and the Reinvention of Anthropology chapter abstractChapter 6 explores the heretofore unexamined relationship between the turbulent politics of the 1960s, a sense of crisis in anthropology, efforts to decolonize anthropology, and critiques of racial liberalism. The chapter begins with an account of the crisis and self-critical turn in anthropology, focusing on Black Studies critiques of the academy and U.S. liberalism and their effects on the discipline. It proceeds to analyze the writings of three neglected figures, African American anthropologists William Willis and Diane Lewis and white anthropologist Charles Valentine. Read together, these scholars challenged anthropology's self-image as a progressive, anti-racist discipline, promoting expansive understandings of racism as a structural phenomenon that anticipated later critiques of the culture concept as a successor to biological racism. They also demanded a reckoning with American liberalism—and the anthropology that nurtured it—as a paradoxical project of racial inclusion that left the normalization of whiteness intact. Conclusion: Anti-Racism, Liberalism, and Anthropology in the Age of Trump chapter abstractThe conclusion reflects on the lessons of the book for the present. In an era marked by the election of Donald Trump to the presidency, there is an enormous temptation to defend liberal anti-racism as the unfulfilled promise of America; to link the promotion of the values of racial freedom, equality, and justice to national identity, heritage, and culture; to reclaim the nation from a resurgence of overt white supremacist nationalism. The conclusion draws on the book's account of anthropological anti-racism and its critics to identify some of the problems associated with that orientation and reflects on why the election of Trump came as a shock to many liberals. It then provides an account of the enduring whiteness of anthropology and the enduring need to decolonize the discipline and the nation.

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Book SynopsisFrom Boas to Black Power investigates how U.S. cultural anthropologists wrote about race, racism, and "America" in the 20th century as a window into the greater project of U.S. anti-racist liberalism. Anthropology as a discipline and the American project share a common origin: their very foundations are built upon white supremacy, and both are still reckoning with their racist legacies. In this groundbreaking intellectual history of anti-racism within twentieth-century cultural anthropology, Mark Anderson starts with the legacy of Franz Boas and Ruth Benedict and continues through the post-war and Black Power movement to the birth of the Black Studies discipline, exploring the problem "America" represents for liberal anti-racism. Anderson shows how cultural anthropology contributed to liberal American discourses on race that simultaneously bolstered and denied white domination. From Boas to Black Power provides a major rethinking of anthropological anti-racism as a project that, in step with the American racial liberalism it helped create, paradoxically maintained white American hegemony. Anthropologists influenced by radical political movements of the 1960s offered the first sustained challenge to that project, calling attention to the racial contradictions of American liberalism reflected in anthropology. Their critiques remain relevant for the discipline and the nation.Trade Review"From Boas to Black Power thoughtfully examines the contradictions and tensions of anthropology's last 100 years. Using Boasian interventions on race and culture as a valuable starting point, this important book explains how thinking about race/racism in anthropology (and in the wider public culture) pivots on various assumptions about liberalism that link race to American identity in ways that haunt the country as much as ever these days." -- John L. Jackson, Jr. * University of Pennsylvania *"This is an important intervention in the history of U.S. anthropology, particularly the history of anthropological debates on race, racism, and the intellectual impact of Black Power as a social movement. Mark Anderson's interrogation of the liberal anti-racism associated largely with Boasians seriously engages the critiques and alternative scholarship of William Willis, Diane Lewis, Charles & Betty Lou Valentine, and St. Clair Drake, who belonged to an earlier decolonizing generation that cleared the ground for later critical anti-racist projects. This insightful analysis un-silences significant aspects of anthropology's past and illuminates how dominant liberal modalities of anti-racism—regardless of intention—sustain the epistemic, cultural, and structural power of white supremacy, an obstacle to justice, well-being, and liberation." -- Faye V. Harrison * University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign *"What [Anderson] selects is essential, informative, and critical. His significant contribution to the history of anthropology and American liberalism is the way he combines his razor-sharp analysis of text and context and paradox and contradiction." -- Lee D. Baker * Transforming Anthropology *Table of ContentsContents and AbstractsPrologue: The Custom of the Country chapter abstractThe Prologue uses a discussion between anthropologist Margaret Mead and writer James Baldwin, recorded in A Rap on Race, to foreshadow core themes of the book: the anthropology of race and racism and its legacies; Black Power; anti-racist liberalism and its contradictions; and challenges to anti-racist liberalism that emerged in the 1960s. Introduction chapter abstractThe Introduction provides an overview of the main arguments of the book and the theoretical perspectives informing the analysis. It discusses how the book differs from previous scholarship by focusing on the historical relationship between anthropology, U.S. liberalism, and the creation of liberal anti-racism, as developed in the first half of the twentieth century and challenged in the late 1960s. A discussion of the contradictions of liberal anti-racism, and how to think about them, is at the heart of this chapter. 1The Anti-Racist Liberal Americanism of Boasian Anthropology chapter abstractChapter 1 develops an account of the Boasian intervention on race within the context of racial stratification in the U.S. and the development of anthropology as an academic discipline in the early twentieth century. The Boasians were part of larger intellectual networks striving to reinvent understandings of America and U.S. culture along liberal and socialist principles in the post–World War I era, a moment of intense American nativism directed against both peoples of color and southern and eastern European immigrants. The chapter discusses the principal Boasian contributions to anti-racist thought, focusing on how they critiqued scientific racism, reconceptualized racial classification, and promoted the culture concept. It also compares Boasian approaches to race and culture with that of Harlem Renaissance intellectuals, who sought to carve out a space for the recognition of a distinctive African American culture and identity in ways that departed from the Boasian orientation toward assimilation. 2Franz Boas, Miscegenation, and the White Problem chapter abstractChapter 2 analyzes an under-examined paradox in the thought of Franz Boas, one of the most important anti-racist intellectuals of the twentieth century. Why did Boas contend that the ultimate solution to the "Negro problem" involved sexual relations between white men and African American women? The chapter develops a close reading of his discussions of race relations in the U.S. and argues that Boas' thought was driven by a deeply pessimistic assessment of the possibility of the liberalization of American whites. This assessment provided the potential grounds for a critical analysis of American liberalism and white supremacy. Boas, however, ultimately embraced a vision of American belonging that tacitly confirmed the whiteness of America. The chapter concludes with a comparison of Boas' reflections on miscegenation to those of Harlem Renaissance intellectual George Schuyler to explore the contradictions in Boas' thought on the political economy of interracial sex and marriage. 3Ruth Benedict, "American" Culture, and the Color Line chapter abstractChapter 3 examines Ruth Benedict's writings on race and racism. Benedict was a student and colleague of Boas and one of the most famous anthropologists of the twentieth century. The chapter provides a close reading of Race: Science and Politics (1940) and related essays and popular works. It details how Benedict built on the Boasian intervention by providing a cultural history of racism and suggesting solutions consistent with New Deal economic and social reforms. It then shows how she drew on the model of European immigrant assimilation to assess the condition of non-whites, ultimately representing racism in the U.S. as an aberration from American culture, a problem in the nation rather than of the nation. She instructed (white) Americans how to reconcile the existence of racism in America with a faith in America as a liberal racial democracy, erasing the constitutive power of whiteness in the U.S. body politic. 4Post–World War II Anthropology and the Social Life of Race and Racism chapter abstractThis chapter provides an account of anthropological engagements with race and racism in the post–World War II era. It identifies key developments in U.S. anthropology in the context of formal decolonization abroad, domestic civil rights mobilization, and the ascendance of the U.S. as the preeminent global power. It also examines the institutional expansion and transformation of the discipline as it confronted challenges to racial exclusion in the civil rights era, paying particular attention to the situation of Black anthropologists within a white-dominant academy. Finally, the chapter discusses anthropological engagements with race as a social phenomenon and challenges the standard scholarly view that cultural anthropologists abandoned the analysis of race and racism. 5Charles Wagley, Marvin Harris, and the Comparative Study of Race chapter abstractChapter 5 examines the work of anthropologists Charles Wagley and Marvin Harris, who developed comparative analysis of racial classification in the Americas in the 1950s and early 1960s. This work was initiated through a project on race relations in Brazil sponsored by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). This project sought to understand the "harmonious" race relations perceived as characteristic of Brazil. However, Wagley and Harris provided ethnographic evidence of racial prejudice in Brazil. They developed comparative accounts of racial classification systems and "social race" that had the potential for generating a structural, materialist account of white-dominant racisms across the Americas. This potential, however, went unrealized. Harris and Wagley relied on an understanding of racism that equated racial discrimination with "caste" segregation, a model that led them to downplay racism in Latin America and the power of whiteness in the U.S. 6Black Studies and the Reinvention of Anthropology chapter abstractChapter 6 explores the heretofore unexamined relationship between the turbulent politics of the 1960s, a sense of crisis in anthropology, efforts to decolonize anthropology, and critiques of racial liberalism. The chapter begins with an account of the crisis and self-critical turn in anthropology, focusing on Black Studies critiques of the academy and U.S. liberalism and their effects on the discipline. It proceeds to analyze the writings of three neglected figures, African American anthropologists William Willis and Diane Lewis and white anthropologist Charles Valentine. Read together, these scholars challenged anthropology's self-image as a progressive, anti-racist discipline, promoting expansive understandings of racism as a structural phenomenon that anticipated later critiques of the culture concept as a successor to biological racism. They also demanded a reckoning with American liberalism—and the anthropology that nurtured it—as a paradoxical project of racial inclusion that left the normalization of whiteness intact. Conclusion: Anti-Racism, Liberalism, and Anthropology in the Age of Trump chapter abstractThe conclusion reflects on the lessons of the book for the present. In an era marked by the election of Donald Trump to the presidency, there is an enormous temptation to defend liberal anti-racism as the unfulfilled promise of America; to link the promotion of the values of racial freedom, equality, and justice to national identity, heritage, and culture; to reclaim the nation from a resurgence of overt white supremacist nationalism. The conclusion draws on the book's account of anthropological anti-racism and its critics to identify some of the problems associated with that orientation and reflects on why the election of Trump came as a shock to many liberals. It then provides an account of the enduring whiteness of anthropology and the enduring need to decolonize the discipline and the nation.

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Book SynopsisSouth Central Los Angeles is often characterized as an African American community beset by poverty and economic neglect. But this depiction obscures the significant Latina/o population that has called South Central home since the 1970s. More significantly, it conceals the efforts African American and Latina/o residents have made together in shaping their community. As residents have faced increasing challenges from diminished government social services, economic disinvestment, immigration enforcement, and police surveillance, they have come together in their struggle for belonging and justice. South Central Is Home investigates the development of relational community formation and highlights how communities of color like South Central experience racism and discrimination—and how in the best of situations, they are energized to improve their conditions together. Tracking the demographic shifts in South Central from 1945 to the present, Abigail Rosas shows how financial institutions, War on Poverty programs like Headstart for school children, and community health centers emerged as crucial sites where neighbors engaged one another over what was best for their community. Through this work, Rosas illuminates the promise of community building, offering findings indispensable to our understandings of race, community, and place in U.S. society.Trade Review"South Central Is Home offers an illuminating history of one of America's most iconic communities in transition—from the War on Poverty to the War on Drugs. In prose as vivid as her subjects, Abigail Rosas beautifully captures the struggles, tensions, and aspirations of people typically portrayed as perpetrators or victims of unremitting violence—reminding readers that South Central Los Angeles is, indeed, home." -- Robin D. G. Kelley * author of Thelonious Monk: The Life and Times of an American Original *"Finding seeds of hope for a better racial future in the stories she uncovers, Abigail Rosas offers profound insights into how ordinary folks did extraordinary things, the remarkable possibilities and limits of multi-racialism, and sweeping transformations in urban life since World War II. South Central Is Home is a compelling, timely, and imaginative book." -- Luis Alvarez * University of California, San Diego *"Interdisciplinary in scope and accessible to scholars of race, power, and urbanization, as well as practitioners working with communities at the intersection of these processes, this volume probes how distinct black and brown communities emerged, grew, and shaped each other in LA since the 1960s. Rosas...effectively engages with archival material and several detailed oral histories....Highly recommended." -- J. deGuzman * CHOICE *"Books like Rosas's help to fill an enormous void in both the urban and historical literatures where historical communities of color are often described too simplistically....South Central Is Home is a very well written urban history that should be a starting point and guide for all future work on the history of South Central and should be mandatory reading for undergraduate and graduate students in both introductory and higher-level social science courses." -- Robert Vargas * American Journal of Sociology *"For young scholars, [South Central Is Home] provides a model for writing about communities that formed us, communities that we unapologetically love. ....[By] disentangling the rich history of South Central, Rosas shows us the future of cities across the United States." -- Claudia Sandoval * Boom California *"South Central Is Home covers many of the issues found in interracial urban communities across America, and offers us a better understanding of the notions of race, community and place." -- Juan Manuel Niño * Journal of Urban Affairs *"This is a thoughtful, insightful, and at times, personal history of South Central as a particular space and place. South Central is Home provides important contributions to our understanding of the City of Los Angeles, the community of South Central, and the often complicated and complex relationships between Latino/as and African Americans in that community." -- Robert Bauman * Pacific Historical Review *Table of ContentsContents and AbstractsIntroduction: Uncovering Black and Latina/o Relations chapter abstractThe Introduction explains the historical configuration of South Central Los Angeles's demographic change from a predominantly African American community to a multiracial African American and Latina/o immigrant community. It posits that daily acts of community racialization and activism defined resident belonging and investment in this racially diverse community. The chapter examines how it is important to enrich existing scholarship by reconceptualizing South Central as a racialized space and community forged and sustained by African Americans and Latina/os' sharing South Central as their home. As neighbors, entrepreneurs, homeowners, political advocates and representatives, teachers, parents, and students, South Central residents refused to be overwhelmed by U.S. national discourses and policies on crime, poverty, education, immigration, and public health and to live isolated from each other or to abandon or forfeit thriving together and as members of this community. 1Placemaking in Our Community: Race Enterprise and the War on Poverty chapter abstractThis chapter introduces African American migration from the U.S. South to Los Angeles as foundational to South Central being understood nationally as an overwhelmingly African American community in the post–World War II period. An in-depth consideration of the emergence and influence of African American entrepreneurship in South Central's business sector reveals the power behind African American migrants spearheading the establishment of Broadway Federal Bank, a minority-owned bank in South Central. By the 1960s, however, the economic realities of South Central and Watts were increasingly defined as working class, working poor, and poor. The introduction of War on Poverty funding and programs would play a role in the relationships fostered between African American and Mexican American activists and advocates. 2"Let's Get Them Off to a Headstart!" Community Investment in Head Start chapter abstractThis chapter centers on African American and Latina/o South Central residents' struggles to establish, lead, teach, and benefit from Head Start programs throughout South Central. This consideration of the War on Poverty pre-school education program's vision, design, and implementation elucidates how this program brought African American and Latina/o South Central residents together to forge an approach to "school readiness" that lived up to their expectations for the future of their children, families, and community. 3"The Wave of the Future": The Emergence of Community Health Clinics chapter abstractThis chapter historicizes late mid-twentieth-century South Central African American and Latina/o residents' community investment in the building of a hospital and community and health centers "where the poorest and most humble can be treated with respect and feel they belong." It argues that in the wake of the 1965 uprisings, South Central residents, U.S. political officials, and physicians waged an interracial campaign for this community to have access to a hospital and community health clinics that would meet the diversity of South Central residents' health care needs. The chapter showcases African American and Latina/o residents' unwavering resolve to act together and in support of community wellness as a formative step to asserting their community's humanity, investment, and power. 4Becoming "Bonafide" Residents: Developing Relational Community Formation chapter abstractThis chapter advances our understanding of the impact of U.S. immigration policy on the resolve of Latina/o immigrant South Central residents to invest themselves in forging a sense of community and home alongside and with their African American neighbors. The chapter elucidates the shared racialization of Latina/o immigrant and African American South Central residents' experience. The emotive range of feelings framing this demographic change speaks to this community's relational interracial formation, humanity, and livelihood. 5Teaching Together: Interracial Community Organizing chapter abstractThis chapter considers the enduring reach of Head Start centers in South Central throughout the 1980s. In the midst of neighborhood demographic change, Head Start classrooms implemented a multiracial and multicultural approach to early childhood education and community activism that resonated with South Central African American and Latina residents. By focusing on the goals of the educational curriculum framing Head Start, as well as this program's teachers' receptiveness to training African American and Latina immigrant parents and residents to participate in the teaching of the program's curriculum, the chapter provides an analysis of the lasting legacies of Head Start's benefits. The collaborative efforts of these women points to the importance of locating and learning from the power of investing in the educational attainment of South Central as a community of dedicated and promising children and women. 6Celebrating Diversity: Selective Inclusion in a Multiracial City chapter abstractThis chapter reveals narratives of selectively acknowledging the ways demographic change and immigrant diversity influence community relations, opportunities, and life in South Central Los Angeles. The interracial tension between African American, Korean immigrant, and Latina/o immigrant South Central entrepreneurs and residents was the result of heavy policing and profiling in the community, escalation of the drug epidemic, anxiety over immigrant enforcement, and the national and local government economic disinvestment. The chapter examines these lived 1980s realities to argue that the indignities of underemployment, police brutality, immigrant enforcement, a drug epidemic, diminished educational opportunities, and poverty culminated in the 1992 uprising. It concludes with the community's commitment to not becoming undone by such instability, to magnify their resilience. 7Banking in South Central: The Limitations of Race Enterprises chapter abstractThis chapter returns to Broadway Federal Bank in the wake of the 1992 uprisings to investigate this race enterprise's longevity and commitment to the community. The race-based politics that framed this establishment's management had to embrace the realization that to thrive and genuinely serve the South Central community it had to cater to an African American and increasingly Latina/o immigrant clientele. The economic and social realities framing South Central's community life leading up to and after the 1992 Los Angeles Uprisings has compelled some of South Central's most invested community entrepreneurs and residents to face demographic and social change with an outlook that cannot underestimate the multiracial configuration and needs of this community. Epilogue chapter abstractThis final chapter alerts readers to the urgency of learning from South Central's history of relational community formation and solidarity. By identifying and discussing contemporary local South Central branding efforts, informal economies, and electoral campaigns shaping this community's current neighborhood interactions and investments, the chapter elaborates on the importance of building on the investments, relationships, and ties that have sustained community building, placemaking, and friendships in South Central. The onset of gentrification and the rise in underemployment, homelessness, border enforcement, white supremacy movements, and police brutality are highlighted as realities that render an inclusive approach toward race and community as important to maintaining a sense of home.

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Book SynopsisNancy Leong reveals how powerful people and institutions use diversity to their own advantage and how the rest of us can respond—and do better. Why do people accused of racism defend themselves by pointing to their black friends? Why do men accused of sexism inevitably talk about how they love their wife and daughters? Why do colleges and corporations alike photoshop people of color into their websites and promotional materials? And why do companies selling everything from cereal to sneakers go out of their way to include a token woman or person of color in their advertisements? In this groundbreaking book, Nancy Leong coins the term "identity capitalist" to label the powerful insiders who eke out social and economic value from people of color, women, LGBTQ people, the poor, and other outgroups. Leong deftly uncovers the rules that govern a system in which all Americans must survive: the identity marketplace. She contends that the national preoccupation with diversity has, counterintuitively, allowed identity capitalists to infiltrate the legal system, educational institutions, the workplace, and the media. Using examples from law to literature, from politics to pop culture, Leong takes readers on a journey through the hidden agendas and surprising incentives of various ingroup actors. She also uncovers a dire dilemma for outgroup members: do they play along and let their identity be used by others, or do they protest and risk the wrath of the powerful? Arming readers with the tools to recognize and mitigate the harms of exploitation, Identity Capitalists reveals what happens when we prioritize diversity over equality.Trade Review"Stunning in its originality and breadth. Leong writes magnificently, using powerful examples to illustrate each point, reminding us of the need for care and authenticity."—Erwin Chemerinsky, author of Constitutional Law"This book zeroes in on something we've all experienced but no one before has named, offering a new perspective on tokenism and institutional virtue signaling and uncovering the more unsettling side of racial diversity."—Richard Ford, author of Universal Rights Down to Earth"Puts on display just how much we trade on identity. Whether through misguided judicial decisions, tasteless diversity schemes, or disturbing encounters, Leong shows us that the price we pay is too high."—César Cuauhtémoc García Hernández, author of Migrating to Prison"Nancy Leong moves past assumptions that the embrace of identity is always a positive good, and into a clear-eyed assessment of the ways that disingenuously instrumental use of identity displaces substantive reform and alienates Americans from each other. This is an invaluable read."—Osamudia R. James, Professor of Law & Dean's Distinguished Scholar and Associate Dean for Diversity, Equity, and Community, University of Miami"A searching look at the way powerful insiders, and some outsiders, exploit identity for their own benefit. Leong pushes each of us to consider how we are all part of the system of identity capitalism."—Angela Onwuachi-Willig, author of According to Our Hearts"Entertaining, accessible, and thought-provoking, this book expertly weaves the personal with the political, and individual relationships with institutional hierarchies. Instead of just exposing the prevalence and problem of identity capitalism, it helps the reader think about practical solutions."—Nicole Buonocore Porter, co-author of Feminist Judgments"The term 'identity capitalism' should take its place alongside 'white fragility' and 'unconscious bias' as part of the indispensable vernacular of civil and human rights. To engage with this unanswerable critique is to see that we are all identity capitalists now."—Kenji Yoshino, author of Speak NowTable of ContentsIntroduction: Getting Used 1. Fake Diversity 2. All-American Exploitation 3. Anxiety and Absolution 4. Identity Entrepreneurs 5. Unequal Protection 6. The Law of Identity Capitalism 7. Boycott Conclusion: We, Identity Capitalists

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Book SynopsisDespite the end of white minority rule and the transition to parliamentary democracy, Johannesburg remains haunted by its tortured history of racial segregation and burdened by enduring inequalities in income, opportunities for stable work, and access to decent housing. Under these circumstances, Johannesburg has become one of the most dangerous cities in the world, where the yawning gap between the 'haves' and 'have-nots' has fueled a turn toward redistribution through crime. While wealthy residents have retreated into heavily fortified gated communities and upscale security estates, the less affluent have sought refuge in retrofitting their private homes into safe houses, closing off public streets, and hiring the services of private security companies to protect their suburban neighborhoods. Panic City is an exploration of urban fear and its impact on the city's evolving siege architecture, the transformation of policing, and obsession with security that has fueled unprecedented private consumption of 'protection services.' Martin Murray analyzes the symbiotic relationship between public law enforcement agencies, private security companies, and neighborhood associations, wherein buyers and sellers of security have reinvented ways of maintaining outdated segregation practices that define the urban poor as suspects.Trade Review"South African cities have long been exemplars of the damning effects of fear—and of its exploitation by urban designers and 'security' industries. Post-apartheid hopes of the 'Rainbow Nation' have often unraveled on the back of rampant insecurity and moral panics. In Martin J. Murray's superb book, we learn in forensic detail why and how this has happened. A brilliant and searing critique of the 'hardening' of cities into fortresses, and the mushrooming of a whole array of 'security' industries, this book is an absolute must-read for anyone concerned with our fast-urbanizing world."—Stephen Graham, author of Vertical: The City from Satellites to Bunkers"Panic City shows a grim picture of Johannesburg as paradigm for the 'urbanization of panic.' This very thorough and wide-ranging book focuses on the private security industry, which has become an inextricable part of the social fabric. A must-read for all those who want to know how the future policing of urban space in our dualized societies might look."—Lieven De Cauter, author of The Capsular Civilization: On the City in the Age of Fear"Panic City is an indispensable tool for anyone interested in the politics of crime in South Africa, particularly students, teachers and researchers on post-apartheid Johannesburg. Urban geographers and students of urban studies, environmental psychology, planning, architecture and urban design as well as politicians, policymakers and ordinary residents will find this book revealing and very telling about the ugly stereotypes and gangster proclivities of private security in the suburbs. The book provides its readers with a unique reference point, as well as a stimulus for further research."—Mfaniseni Fana Sihlongonyane, International Journal of Urban and Regional Research"Dystopic, meticulously researched, and brilliantly written, Panic City: Crime and the Fear Industries of Johannesburg engages with a variety of disciplinary fields, including critical criminology, urban geography, bordering, and the sociology of punishment."—Gail Super, American Journal of Sociology

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Book SynopsisDespite the end of white minority rule and the transition to parliamentary democracy, Johannesburg remains haunted by its tortured history of racial segregation and burdened by enduring inequalities in income, opportunities for stable work, and access to decent housing. Under these circumstances, Johannesburg has become one of the most dangerous cities in the world, where the yawning gap between the 'haves' and 'have-nots' has fueled a turn toward redistribution through crime. While wealthy residents have retreated into heavily fortified gated communities and upscale security estates, the less affluent have sought refuge in retrofitting their private homes into safe houses, closing off public streets, and hiring the services of private security companies to protect their suburban neighborhoods. Panic City is an exploration of urban fear and its impact on the city's evolving siege architecture, the transformation of policing, and obsession with security that has fueled unprecedented private consumption of 'protection services.' Martin Murray analyzes the symbiotic relationship between public law enforcement agencies, private security companies, and neighborhood associations, wherein buyers and sellers of security have reinvented ways of maintaining outdated segregation practices that define the urban poor as suspects.Trade Review"South African cities have long been exemplars of the damning effects of fear—and of its exploitation by urban designers and 'security' industries. Post-apartheid hopes of the 'Rainbow Nation' have often unraveled on the back of rampant insecurity and moral panics. In Martin J. Murray's superb book, we learn in forensic detail why and how this has happened. A brilliant and searing critique of the 'hardening' of cities into fortresses, and the mushrooming of a whole array of 'security' industries, this book is an absolute must-read for anyone concerned with our fast-urbanizing world."—Stephen Graham, author of Vertical: The City from Satellites to Bunkers"Panic City shows a grim picture of Johannesburg as paradigm for the 'urbanization of panic.' This very thorough and wide-ranging book focuses on the private security industry, which has become an inextricable part of the social fabric. A must-read for all those who want to know how the future policing of urban space in our dualized societies might look."—Lieven De Cauter, author of The Capsular Civilization: On the City in the Age of Fear"Panic City is an indispensable tool for anyone interested in the politics of crime in South Africa, particularly students, teachers and researchers on post-apartheid Johannesburg. Urban geographers and students of urban studies, environmental psychology, planning, architecture and urban design as well as politicians, policymakers and ordinary residents will find this book revealing and very telling about the ugly stereotypes and gangster proclivities of private security in the suburbs. The book provides its readers with a unique reference point, as well as a stimulus for further research."—Mfaniseni Fana Sihlongonyane, International Journal of Urban and Regional Research"Dystopic, meticulously researched, and brilliantly written, Panic City: Crime and the Fear Industries of Johannesburg engages with a variety of disciplinary fields, including critical criminology, urban geography, bordering, and the sociology of punishment."—Gail Super, American Journal of Sociology

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Book SynopsisA rigorous study of the social meaning and consequences of racist humor, and a damning argument for when the joke is not just a joke. Having a "good" sense of humor generally means being able to take a joke without getting offended—laughing even at a taboo thought or at another's expense. The insinuation is that laughter eases social tension and creates solidarity in an overly politicized social world. But do the stakes change when the jokes are racist? In The Souls of White Jokes Raúl Pérez argues that we must genuinely confront this unsettling question in order to fully understand the persistence of anti-black racism and white supremacy in American society today. W.E.B. Du Bois's prescient essay "The Souls of White Folk" was one of the first to theorize whiteness as a social and political construct based on a feeling of superiority over racialized others—a kind of racial contempt. Pérez extends this theory to the study of humor, connecting theories of racial formation to parallel ideas about humor stemming from laughter at another's misfortune. Critically synthesizing scholarship on race, humor, and emotions, he uncovers a key function of humor as a tool for producing racial alienation, dehumanization, exclusion, and even violence. Pérez tracks this use of humor from blackface minstrelsy to contemporary contexts, including police culture, politics, and far-right extremists. Rather than being harmless fun, this humor plays a central role in reinforcing and mobilizing racist ideology and power under the guise of amusement. The Souls of White Jokes exposes this malicious side of humor, while also revealing a new facet of racism today. Though it can be comforting to imagine racism as coming from racial hatred and anger, the terrifying reality is that it is tied up in seemingly benign, even joyful, everyday interactions as well— and for racism to be eradicated we must face this truth.Trade Review"This book is an example of the best the sociological imagination has to offer. Pérez advances a powerful theory, elegantly substantiated with historical and contemporary examples. I learned a lot and so will everyone who reads this book."—Eduardo Bonilla-Silva, author of Racism without Racists"In providing the first sustained discussion of racist humor in the United States, Pérez contributes a significant critical intervention to intellectual discussions of racism."—Simon Weaver, author of The Rhetoric of Racist Humour"Theoretically astute and historically rich, this unique study depicts the racial joke—far from being harmless and disarming—as being inseparable from the cementing of white solidarity, from the spreading of racist commonsense, and from easy disavowal of the damage being done."—David Roediger, author of The Wages of Whiteness"It is a commonplace assumption that humor is always harmless fun and vital for our everyday well-being. In this important new book, Raúl Pérez cogently argues that this is not invariably the case, and that jokes and joking relations can be hostile, divisive, alienating and dehumanizing – or in other words, very harmful. Within a strong and well-woven theoretical framework, The Souls of White Jokes offers a major contribution to the critical sociology of ethnicity and racism as well as to the study of humor in key institutions and organizations."—Michael Pickering, author of Blackface Minstrelsy in Britain"Pérez has written the most consequential sociological analysis of humor in the past 20 years... With the current debates over who or what is racist, Pérez has provided a guide that will provoke debates that are essential in a world of comic possibilities and comic cringes."—Gary Alan Fine, Symbolic Interaction"Raúl Pérez has published a much needed addition to the critical study of how racist jokes do the dirty work of constructing racism and racially hierarchical environments."—Michael J. Lorr, Ethnic and Racial Studies"Pérez has written an essential book for both the non-academic and academic audience—one that will undoubtedly serve as an important teaching tool about racial humor and the importance of understanding how racism is reproduced, even in the absence of hatred or negative feelings."—Muna Adem, Sociology of Race and Ethnicity"I find The Souls of White Jokes an important, theoretically rich and thoroughly convincing study of the entanglements of racist humour with white supremacy. I look forward to seeing how this book will influence scholarship in the field of humour studies in years to come."—Lucy Spoliar, The European Journal of Humour Research"In The Souls of White Jokes, Raúl Pérez provides a compelling explanation of how White racist jokes represent a real-time measurement where Americans can see or hear the continued subjugation and disenfranchisement of Non-Whites in the United States."—Cameron D. Lippard, Social Forces"The Souls of White Jokes seeks to counter the concerns of those on the left who believe that targeting racist humor diverts attention from more important issues, such as poverty and diminishing democratic institutions, in the US. More important, Pérez provides a forceful argument to counter those who believe disparaging racial and ethnic humor merits protection as free speech. Recommended."—J. S. Franks, CHOICETable of Contents1. The Racial Power of Humor 2. Amused Racial Contempt, or a Theory of White Racist Humor 3. Hiding in Plain Sight: The Violent Racist Humor of the Far Right 4. Blue Humor: The Racist Insults and Injuries of the Police 5. President Chimp: The Politics of Amused Racial Contempt Epilogue: Racist Humor and the Cult(ure) of Whiteness

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Book SynopsisTenacious patterns of ethnic and economic inequality persist in the rural, largely minority regions of China's north- and southwest. Such inequality is commonly attributed to geography, access to resources, and recent political developments. In Corporate Conquests, C. Patterson Giersch provides a desperately-needed challenge to these conventional understandings by tracing the disempowerment of minority communities to the very beginnings of China's modern development. Focusing on the emergence of private and state corporations in Yunnan Province during the late 1800s and early 1900s, the book reveals how entrepreneurs centralized corporate power even as they expanded their businesses throughout the Southwest and into Tibet, Southeast Asia, and eastern China. Bringing wealth and cosmopolitan lifestyles to their hometowns, the merchant-owners also gained greater access to commodities at the expense of the Southwest's many indigenous minority communities. Meanwhile, new concepts of development shaped the creation of state-run corporations, which further concentrated resources in the hands of outsiders. The book reveals how important new ideas and structures of power, now central to the Communist Party's repertoire of rule and oppression, were forged, not along China's east coast, but along the nation's internal borderlands. It is a must-read for anyone wishing to learn about China's unique state capitalism and its contribution to inequality.Trade Review"An important book. Accounting, management, and business history masquerade as mundane technical fields. But C. Patterson Giersch, historian of borderlands and ethnicity, shows how deceptive this façade can be, tracing the commercial 'networks of exclusion' that helped parcel out Asia's interior between Chinese and British imperialisms. The discoveries in this book are indispensable to our understanding of how modern China as we know it came to be." -- Rian Thum * University of Nottingham *"In Modern China, it is well-known fact that economic development and the concentration of wealth are profoundly uneven, particularly along ethnic and geographic lines. But why? In a bold new work that is at once empirically rich, tenaciously local, and vividly narrated, C. Patterson Giersch charts out the deep, late imperial origins of Chinese economic inequality." -- Thomas S. Mullaney * Stanford University *"[Giersch's] attention to the details of life in the borderlands is impressive, and the arguments about the role of local corporations in forging a path for intensifying central control of the economy and the usefulness of ethnic prejudice in this effort are convincing. Recommended." -- K. E. Stapleton * CHOICE *"In this ground-breaking book, [Giersch] has offered the reader important insights regarding the balance between local control and state directives in the twentieth-century economic development of southwest China." -- James Anderson * H-Asia *"Giersch, a brilliant writer who tells an engaging story about visionary figures, entices readers throughout the book with potential alternatives to disempowered development: What would have happened if indigenous communities were allowed to pursue their own developmental agenda? What could have been different if non-Han elites were more involved in the management of borderlands resources? Giersch encourages readers to boldly imagine how history could have unfolded differently. Tai elite Fang Kesheng ... for example, petitioned in1947for economic cooperation between the Chinese state and indigenous elites. If his proposal were taken more seriously, he might have been able to push back against the'power of private corporations'and the'developmental discourse of subordination'(p.192). Maoheng, once a trading giant in Yunnan, made significant progress in mechanizing textile production before the party-state took over management...and forced Yunnanese trade towns into'agrarian isolation'(p.200), all in the name of economic planning and borderlands development. Ifind the unfortunate turn of events heartrending ... "This well-researched book offers nuanced information and critical analysis about the rise and demise of private corporations in Yunnan and their implications on modern Chinese history. It is an important reading to anyone interested in the politics of economic development and ethnic inequality in Southwest China and beyond." -- Chun-Yi Sun * China Review International *Table of ContentsContents and Abstracts1The Muleteers chapter abstractChapter 1 explains the nineteenth-century origins of private corporations created in key merchant communities in Yunnan Province, China. It focuses on corporate governance, including profit-sharing and bookkeeping practices that allowed Yunnanese entrepreneurs to transform intrafirm kinship and friendship relations into incentive-based ownership-employee relations, thereby centralizing corporate power in the general manager's headquarters. This allowed the firms to expand their reach over vast distances and into Southeast Asia while maintaining relatively disciplined corporate governance. Since Chinese businesses are treated here as historical institutions rather than timeless entities based on idealized Confucian family values, the chapter demonstrates why successful firms were formed by Han Chinese entrepreneurs as well as certain minority ethnic groups. 2Families chapter abstractChapter 2 reveals how merchant communities in Yunnan, China, adapted to the stresses and opportunities of modern corporate life by preparing children for a world in which men and boys spent most of their time away from home. The chapter uses local sources to reveal how, even as kinship was deemphasized within the corporations, merchant communities relied on reconfigured gender norms and kinship institutions to hold together dispersed, mobile families through the writing of genealogies and the erection of lineage temples. Created with corporate profits, the genealogies and temples represented the construction of a new culture of obligations that would ideally force men to return home. Pressure was applied to wives, moreover, to be disciplined household managers, which was difficult because increasing wealth brought the desire to project prestige by building grand houses and consuming conspicuously. 3The Revolutionaries chapter abstractChapter 3 focuses on twentieth-century international businessmen from Yunnan, China, who, though they worked abroad, sought revolutionary change in their hometowns. The chapter begins with Burma-based merchants who participated in the 1911 revolution against the last Chinese dynasty. It then examines merchants who were active in promoting educational change for Chinese children in Burma and used that experience to promote rural reform, especially educational reform, at home. The chapter argues that the reformers were influenced by Chinese nationalism, which fueled their opposition to the British colonial education system because it led their children to assimilate. Concerned that their children were "falling into another race," the reformers developed a curriculum promoting learning in modern academic subjects as well as in Chinese language and nationalism. 4The Excluded chapter abstractChapter 4 examines the expansion of Yunnan trade corporations into the eastern Tibet region known as Kham. Drawing from the idea of translocality, the chapter explains how outside firms came to dominate much of Kham's regional trade, effectively excluding indigenous people from enjoying the benefits of commercialization. To fully understand this history, the trade corporations are placed in a larger political context, revealing how Han nationalists increasingly depicted borderlands minorities as backward and how radical officials such as "the butcher" Zhao Erfeng studied international colonialism as a guide for eradicating indigenous political and economic leadership, to be replaced by state and private corporations. These trends originated the process of modern patterns of ethnic inequality that still plague China today. 5Mining chapter abstractChapter 5 introduces the powerful vision, first articulated in 1876, of mechanizing Yunnan's mining industry by creating state-led corporations. In the 1880s, when the first modern mining corporation was created in Yunnan, it was part of an array of state initiatives to industrialize and modernize China, a story that is familiar. By retelling this story from a borderlands perspective, the chapter demonstrates for the first time how the concerns with industrial development were influenced by changing ideas about ethnicity as well as schemes to transform territorial governance from pluralistic practices of empire, in which indigenous elites were legitimate leaders, to the direct rule of the nation-state in which cultural and ethnic difference were no longer tolerated. In this first fifty years of modern industrialization, the concepts of Chinese development came to be linked to hierarchies of ethnic and racial difference. 6The Technocrat chapter abstractChapter 6 focuses on Miao Yuntai, an official who built pioneering financial and industrial institutions designed to develop Yunnan, China, during the 1930s. Miao started with Gejiu Tin, first incorporated in 1905, making it a successful exporter of refined tin, and then established other successful corporations. Miao's approach to economic development was based on his experiences in the United States and his perception of Yunnan as backward and ethnically diverse, leading him to create innovative state-run corporations that emphasized managerial autonomy, responsiveness to ownership, and the creation of competitive products. Miao was ahead of the national government in both rationalizing and implementing state-run industry in China, as well as in removing control over local resources from local people, making him one of the most important figures in China's developmental history. 7Corporations, the State, and Ethnic Difference chapter abstractChapter 7 examines China's wartime and civil war periods (1937<->1949), and it brings together the book's major stories about private corporations, state-run corporations, and the development of borderlands regions. After the Japanese invasion of China in 1937, it was the Yunnan provincial government that first harnessed private firms for the wartime effort. After the arrival of the National Government in the Southwest, the Yunnanese economic and corporate institutions, built in the 1930s, would be joined by central institutions in complex partnerships that sought greater state control. These were the first efforts by a Chinese state to enhance its power by taking business from private firms. The efforts were part of broader development plans that sought to impose state power over private firms and over borderlands' resources and communities, including the Tai of western Yunnan. The efforts anticipated the extraordinary growth of state power under the Communist regime. Epilogue: Conquest of Corporations chapter abstractThe Epilogue follows the book's main narratives into the 1950s. It explains how the Tai of western Yunnan would gain "autonomy" as they had hoped, only to discover that autonomy under the Communist state meant disempowerment and inequality enforced by government institutions, including state corporations. It further explains how private corporations would first contribute to postwar economic recovery, only to decline as the new state closed markets and then purposefully dismantled the transprovincial networks of communication and organization that had nurtured the corporations for several generations. They were replaced by the bureaucratic management systems of the new government and Communist Party, which were designed for a planned economy that operated largely without markets. The innovative Yunnan state-run firms would become the foundations of the province's planned economy—the foundation of the province's supposedly new era that had actually been poured in the old era.

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Book SynopsisMonster is an adult pit bull, muscular and grey, who is impounded in a large animal shelter in Los Angeles. Like many other dogs at the shelter, Monster is associated with marginalized humans and assumed to embody certain behaviors because of his breed. And like approximately one million shelter animals each year, Monster will be killed. The Lives and Deaths of Shelter Animals takes us inside one of the country's highest-intake animal shelters. Katja M. Guenther witnesses the dramatic variance in the narratives assigned different animals, including Monster, which dictate their chances for survival. She argues that these inequalities are powerfully linked to human ideas about race, class, gender, ability, and species. Guenther deftly explores internal hierarchies, breed discrimination, and importantly, instances of resistance and agency.Trade Review"In this powerful and timely book, you will meet Gemma, Kali, Monster, Pretty Girl, Jesse, Jake, and many other four-legged beings whose situations in an animal shelter expose overlapping forms of oppression involving race, gender, class, and species. Katja M. Guenther unlocks the shelter door and eloquently explains this complicated and contested multispecies space, as she reflects on issues such as witnessing, vulnerability, advocacy, grievability, compassion, and animal resistance." -- Carol J. Adams * author of The Sexual Politics of Meat *"In this compassionate, incisive ethnography of an animal shelter, Katja M. Guenther illuminates the entangled injustices that shape human relationships with other animals. The emotional, practical, and political contradictions of killing our companions become important sites for understanding exercises of power over others and possibilties for resistance. In addition to providing a conceptual framework for making animal deaths grievable, this book provides important new insights for critical animal studies." -- Lori Gruen * author of Entangled Empathy *"Katja M. Guenther captures the intricate world of animal sheltering and shelter volunteerism in a brilliantly executed multispecies ethnographical work. With the perfect balance of intimacy and analytical depth, the author reminds us of how messy things can get when caring and killing become one, or when the value of the animal companion's life is measured by the race, gender, and zip code of the owner." -- Bénédicte Boisseron * author of Afro-Dog *"Over the past eight years, I've been part of leading three, open-admission government shelters. This remarkable book addresses virtually every systematic issue I've experienced and accurately examines the complexities of the sheltering institution. Katja M. Guenther gets it right. This is a must-read for anyone working or volunteering in an animal shelter. I promise, it will change the way you see your job and make you ask yourself tough questions about where we go from here." -- Kristen Hassen, Director * American Pets Alive! *"The Lives and Deaths of Shelter Animals is an important read for anyone interested in the social world of animal shelters." -- Michał Piotr Pręgowski * Anthrozoös *"Dr. Guenther's book is an extremely important work that encourages us to be more compassionate and reminds us that the oppressive systems at work in society at large are also at work in the microcosm of the shelter. The book invites us to rethink the entire sheltering system to make it more equitable and humane." -- Community Cats Podcast"Guenther brings a humane perspective to human and animal behavior. In her skillful analysis of the animal shelter's practices and policies, the connections between the marginalization of minority human groups and the marginalization of animals become clear... By investigating the zoological connection between the animal shelter and the community it serves, she vastly expands current notions of intersectionality, democracy, and inclusivity." -- Leslie Irvine * American Journal of Sociology *"Katja Guenther is a radical researcher who wants to change the situation of animals through her research, which is an appeal for a radical transformation of the relationships between humans and animals; it is the call for a revolution." -- Krzysztof T. Konecki * Symbolic Interation *Table of ContentsContents and Abstracts1Monster's World chapter abstractMonster, a muscular gray pit bull, spent the final days of his life at a high-intake animal shelter in southern California, the Pacific Animal Welfare Center (PAW). Monster's fate is the outcome of multiple social processes, including the precarious lives of low-income people in the United States, breed discrimination grounded in racism, the commodification of companion animals, and the human conviction that humans may kill animals as we see fit. This introductory chapter situates the book within the practice of feminist and critical animal studies, the history of animal sheltering in the United States, and contemporary shifts in the animal-sheltering industry, especially the move toward no-kill sheltering. The chapter concludes with a short preview of the chapters that lie ahead. 2Helping/Policing/Killing chapter abstractThis chapter brings readers behind the scenes at PAW to examine how PAW is a hybrid institution that operates as an arm of the welfare state, the carceral state, and the anthroparchal state. PAW blurs the boundaries between providing needed help to stray and unwanted animals (welfare), policing animals and relationships between animals and low-income people of color (carceral), and controlling and killing animals in the name of human needs (anthroparchal). While typically examined as separate systems of state power, welfare, carceral, and anthroparchal states operate together in state settings like PAW to both legitimate and disguise each other. Understanding PAW—and animal shelters more generally—as hybrid institutions is important because doing so reveals the range of their work, the scope of their power, and the conflicts that exist within these institutions from the outset. 3The Myth of the Irresponsible Owner chapter abstractShelter workers, volunteers, and rescuers place responsibility for the large number of companion animals who enter PAW at the feet of one group of people: irresponsible owners. The discourse of irresponsible owners holds that animals come into the shelter because of individual-level human behaviors. Yet the guardians whose dogs end up at PAW are disproportionately lower-income people of color who are subject to population-level conditions of control and power that make them especially vulnerable to losing their animals to the shelter system. The discourse of irresponsible ownership has obscured the structural conditions that facilitate the entry of so many animals from low-income communities into animal shelters, contributes to misguided interventions, and deflects responsibility for what happens to shelter animals away from the institution and the society and back onto the former guardians of the animal. 4The Struggle for Shelter Animal Survival chapter abstractBecause of their different views of shelter killing, animal shelter staff and volunteers routinely come into conflict. Volunteers at PAW—who are almost all women, mostly from middle- and upper-class communities—use their social capital from outside the shelter to challenge and resist the authority of staff within the shelter. In so doing, they reinforce existing social hierarchies of class, race, and gender, while simultaneously challenging PAW's institutional discourse of adoptability, which deems the lives of sick or "stressed" animals to be not worth saving. They thus reject PAW's commitment to upholding anthroparchy vis-à-vis companion animals even as they uphold human hierarchies. 5The Transformative Power of Grief chapter abstractThis chapter centers on grief as a form of resistance. Shelter volunteers employ rituals of mourning to mark the deaths of impounded animals as losses. In so doing, they restore the dead animals' social intelligibility and ultimately transform animals who are otherwise unseen, unrecognized, and unappreciated into animals who have social value. Mourning allows volunteers to draw attention to the problematic practice of shelter killing by making it visible and creating a space for discourse around it. For them, honoring the life of the animal who has died means trying to prevent another animal from being killed at a shelter: each death should be a lesson, a reminder of the need for change, and a push for action against human violence against animals. 6The Peculiar Problem of Pit Bulls chapter abstractPit bulls are the most likely type of dog to come into a shelter and the most likely to die in one. This chapter examines the unique predicament of pit bulls within the context of American conflicts around race, gender, class, and animality. Pit bulls are subject to breed-specific policies and practices in the shelter. Pit bull rescuers—mostly affluent white women— attempt to remake pit bulls so that they shed their identities as companions to Black and poor Latinx men and instead become suitable companions for white, feminized middle-class homes. Disassociation from the dangerousness of Black masculinity and reassociation with white femininity requires that the dog follow a code of behavior, be presented in a particular way, and be deeply immersed in the animal practices of white middle-class people. Rescuers help individual dogs while leaving intact the structures that lead the dogs into the shelter in such high numbers. 7Animals' Resistance to Shelter Rule chapter abstractDrawing parallels to the resistance efforts of other groups that are structurally disadvantaged, I examine impounded animals' resistance to shelter rule. While caging may serve to create an illusion of control and of separation between human and nonhuman animals in the shelter, animals in fact can and do act with agency and engage in resistance. Animals reject efforts at controlling their bodies, use of space, and interactions with staff and other humans. The shelter in turn attempts to control and contain animal resistance through confinement, punishment, and pathologizing, especially through the diagnoses of aggression or of zoochosis (aka "kennel stress"). 8Waiting, Wondering, and Wavering chapter abstractThe shelter's control of time is one key instrument of its power over humans and animals. The shelter's near-exclusive control over how time is spent and who is served at what time reduces the agency of clients, volunteers, and impounded animals. Volunteers, animals, and staff in turn negotiate and resist the shelter's use of time as a mechanism of control. Control over time was one form of domination that neither human nor animal resistance could wrest from the shelter during my fieldwork. The analysis reveals the centrality of time for organizing all activity at PAW, as well as the ways in which powerful actors can manipulate understandings of time to promote acquiescence among those subjected to a particular time line. 9A New Revolution chapter abstractThe proposed "humane communities" approach to animal sheltering radically rethinks how shelters interact with animal and human communities. Drawing on a utopian vision of what a future for companion animals might look like, the humane communities approach works to eliminate homelessness among companion animals and to support strong relationships between humans and companion animals. Key elements include the integration of community members into the management of local animal shelters, meaningful and community-driven needs assessment, the provision of financial and other resources to animal guardians to be able to care for their animals, affordable, animal-friendly housing, and legislation to prohibit insurance-industry discrimination against certain types of companion animals.

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Book SynopsisTenacious patterns of ethnic and economic inequality persist in the rural, largely minority regions of China's north- and southwest. Such inequality is commonly attributed to geography, access to resources, and recent political developments. In Corporate Conquests, C. Patterson Giersch provides a desperately-needed challenge to these conventional understandings by tracing the disempowerment of minority communities to the very beginnings of China's modern development. Focusing on the emergence of private and state corporations in Yunnan Province during the late 1800s and early 1900s, the book reveals how entrepreneurs centralized corporate power even as they expanded their businesses throughout the Southwest and into Tibet, Southeast Asia, and eastern China. Bringing wealth and cosmopolitan lifestyles to their hometowns, the merchant-owners also gained greater access to commodities at the expense of the Southwest's many indigenous minority communities. Meanwhile, new concepts of development shaped the creation of state-run corporations, which further concentrated resources in the hands of outsiders. The book reveals how important new ideas and structures of power, now central to the Communist Party's repertoire of rule and oppression, were forged, not along China's east coast, but along the nation's internal borderlands. It is a must-read for anyone wishing to learn about China's unique state capitalism and its contribution to inequality.Trade Review"An important book. Accounting, management, and business history masquerade as mundane technical fields. But C. Patterson Giersch, historian of borderlands and ethnicity, shows how deceptive this façade can be, tracing the commercial 'networks of exclusion' that helped parcel out Asia's interior between Chinese and British imperialisms. The discoveries in this book are indispensable to our understanding of how modern China as we know it came to be." -- Rian Thum * University of Nottingham *"In Modern China, it is well-known fact that economic development and the concentration of wealth are profoundly uneven, particularly along ethnic and geographic lines. But why? In a bold new work that is at once empirically rich, tenaciously local, and vividly narrated, C. Patterson Giersch charts out the deep, late imperial origins of Chinese economic inequality." -- Thomas S. Mullaney * Stanford University *"[Giersch's] attention to the details of life in the borderlands is impressive, and the arguments about the role of local corporations in forging a path for intensifying central control of the economy and the usefulness of ethnic prejudice in this effort are convincing. Recommended." -- K. E. Stapleton * CHOICE *"In this ground-breaking book, [Giersch] has offered the reader important insights regarding the balance between local control and state directives in the twentieth-century economic development of southwest China." -- James Anderson * H-Asia *"Giersch, a brilliant writer who tells an engaging story about visionary figures, entices readers throughout the book with potential alternatives to disempowered development: What would have happened if indigenous communities were allowed to pursue their own developmental agenda? What could have been different if non-Han elites were more involved in the management of borderlands resources? Giersch encourages readers to boldly imagine how history could have unfolded differently. Tai elite Fang Kesheng ... for example, petitioned in1947for economic cooperation between the Chinese state and indigenous elites. If his proposal were taken more seriously, he might have been able to push back against the'power of private corporations'and the'developmental discourse of subordination'(p.192). Maoheng, once a trading giant in Yunnan, made significant progress in mechanizing textile production before the party-state took over management...and forced Yunnanese trade towns into'agrarian isolation'(p.200), all in the name of economic planning and borderlands development. Ifind the unfortunate turn of events heartrending ... "This well-researched book offers nuanced information and critical analysis about the rise and demise of private corporations in Yunnan and their implications on modern Chinese history. It is an important reading to anyone interested in the politics of economic development and ethnic inequality in Southwest China and beyond." -- Chun-Yi Sun * China Review International *Table of ContentsContents and Abstracts1The Muleteers chapter abstractChapter 1 explains the nineteenth-century origins of private corporations created in key merchant communities in Yunnan Province, China. It focuses on corporate governance, including profit-sharing and bookkeeping practices that allowed Yunnanese entrepreneurs to transform intrafirm kinship and friendship relations into incentive-based ownership-employee relations, thereby centralizing corporate power in the general manager's headquarters. This allowed the firms to expand their reach over vast distances and into Southeast Asia while maintaining relatively disciplined corporate governance. Since Chinese businesses are treated here as historical institutions rather than timeless entities based on idealized Confucian family values, the chapter demonstrates why successful firms were formed by Han Chinese entrepreneurs as well as certain minority ethnic groups. 2Families chapter abstractChapter 2 reveals how merchant communities in Yunnan, China, adapted to the stresses and opportunities of modern corporate life by preparing children for a world in which men and boys spent most of their time away from home. The chapter uses local sources to reveal how, even as kinship was deemphasized within the corporations, merchant communities relied on reconfigured gender norms and kinship institutions to hold together dispersed, mobile families through the writing of genealogies and the erection of lineage temples. Created with corporate profits, the genealogies and temples represented the construction of a new culture of obligations that would ideally force men to return home. Pressure was applied to wives, moreover, to be disciplined household managers, which was difficult because increasing wealth brought the desire to project prestige by building grand houses and consuming conspicuously. 3The Revolutionaries chapter abstractChapter 3 focuses on twentieth-century international businessmen from Yunnan, China, who, though they worked abroad, sought revolutionary change in their hometowns. The chapter begins with Burma-based merchants who participated in the 1911 revolution against the last Chinese dynasty. It then examines merchants who were active in promoting educational change for Chinese children in Burma and used that experience to promote rural reform, especially educational reform, at home. The chapter argues that the reformers were influenced by Chinese nationalism, which fueled their opposition to the British colonial education system because it led their children to assimilate. Concerned that their children were "falling into another race," the reformers developed a curriculum promoting learning in modern academic subjects as well as in Chinese language and nationalism. 4The Excluded chapter abstractChapter 4 examines the expansion of Yunnan trade corporations into the eastern Tibet region known as Kham. Drawing from the idea of translocality, the chapter explains how outside firms came to dominate much of Kham's regional trade, effectively excluding indigenous people from enjoying the benefits of commercialization. To fully understand this history, the trade corporations are placed in a larger political context, revealing how Han nationalists increasingly depicted borderlands minorities as backward and how radical officials such as "the butcher" Zhao Erfeng studied international colonialism as a guide for eradicating indigenous political and economic leadership, to be replaced by state and private corporations. These trends originated the process of modern patterns of ethnic inequality that still plague China today. 5Mining chapter abstractChapter 5 introduces the powerful vision, first articulated in 1876, of mechanizing Yunnan's mining industry by creating state-led corporations. In the 1880s, when the first modern mining corporation was created in Yunnan, it was part of an array of state initiatives to industrialize and modernize China, a story that is familiar. By retelling this story from a borderlands perspective, the chapter demonstrates for the first time how the concerns with industrial development were influenced by changing ideas about ethnicity as well as schemes to transform territorial governance from pluralistic practices of empire, in which indigenous elites were legitimate leaders, to the direct rule of the nation-state in which cultural and ethnic difference were no longer tolerated. In this first fifty years of modern industrialization, the concepts of Chinese development came to be linked to hierarchies of ethnic and racial difference. 6The Technocrat chapter abstractChapter 6 focuses on Miao Yuntai, an official who built pioneering financial and industrial institutions designed to develop Yunnan, China, during the 1930s. Miao started with Gejiu Tin, first incorporated in 1905, making it a successful exporter of refined tin, and then established other successful corporations. Miao's approach to economic development was based on his experiences in the United States and his perception of Yunnan as backward and ethnically diverse, leading him to create innovative state-run corporations that emphasized managerial autonomy, responsiveness to ownership, and the creation of competitive products. Miao was ahead of the national government in both rationalizing and implementing state-run industry in China, as well as in removing control over local resources from local people, making him one of the most important figures in China's developmental history. 7Corporations, the State, and Ethnic Difference chapter abstractChapter 7 examines China's wartime and civil war periods (1937<->1949), and it brings together the book's major stories about private corporations, state-run corporations, and the development of borderlands regions. After the Japanese invasion of China in 1937, it was the Yunnan provincial government that first harnessed private firms for the wartime effort. After the arrival of the National Government in the Southwest, the Yunnanese economic and corporate institutions, built in the 1930s, would be joined by central institutions in complex partnerships that sought greater state control. These were the first efforts by a Chinese state to enhance its power by taking business from private firms. The efforts were part of broader development plans that sought to impose state power over private firms and over borderlands' resources and communities, including the Tai of western Yunnan. The efforts anticipated the extraordinary growth of state power under the Communist regime. Epilogue: Conquest of Corporations chapter abstractThe Epilogue follows the book's main narratives into the 1950s. It explains how the Tai of western Yunnan would gain "autonomy" as they had hoped, only to discover that autonomy under the Communist state meant disempowerment and inequality enforced by government institutions, including state corporations. It further explains how private corporations would first contribute to postwar economic recovery, only to decline as the new state closed markets and then purposefully dismantled the transprovincial networks of communication and organization that had nurtured the corporations for several generations. They were replaced by the bureaucratic management systems of the new government and Communist Party, which were designed for a planned economy that operated largely without markets. The innovative Yunnan state-run firms would become the foundations of the province's planned economy—the foundation of the province's supposedly new era that had actually been poured in the old era.

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Book SynopsisMonster is an adult pit bull, muscular and grey, who is impounded in a large animal shelter in Los Angeles. Like many other dogs at the shelter, Monster is associated with marginalized humans and assumed to embody certain behaviors because of his breed. And like approximately one million shelter animals each year, Monster will be killed. The Lives and Deaths of Shelter Animals takes us inside one of the country's highest-intake animal shelters. Katja M. Guenther witnesses the dramatic variance in the narratives assigned different animals, including Monster, which dictate their chances for survival. She argues that these inequalities are powerfully linked to human ideas about race, class, gender, ability, and species. Guenther deftly explores internal hierarchies, breed discrimination, and importantly, instances of resistance and agency.Trade Review"In this powerful and timely book, you will meet Gemma, Kali, Monster, Pretty Girl, Jesse, Jake, and many other four-legged beings whose situations in an animal shelter expose overlapping forms of oppression involving race, gender, class, and species. Katja M. Guenther unlocks the shelter door and eloquently explains this complicated and contested multispecies space, as she reflects on issues such as witnessing, vulnerability, advocacy, grievability, compassion, and animal resistance." -- Carol J. Adams * author of The Sexual Politics of Meat *"In this compassionate, incisive ethnography of an animal shelter, Katja M. Guenther illuminates the entangled injustices that shape human relationships with other animals. The emotional, practical, and political contradictions of killing our companions become important sites for understanding exercises of power over others and possibilties for resistance. In addition to providing a conceptual framework for making animal deaths grievable, this book provides important new insights for critical animal studies." -- Lori Gruen * author of Entangled Empathy *"Katja M. Guenther captures the intricate world of animal sheltering and shelter volunteerism in a brilliantly executed multispecies ethnographical work. With the perfect balance of intimacy and analytical depth, the author reminds us of how messy things can get when caring and killing become one, or when the value of the animal companion's life is measured by the race, gender, and zip code of the owner." -- Bénédicte Boisseron * author of Afro-Dog *"Over the past eight years, I've been part of leading three, open-admission government shelters. This remarkable book addresses virtually every systematic issue I've experienced and accurately examines the complexities of the sheltering institution. Katja M. Guenther gets it right. This is a must-read for anyone working or volunteering in an animal shelter. I promise, it will change the way you see your job and make you ask yourself tough questions about where we go from here." -- Kristen Hassen, Director * American Pets Alive! *"The Lives and Deaths of Shelter Animals is an important read for anyone interested in the social world of animal shelters." -- Michał Piotr Pręgowski * Anthrozoös *"Dr. Guenther's book is an extremely important work that encourages us to be more compassionate and reminds us that the oppressive systems at work in society at large are also at work in the microcosm of the shelter. The book invites us to rethink the entire sheltering system to make it more equitable and humane." -- Community Cats Podcast"Guenther brings a humane perspective to human and animal behavior. In her skillful analysis of the animal shelter's practices and policies, the connections between the marginalization of minority human groups and the marginalization of animals become clear... By investigating the zoological connection between the animal shelter and the community it serves, she vastly expands current notions of intersectionality, democracy, and inclusivity." -- Leslie Irvine * American Journal of Sociology *"Katja Guenther is a radical researcher who wants to change the situation of animals through her research, which is an appeal for a radical transformation of the relationships between humans and animals; it is the call for a revolution." -- Krzysztof T. Konecki * Symbolic Interation *Table of ContentsContents and Abstracts1Monster's World chapter abstractMonster, a muscular gray pit bull, spent the final days of his life at a high-intake animal shelter in southern California, the Pacific Animal Welfare Center (PAW). Monster's fate is the outcome of multiple social processes, including the precarious lives of low-income people in the United States, breed discrimination grounded in racism, the commodification of companion animals, and the human conviction that humans may kill animals as we see fit. This introductory chapter situates the book within the practice of feminist and critical animal studies, the history of animal sheltering in the United States, and contemporary shifts in the animal-sheltering industry, especially the move toward no-kill sheltering. The chapter concludes with a short preview of the chapters that lie ahead. 2Helping/Policing/Killing chapter abstractThis chapter brings readers behind the scenes at PAW to examine how PAW is a hybrid institution that operates as an arm of the welfare state, the carceral state, and the anthroparchal state. PAW blurs the boundaries between providing needed help to stray and unwanted animals (welfare), policing animals and relationships between animals and low-income people of color (carceral), and controlling and killing animals in the name of human needs (anthroparchal). While typically examined as separate systems of state power, welfare, carceral, and anthroparchal states operate together in state settings like PAW to both legitimate and disguise each other. Understanding PAW—and animal shelters more generally—as hybrid institutions is important because doing so reveals the range of their work, the scope of their power, and the conflicts that exist within these institutions from the outset. 3The Myth of the Irresponsible Owner chapter abstractShelter workers, volunteers, and rescuers place responsibility for the large number of companion animals who enter PAW at the feet of one group of people: irresponsible owners. The discourse of irresponsible owners holds that animals come into the shelter because of individual-level human behaviors. Yet the guardians whose dogs end up at PAW are disproportionately lower-income people of color who are subject to population-level conditions of control and power that make them especially vulnerable to losing their animals to the shelter system. The discourse of irresponsible ownership has obscured the structural conditions that facilitate the entry of so many animals from low-income communities into animal shelters, contributes to misguided interventions, and deflects responsibility for what happens to shelter animals away from the institution and the society and back onto the former guardians of the animal. 4The Struggle for Shelter Animal Survival chapter abstractBecause of their different views of shelter killing, animal shelter staff and volunteers routinely come into conflict. Volunteers at PAW—who are almost all women, mostly from middle- and upper-class communities—use their social capital from outside the shelter to challenge and resist the authority of staff within the shelter. In so doing, they reinforce existing social hierarchies of class, race, and gender, while simultaneously challenging PAW's institutional discourse of adoptability, which deems the lives of sick or "stressed" animals to be not worth saving. They thus reject PAW's commitment to upholding anthroparchy vis-à-vis companion animals even as they uphold human hierarchies. 5The Transformative Power of Grief chapter abstractThis chapter centers on grief as a form of resistance. Shelter volunteers employ rituals of mourning to mark the deaths of impounded animals as losses. In so doing, they restore the dead animals' social intelligibility and ultimately transform animals who are otherwise unseen, unrecognized, and unappreciated into animals who have social value. Mourning allows volunteers to draw attention to the problematic practice of shelter killing by making it visible and creating a space for discourse around it. For them, honoring the life of the animal who has died means trying to prevent another animal from being killed at a shelter: each death should be a lesson, a reminder of the need for change, and a push for action against human violence against animals. 6The Peculiar Problem of Pit Bulls chapter abstractPit bulls are the most likely type of dog to come into a shelter and the most likely to die in one. This chapter examines the unique predicament of pit bulls within the context of American conflicts around race, gender, class, and animality. Pit bulls are subject to breed-specific policies and practices in the shelter. Pit bull rescuers—mostly affluent white women— attempt to remake pit bulls so that they shed their identities as companions to Black and poor Latinx men and instead become suitable companions for white, feminized middle-class homes. Disassociation from the dangerousness of Black masculinity and reassociation with white femininity requires that the dog follow a code of behavior, be presented in a particular way, and be deeply immersed in the animal practices of white middle-class people. Rescuers help individual dogs while leaving intact the structures that lead the dogs into the shelter in such high numbers. 7Animals' Resistance to Shelter Rule chapter abstractDrawing parallels to the resistance efforts of other groups that are structurally disadvantaged, I examine impounded animals' resistance to shelter rule. While caging may serve to create an illusion of control and of separation between human and nonhuman animals in the shelter, animals in fact can and do act with agency and engage in resistance. Animals reject efforts at controlling their bodies, use of space, and interactions with staff and other humans. The shelter in turn attempts to control and contain animal resistance through confinement, punishment, and pathologizing, especially through the diagnoses of aggression or of zoochosis (aka "kennel stress"). 8Waiting, Wondering, and Wavering chapter abstractThe shelter's control of time is one key instrument of its power over humans and animals. The shelter's near-exclusive control over how time is spent and who is served at what time reduces the agency of clients, volunteers, and impounded animals. Volunteers, animals, and staff in turn negotiate and resist the shelter's use of time as a mechanism of control. Control over time was one form of domination that neither human nor animal resistance could wrest from the shelter during my fieldwork. The analysis reveals the centrality of time for organizing all activity at PAW, as well as the ways in which powerful actors can manipulate understandings of time to promote acquiescence among those subjected to a particular time line. 9A New Revolution chapter abstractThe proposed "humane communities" approach to animal sheltering radically rethinks how shelters interact with animal and human communities. Drawing on a utopian vision of what a future for companion animals might look like, the humane communities approach works to eliminate homelessness among companion animals and to support strong relationships between humans and companion animals. Key elements include the integration of community members into the management of local animal shelters, meaningful and community-driven needs assessment, the provision of financial and other resources to animal guardians to be able to care for their animals, affordable, animal-friendly housing, and legislation to prohibit insurance-industry discrimination against certain types of companion animals.

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Book SynopsisNearly 90 percent of residents in Dubai are foreigners with no Emirati nationality. As in many global cities, those who hold Western passports share specific advantages: prestigious careers, high salaries, and comfortable homes and lifestyles. With this book, Amélie Le Renard explores how race, gender and class backgrounds shape experiences of privilege, and investigates the processes that lead to the formation of Westerners as a social group. Westernness is more than a passport; it is also an identity that requires emotional and bodily labor. And as they work, hook up, parent, and hire domestic help, Westerners chase Dubai's promise of socioeconomic elevation for the few. Through an ethnography informed by postcolonial and feminist theory, Le Renard reveals the diverse experiences and trajectories of white and non-white, male and female Westerners to understand the shifting and contingent nature of Westernness—and also its deep connection to whiteness and heteronormativity. Western Privilege offers a singular look at the lived reality of structural racism in cities of the global South.Trade Review"Western Privilege is a must-read for those interested in race and racialization anywhere. 'Western' and 'white' remain unmarked, static categories in most postcolonial scholarship. In this excellent ethnography, Amélie Le Renard shows ushow these structuring categories are both integral to Gulf social hierarchies and have an enduring global influence."—Neha Vora, Lafayette College"Western Privilege provides a fascinating analysis of Dubai as a hub city of postcolonial globalization. Amélie Le Renard skillfully weaves together consideration of a complex range of issues, such as intersectionality and heteronormativity, to bring new insights to scholars of Arab studies and all who work on globalization and migration."—Pauline Leonard, University of Southampton"Amélie Le Renard's portrait of professional workers in Dubai not only provides an intimate rendering of the workings of privilege, but shows why understanding it must foreground race (particularly whiteness), gender, and sexuality. Western Privilege is a rare intersectional analysis of privilege that is both empirically and theoretically rich."—Shamus R. Khan, Princeton University"Western Privilegecontributes to a discussion about Western hegemony by showing how Westernness and whiteness organise social life in a non-Western context. Moreover, the use of a postcolonial feminist approach allows the author to provide insights into how Westernness is conditioned and shaped by gender, race and class. Besides its scholarly contributions, the book will hopefully prompt those who self-identify as Westerners in the Middle Eastern context to critically examine their own contributions to the social order in question."—Dr Liina Mustonen, London School of Economics Review of Books"Recommended."—S. Waalkes, CHOICE"I applaud Le Renard for a rich and thorough investigation of class, gender, nationality, and race."—Jörg Matthias Determann, Review of Middle East Studies"Western Privilege provides a compelling analysis that speaks to multiple disciplines and regions in the world. It is highly recommended."—Yuting Wang, American Journal of SociologyTable of ContentsIntroduction 1. The Construction of Skills 2. Structural Advantages in the Job Market 3. Performing Stereotypical Westernness 4. The Heteronormativity of "Guest Families" 5. Relations with Domestic Employees 6. Hedonistic Lifestyles 7. Western Privilege and White Privilege Conclusion

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Book SynopsisExposing ethical dilemmas of neuroscientific research on violence, this book warns against a dystopian future in which behavior is narrowly defined in relation to our biological makeup. Biological explanations for violence have existed for centuries, as has criticism of this kind of deterministic science, haunted by a long history of horrific abuse. Yet, this program has endured because of, and not despite, its notorious legacy. Today's scientists are well beyond the nature versus nurture debate. Instead, they contend that scientific progress has led to a nature and nurture, biological and social, stance that allows it to avoid the pitfalls of the past. In Conviction Oliver Rollins cautions against this optimism, arguing that the way these categories are imagined belies a dangerous continuity between past and present. The late 1980s ushered in a wave of techno-scientific advancements in the genetic and brain sciences. Rollins focuses on an often-ignored strand of research, the neuroscience of violence, which he argues became a key player in the larger conversation about the biological origins of criminal, violent behavior. Using powerful technologies, neuroscientists have rationalized an idea of the violent brain—or a brain that bears the marks of predisposition toward "dangerousness." Drawing on extensive analysis of neurobiological research, interviews with neuroscientists, and participant observation, Rollins finds that this construct of the brain is ill-equipped to deal with the complexities and contradictions of the social world, much less the ethical implications of informing treatment based on such simplified definitions. Rollins warns of the potentially devastating effects of a science that promises to "predict" criminals before the crime is committed, in a world that already understands violence largely through a politic of inequality.Trade Review"With the emergence of fMRI technology in the 1990s, neuroscientists have attempted to explain violent behavior by locating specific brainwave activity. However, because of the fluidity of the boundaries that define "violence," it has been a bumpy road. With Conviction, Oliver Rollins has made a significant contribution to explaining why the path has been so fraught—providing a 'sociology of knowledge' construction that illuminates how the scaffolding of key concepts have come into play, and as often, into conflict."—Troy Duster, Chancellor's Professor Emeritus, University of California, Berkeley"Oliver Rollins brilliantly probes claims by contemporary neuroscientists that brain science can investigate racist behavior divorced from bio-criminology's past promotion of biological determinism and racist stereotypes. He incisively exposes the social assumptions embedded in the new neuroscientific model of violence—the "violent brain"—and shows how researchers' attempts to ignore race actually help to perpetuate racist myths about potential criminals. Conviction makes an essential contribution to our understanding of the promises and pitfalls of biosocial science."—Dorothy Roberts, author of Fatal Invention"Conviction is a vital book that pushes social scientific critiques of neuroscience onto more sophisticated terrain. The biologization of crime and violence is a seductive and dangerous idea that scientists cannot seem to resist, even with all its ethical baggage. Concerned social scientists must meet it with arguments that are not recycled from the last battle but engage with the contemporary manifestations of this bad idea."—Owen Whooley, New Genetics and Society"Conviction is a fascinating book that addresses core issues in medical sociology, science studies, the sociology of race, biopolitics, and the sociology of knowledge.... [W]hat we get here is a nuanced, deeply researched portrait of a scientific program that is rife with political problems and uncertainty, wherein scientists' failed efforts to deal with 'the social' demand that we pursue bolder sociological engagements with science."—Paige L. Sweet, American Journal of Sociology"Rollins's final product is a sensible and respectful critique of modern neuroscience and its ambition to succeed in proposing a neutral and complete understanding of violence, where the brain is both the question and the solution and broader social contingencies are overlooked altogether. The book spares readers the redundant free will rhetoric attacking the flaws of biological determinism—which is very welcome. Instead, it confronts readers with a paramount limitation of the neuroscience of violence that is far more concrete, timely, and truly worth of consideration in interdisciplinary discussions on neuroscience, law, and society."—Federica Coppola, Criminal Law and Criminal Justice Books"Conviction arrives at a timely moment in which controversial questions surrounding neurological maturity, culpability, and future dangerousness present immediate concerns in the criminal justice system.... Rollins' blending of sociological and medical knowledge makes for a thorough and persuasive argument about the persistence of colorblind racial logics at the intersection of neuroscience and criminology."—Ernest K. Chavez, Law & Society ReviewTable of Contents1. Biology, Violence, and the Continued Debate 2. Finding the "Fit" 3. "Picturing" Risky Brains 4. Beyond Determinism? 5. The Taboo of Race 6. Fixing Violent Brains 7. The Limits of Scientific Conviction

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Book SynopsisThe industrial-port belt of Los Angeles is home to eleven of the top twenty oil refineries in California, the largest ports in the country, and those "racist monuments" we call freeways. In this uncelebrated corner of "La La Land" through which most of America's goods transit, pollution is literally killing the residents. In response, a grassroots movement for environmental justice has grown, predominated by Asian and undocumented Latin@ immigrant women who are transforming our political landscape—yet we know very little about these change makers. In Refusing Death, Nadia Y. Kim tells their stories, finding that the women are influential because of their ability to remap politics, community, and citizenship in the face of the country's nativist racism and system of class injustice, defined not just by disproportionate environmental pollution but also by neglected schools, surveillance and deportation, and political marginalization. The women are highly conscious of how these harms are an assault on their bodies and emotions, and of their resulting reliance on a state they prefer to avoid and ignore. In spite of such challenges and contradictions, however, they have developed creative, unconventional, and loving ways to support and protect one another. They challenge the state's betrayal, demand respect, and, ultimately, refuse death.Trade Review"Immigrant environmental justice movements are at the leading edge of social change in global cities, and yet they are frequently overlooked. Nadia Kim delivers a major intervention for reassessing the impacts of these movements, extending our vision with a keen ethnographic eye, a compelling narrative, and robust theoretical analyses."—David Naguib Pello, author of What is Critical Environmental Justice?"An urgent, much-needed account of the activism of Filipin@ and Latin@ immigrant activists in Los Angeles. Spotlighting gendered resistance and community citizenmaking, Kim effectively recasts environmental justice to mean commitment to care for both physical and emotional lives."—Yen Lê Espiritu, University of California, San Diego"An innovative and close-up look at the ways in which Latin@ and Filipin@ activists mobilize bodies, emotions, and gendered caregiving in their struggle for environmental justice."—Pierrette Hondagneu-Sotelo, University of Southern California"The author poignantly conveys how aware these women are that pollution in their community is assaulting their bodies and emotions and leading to death. One of the book's major strengths is the respectful and culturally sensitive manner in which Kim employs mixed methods and intersectional approaches to detail how the women-led act of embodied citizenship—emotional support of one's neighbors against the assault of 'bioneglect'—constitutes a key resistance strategy....Highly recommended."—I. Coronado, CHOICE"I found the focus on embodiment and the expansion of Foucauldian thought to bioneglect to be the most compelling parts of this book. In addition, I was struck by Kim's honesty when she reported contradictions in the field."—Sanchita Dasgupta, Sociology of Race and Ethnicity"Kim's book is an essential read and eminently teachable. It will be a new classic in environmental justice, grounded in the original home discipline of the field and drawing from key works of sociologists like Robert Bullard, Beverly Wright, and David Pellow."—Julie Sze, American Journal of SociologyTable of ContentsIntroduction: Fighting for Breath in the Other LA 1. Neoliberal Embodied Assault 2. Emotions as Power 3. Every Body Matters 4. "Our Community Has Boundaries": Race and Class Matter 5. Citizenship as Gendered Caring 6. politics Without the Politics 7. The Kids Will Save Us Afterword: Toward Bioneglect

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Book SynopsisDespite its image as an epicenter of progressive social policy, New York City continues to have one of the nation's most segregated school systems. Tracing the quest for integration in education from the mid-1950s to the present, The Battle Nearer to Home follows the tireless efforts by educational activists to dismantle the deep racial and socioeconomic inequalities that segregation reinforces. The fight for integration has shifted significantly over time, not least in terms of the way "integration" is conceived, from transfers of students and redrawing school attendance zones, to more recent demands of community control of segregated schools. In all cases, the Board eventually pulled the plug in the face of resistance from more powerful stakeholders, and, starting in the 1970s, integration receded as a possible solution to educational inequality. In excavating the history of New York City school integration politics, in the halls of power and on the ground, Christopher Bonastia unearths the enduring white resistance to integration and the severe costs paid by Black and Latino students. This last decade has seen activists renew the fight for integration, but the war is still far from won.Trade Review"Rejecting the idea that school integration is an antiquated hangover from the Civil Rights movement, Bonastia repositions racial integration as a worthy tool to achieve equality. Beyond simply 'mixing bodies,' Bonastia reimagines school integration as a commitment to a truly justand equal education for students of color." —Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor, author of Race for Profit"Bonastia offers new ways of thinking about school integration, and shows how 'colorblind meritocracy' legitimizes inequality. This important history will help chart a better educational future."—Matthew Delmont, author of Why Busing FailedTable of ContentsContents and Abstracts1Diverse but Segregated chapter abstractSince the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision, New York City repeatedly has vowed to be proactive in reducing school segregation, yet city schools remain highly segregated by race and class. Its actions have not reflected the city's self-image as a racially progressive metropolis. Instead, New York created and maintained a school system that features pockets of managed integration while relegating most Black and Latino students to segregated, under-resourced schools. Education officials have perpetuated this system through the use of border checkpoints to manage integration and segregation. Checkpoints can be physical, administrative, or meritocratic. These checkpoints can take various forms, including locating schools in segregated neighborhoods, delaying action on pro-integrative measures, and screening applicants to schools on the basis of grades and standardized test scores. 2The Case for School Integration chapter abstractFollowing the Brown decision, educational activists pressured the Board of Education to be proactive in support of school integration. The board responded by creating the Commission on Integration tasked with charting a path forward for school integration. Its most controversial recommendations advocated school zoning changes to increase integration and mandatory teacher rotations to assure that students in low-income schools no longer were taught by less-experienced teachers who were often substitutes. Most teachers organizations objected to the latter proposal. Ultimately, the city failed to act on the commission's most meaningful recommendations, a pattern that would repeat itself with subsequent city-sponsored investigations of educational inequality. Activists continued to fight against racial inequality and segregation in NYC schools. The late-1950s cases of the Harlem Nine and the opening of a segregated middle school in Bedford-Stuyvesant, Brooklyn (JHS 258) are analyzed. 3"Good Neighborhoods Do Not Just Happen" chapter abstractIn 1959, the Board of Ed announced that it would transfer a cohort of Black and Puerto Rican elementary-age students from Bedford-Stuyvesant, Brooklyn, where schools were severely overcrowded, to underutilized schools in the nearby Queens neighborhoods of Ridgewood and Glendale. Residents of the overwhelmingly white Queens neighborhoods exploded with rage, accusing the board of bringing juvenile delinquents into their schools. In subsequent years, the school integration movement gained steam. In February 1964, nearly half a million New York City youth boycotted schools for a day to protest school segregation. Shortly thereafter, a citywide anti-integration countermovement emerged. In March, an overwhelmingly white crowd of fifteen thousand marched on City Hall and Board of Ed headquarters to protest virtually every mechanism for integration. Four days after that, a second pro-integration boycott took place, though on a smaller scale than its February predecessor. 4Inflamed chapter abstractA 1964 report criticized past Board of Education efforts on integration but cast doubt on the prospects for future progress. The board largely ignored the recommendations to increase integration. In July 1964, uprisings in Harlem and Bedford-Stuyvesant—prompted by the police killing of a Black teenager—roiled New York City. On the first day of the 1964–65 school year, over a quarter of a million white students boycotted to protest the pairing of predominantly Black and predominantly white elementary schools in four locations. In Brooklyn Heights, liberal white parents initially embraced the pairing of two nearby schools to increase integration, but many soured quickly on the experiment, dispatching their children to private schools. There were small groups of white parents who were proactive in their support of school integration, voluntarily sending their children to predominantly Black schools. 5The Roots of Community Control chapter abstractThis chapter traces the evolution of activist demands from integration to community control of schools in Black and Puerto Rican neighborhoods. The turn to community control occurred after persistent demands for integration failed to yield meaningful action from the Board of Education. In Brooklyn, as a last-ditch effort for integrated schools, activists called for the creation of enormous educational parks that would foster integration and offer students the latest in technology and an expanded array of course offerings. They were rebuffed. Citywide, parents and activists increasingly insisted that the board had reneged on its obligation to provide quality education and that local communities should have a greater say in school personnel and budgeting. The board approved the creation of three experimental school districts—in Ocean Hill–Brownsville, Harlem, and the Lower East Side—to gauge the viability of this concept. 6Ocean Hill–Brownsville's Afrocentric, Multicultural Vision chapter abstractWhen the community control experiment began in 1967–68, local parents and new teachers in Ocean Hill–Brownsville complained that remaining union teachers were attempting to sabotage the experiment. In May 1968, the OHB Governing Board terminated nineteen union teachers and administrators. The United Federation of Teachers was apoplectic, claiming the staffers were fired without due process. That fall, after OHB had hired nearly a full contingent of replacement teachers, the UFT launched three citywide strikes that crippled education in most of the city; OHB schools remained open. The UFT accused Ocean Hill–Brownsville of blatant anti-Semitism, an accusation the OHB Governing Board denied. In April 1969, the state legislature effectively dismantled the community-control districts. Students who attended OHB schools during the UFT strikes recall a rewarding experience in which they were respected and valued as students and Black and Puerto Rican cultures were celebrated. 7Race and Education after Community Control chapter abstractIn Washington, DC, Southern senators fought against the double standard that applied to school segregation: aggressive enforcement in the South, where schools had been segregated by law, and a laissez-faire policy elsewhere, where school segregation had occurred in practice. They were joined in their call for a national school desegregation policy by Connecticut liberal Abraham Ribicoff. While Ribicoff wished to see school desegregation enforced outside the South, his Southern colleagues were seeking to relax enforcement in their region. In early-1970s New York, a group of Black students in Brooklyn endured a dispiriting battle to find schools that would enroll them: they were treated as unwanted intruders. Later that decade, the city school system faced the threatened withdrawal of federal funds for violating civil rights laws prohibiting discrimination. 8The Renewed Demand for Integration chapter abstractFrom the mid-1970s to the early 2010s, the fight for school integration in New York City was essentially moribund. A 2012 report on the high degree of segregation in NYC schools and a 2014 one labeling New York the most segregated state school system in the US spurred a revitalized integration movement led by students. While Chancellor Richard Carranza argued for integration as a top priority, and several local school districts made efforts to increase integration, Mayor Bill de Blasio was not supportive of systemwide integration even prior to the COVID-19 pandemic. Student activists from organizations such as IntegrateNYC and Teens Take Charge have continued to exert pressure on school officials to dismantle school segregation by eliminating academic screens from the junior high and high school admissions processes. 9Learning from the Past and Moving Forward chapter abstractThe type of integration envisioned by New York City student activists does not depend on proximity to whiteness or merely moving bodies around. They envision a school system in which there are no longer a clearly identifiable set of "good schools"—populated primarily by white and Asian students, with ample resources, responsive faculty, and an array of courses and extracurricular activities—and a much larger contingent of "bad schools" — populated by Black, Latino, and some Asian students, and lacking these characteristics. In the nearly seven decades since Brown v. Board of Education, New York City school officials have extolled integration but have been reluctant to take action that might cause white families to exit the school system. With white students comprising 15 percent of the public school population, allowing those families to informally veto policies that would improve education for the majority of students is unjustifiable.

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Book SynopsisIn Black Reconstruction W.E.B. Du Bois wrote, "The slave went free; stood for a brief moment in the sun; then moved back again toward slavery." His words echo across the decades as the civil rights revolution, marked by the passage of landmark civil rights laws in the '60s, has seen those gains steadily and systematically whittled away. As history testifies, revolution nearly always triggers its antithesis: counterrevolution. In this book Steinberg provides an analysis of this backlash, tracing the reverse flow of history that has led to the current national reckoning on race. Steinberg puts counterrevolution into historical and theoretical perspective, exploring the "victim-blaming" and "colorblind" discourses that emerged in the post-segregation era and undermined progress toward racial equality, and led to the gutting of affirmative action. This book reflects Steinberg's long career as a critical race scholar, culminating with his assessment of our current moment and the possibilities for political transformation. Trade Review"This is an important intervention in the post-Floyd national debate about why the problem of race in the republic has been so long-lasting."—Charles W. Mills, author of Black Rights/White Wrongs"In this book, Stephen Steinberg concludes his incisive meditation on the race relations paradigm, the discipline of sociology, and what he now calls the 'frontlash' of the contemporary surge of the U.S. toward a revanchist anti-Black society. Steinberg accomplishes the rare feat of producing a third volume of a trilogy—Turning Back: The Retreat from Racial Justice in American Thought and Policy and Race Relations: A Critique—that raises the project to dazzling new heights. He does this by illuminating the depths to which contemporary U.S. racial ideology and policy have plummeted. At the core of Steinberg's analysis, he resurrects the unrealized possibilities of affirmative action to power a third Reconstruction by tracing its birth, murder, death, and transmutation into diversity."—Sundiata Cha-Jua, University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign"Stephen Steinberg has done it again! With the wit, verve, and intellectual rigor that we have come to expect from him, Steinberg exposes the zeal with which conservatives (and their white liberal accomplices) worked to roll back the gains of the US civil rights movement. Counterrevolution paints a harrowing picture of the revanchist intellectual and political forces that coalesced in opposition to Black freedom and equality in the United States in the period between the 1960s and 2010s. The depth and breadth of Steinberg's scholarship will surely make the book essential reading for a new generation of scholars and activists fighting against racial oppression today."—Jeff Maskovsky, CUNY Graduate Center"Steinberg's Counterrevolution is a harrowing and important read. Striking a cautionary tone, he warns of the dangers of ignoring the whittling down of hard-fought civil rights gains. As the rights of minorities are trounced in this reactionary response to their political, social and economic gains, Steinberg's book is well researched and of crucial importance in the current socio-political landscape."—Denise N. Obinna, Ethnic and Racial Studies"We have needed this book. Stephen Steinberg has produced a brilliant overview of the decades-long campaign by business and the organized right to reverse the victories of the mid-twentieth-century Civil Rights Movement.... What makes this book so valuable is the force of its argument about how the counter-revolution gains by moving relentlessly from one civil rights rollback to the next, culminating in the ongoing Republican campaign to limit voting rights, especially the voting rights of African Americans."—Frances Fox Piven, New PoliticsTable of ContentsIntroduction: "Race Relations": An Obfuscation Part I: Counterrevolution in Theoretical and Historical Perspective 1. Nails in the Coffin of the Civil Rights Movement 2. How Daniel Patrick Moynihan Derailed the Civil Rights Movement 3. Nathan Glazer and the Assassination of Affirmative Action 4. The Comeback of the Culture of Poverty Part II: Deconstructing Victim-Blaming Discourses Chapter 5: The Role of Social Science in Legitimating Racial Hierarchy Chapter 6: Is Education a False Panacea for the Racial and Class Inequalities of Capitalist America? Chapter 7: The Myth of Ethnic Success: Old Wine in New Bottles Chapter 8: "Making It": Fact Versus Fiction Chapter 9: Race and the Fallacy of the Goose-Gander Rule: Implications for the Black Lives Matter Movement Chapter 10: The Political Uses of Concentrated Poverty Part III: From Backlash to Frontlash Chapter 11: Decolonizing Race Knowledge: Exorcising the Ghost of Herbert Spencer Chapter 12: The Myth of Black Progress Chapter 13: Systemic Racism: The Elephant in the Room Chapter 14: Bring Back Affirmative Action Chapter 15: Trump, Trumpism, and the Resurgence of White Supremacy

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Book SynopsisIn Black Reconstruction W.E.B. Du Bois wrote, "The slave went free; stood for a brief moment in the sun; then moved back again toward slavery." His words echo across the decades as the civil rights revolution, marked by the passage of landmark civil rights laws in the '60s, has seen those gains steadily and systematically whittled away. As history testifies, revolution nearly always triggers its antithesis: counterrevolution. In this book Steinberg provides an analysis of this backlash, tracing the reverse flow of history that has led to the current national reckoning on race. Steinberg puts counterrevolution into historical and theoretical perspective, exploring the "victim-blaming" and "colorblind" discourses that emerged in the post-segregation era and undermined progress toward racial equality, and led to the gutting of affirmative action. This book reflects Steinberg's long career as a critical race scholar, culminating with his assessment of our current moment and the possibilities for political transformation. Trade Review"This is an important intervention in the post-Floyd national debate about why the problem of race in the republic has been so long-lasting."—Charles W. Mills, author of Black Rights/White Wrongs"In this book, Stephen Steinberg concludes his incisive meditation on the race relations paradigm, the discipline of sociology, and what he now calls the 'frontlash' of the contemporary surge of the U.S. toward a revanchist anti-Black society. Steinberg accomplishes the rare feat of producing a third volume of a trilogy—Turning Back: The Retreat from Racial Justice in American Thought and Policy and Race Relations: A Critique—that raises the project to dazzling new heights. He does this by illuminating the depths to which contemporary U.S. racial ideology and policy have plummeted. At the core of Steinberg's analysis, he resurrects the unrealized possibilities of affirmative action to power a third Reconstruction by tracing its birth, murder, death, and transmutation into diversity."—Sundiata Cha-Jua, University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign"Stephen Steinberg has done it again! With the wit, verve, and intellectual rigor that we have come to expect from him, Steinberg exposes the zeal with which conservatives (and their white liberal accomplices) worked to roll back the gains of the US civil rights movement. Counterrevolution paints a harrowing picture of the revanchist intellectual and political forces that coalesced in opposition to Black freedom and equality in the United States in the period between the 1960s and 2010s. The depth and breadth of Steinberg's scholarship will surely make the book essential reading for a new generation of scholars and activists fighting against racial oppression today."—Jeff Maskovsky, CUNY Graduate Center"Steinberg's Counterrevolution is a harrowing and important read. Striking a cautionary tone, he warns of the dangers of ignoring the whittling down of hard-fought civil rights gains. As the rights of minorities are trounced in this reactionary response to their political, social and economic gains, Steinberg's book is well researched and of crucial importance in the current socio-political landscape."—Denise N. Obinna, Ethnic and Racial Studies"We have needed this book. Stephen Steinberg has produced a brilliant overview of the decades-long campaign by business and the organized right to reverse the victories of the mid-twentieth-century Civil Rights Movement.... What makes this book so valuable is the force of its argument about how the counter-revolution gains by moving relentlessly from one civil rights rollback to the next, culminating in the ongoing Republican campaign to limit voting rights, especially the voting rights of African Americans."—Frances Fox Piven, New PoliticsTable of ContentsIntroduction: "Race Relations": An Obfuscation Part I: Counterrevolution in Theoretical and Historical Perspective 1. Nails in the Coffin of the Civil Rights Movement 2. How Daniel Patrick Moynihan Derailed the Civil Rights Movement 3. Nathan Glazer and the Assassination of Affirmative Action 4. The Comeback of the Culture of Poverty Part II: Deconstructing Victim-Blaming Discourses Chapter 5: The Role of Social Science in Legitimating Racial Hierarchy Chapter 6: Is Education a False Panacea for the Racial and Class Inequalities of Capitalist America? Chapter 7: The Myth of Ethnic Success: Old Wine in New Bottles Chapter 8: "Making It": Fact Versus Fiction Chapter 9: Race and the Fallacy of the Goose-Gander Rule: Implications for the Black Lives Matter Movement Chapter 10: The Political Uses of Concentrated Poverty Part III: From Backlash to Frontlash Chapter 11: Decolonizing Race Knowledge: Exorcising the Ghost of Herbert Spencer Chapter 12: The Myth of Black Progress Chapter 13: Systemic Racism: The Elephant in the Room Chapter 14: Bring Back Affirmative Action Chapter 15: Trump, Trumpism, and the Resurgence of White Supremacy

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Book SynopsisDespite its image as an epicenter of progressive social policy, New York City continues to have one of the nation's most segregated school systems. Tracing the quest for integration in education from the mid-1950s to the present, The Battle Nearer to Home follows the tireless efforts by educational activists to dismantle the deep racial and socioeconomic inequalities that segregation reinforces. The fight for integration has shifted significantly over time, not least in terms of the way "integration" is conceived, from transfers of students and redrawing school attendance zones, to more recent demands of community control of segregated schools. In all cases, the Board eventually pulled the plug in the face of resistance from more powerful stakeholders, and, starting in the 1970s, integration receded as a possible solution to educational inequality. In excavating the history of New York City school integration politics, in the halls of power and on the ground, Christopher Bonastia unearths the enduring white resistance to integration and the severe costs paid by Black and Latino students. This last decade has seen activists renew the fight for integration, but the war is still far from won.Trade Review"Rejecting the idea that school integration is an antiquated hangover from the Civil Rights movement, Bonastia repositions racial integration as a worthy tool to achieve equality. Beyond simply 'mixing bodies,' Bonastia reimagines school integration as a commitment to a truly justand equal education for students of color." —Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor, author of Race for Profit"Bonastia offers new ways of thinking about school integration, and shows how 'colorblind meritocracy' legitimizes inequality. This important history will help chart a better educational future."—Matthew Delmont, author of Why Busing FailedTable of ContentsContents and Abstracts1Diverse but Segregated chapter abstractSince the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision, New York City repeatedly has vowed to be proactive in reducing school segregation, yet city schools remain highly segregated by race and class. Its actions have not reflected the city's self-image as a racially progressive metropolis. Instead, New York created and maintained a school system that features pockets of managed integration while relegating most Black and Latino students to segregated, under-resourced schools. Education officials have perpetuated this system through the use of border checkpoints to manage integration and segregation. Checkpoints can be physical, administrative, or meritocratic. These checkpoints can take various forms, including locating schools in segregated neighborhoods, delaying action on pro-integrative measures, and screening applicants to schools on the basis of grades and standardized test scores. 2The Case for School Integration chapter abstractFollowing the Brown decision, educational activists pressured the Board of Education to be proactive in support of school integration. The board responded by creating the Commission on Integration tasked with charting a path forward for school integration. Its most controversial recommendations advocated school zoning changes to increase integration and mandatory teacher rotations to assure that students in low-income schools no longer were taught by less-experienced teachers who were often substitutes. Most teachers organizations objected to the latter proposal. Ultimately, the city failed to act on the commission's most meaningful recommendations, a pattern that would repeat itself with subsequent city-sponsored investigations of educational inequality. Activists continued to fight against racial inequality and segregation in NYC schools. The late-1950s cases of the Harlem Nine and the opening of a segregated middle school in Bedford-Stuyvesant, Brooklyn (JHS 258) are analyzed. 3"Good Neighborhoods Do Not Just Happen" chapter abstractIn 1959, the Board of Ed announced that it would transfer a cohort of Black and Puerto Rican elementary-age students from Bedford-Stuyvesant, Brooklyn, where schools were severely overcrowded, to underutilized schools in the nearby Queens neighborhoods of Ridgewood and Glendale. Residents of the overwhelmingly white Queens neighborhoods exploded with rage, accusing the board of bringing juvenile delinquents into their schools. In subsequent years, the school integration movement gained steam. In February 1964, nearly half a million New York City youth boycotted schools for a day to protest school segregation. Shortly thereafter, a citywide anti-integration countermovement emerged. In March, an overwhelmingly white crowd of fifteen thousand marched on City Hall and Board of Ed headquarters to protest virtually every mechanism for integration. Four days after that, a second pro-integration boycott took place, though on a smaller scale than its February predecessor. 4Inflamed chapter abstractA 1964 report criticized past Board of Education efforts on integration but cast doubt on the prospects for future progress. The board largely ignored the recommendations to increase integration. In July 1964, uprisings in Harlem and Bedford-Stuyvesant—prompted by the police killing of a Black teenager—roiled New York City. On the first day of the 1964–65 school year, over a quarter of a million white students boycotted to protest the pairing of predominantly Black and predominantly white elementary schools in four locations. In Brooklyn Heights, liberal white parents initially embraced the pairing of two nearby schools to increase integration, but many soured quickly on the experiment, dispatching their children to private schools. There were small groups of white parents who were proactive in their support of school integration, voluntarily sending their children to predominantly Black schools. 5The Roots of Community Control chapter abstractThis chapter traces the evolution of activist demands from integration to community control of schools in Black and Puerto Rican neighborhoods. The turn to community control occurred after persistent demands for integration failed to yield meaningful action from the Board of Education. In Brooklyn, as a last-ditch effort for integrated schools, activists called for the creation of enormous educational parks that would foster integration and offer students the latest in technology and an expanded array of course offerings. They were rebuffed. Citywide, parents and activists increasingly insisted that the board had reneged on its obligation to provide quality education and that local communities should have a greater say in school personnel and budgeting. The board approved the creation of three experimental school districts—in Ocean Hill–Brownsville, Harlem, and the Lower East Side—to gauge the viability of this concept. 6Ocean Hill–Brownsville's Afrocentric, Multicultural Vision chapter abstractWhen the community control experiment began in 1967–68, local parents and new teachers in Ocean Hill–Brownsville complained that remaining union teachers were attempting to sabotage the experiment. In May 1968, the OHB Governing Board terminated nineteen union teachers and administrators. The United Federation of Teachers was apoplectic, claiming the staffers were fired without due process. That fall, after OHB had hired nearly a full contingent of replacement teachers, the UFT launched three citywide strikes that crippled education in most of the city; OHB schools remained open. The UFT accused Ocean Hill–Brownsville of blatant anti-Semitism, an accusation the OHB Governing Board denied. In April 1969, the state legislature effectively dismantled the community-control districts. Students who attended OHB schools during the UFT strikes recall a rewarding experience in which they were respected and valued as students and Black and Puerto Rican cultures were celebrated. 7Race and Education after Community Control chapter abstractIn Washington, DC, Southern senators fought against the double standard that applied to school segregation: aggressive enforcement in the South, where schools had been segregated by law, and a laissez-faire policy elsewhere, where school segregation had occurred in practice. They were joined in their call for a national school desegregation policy by Connecticut liberal Abraham Ribicoff. While Ribicoff wished to see school desegregation enforced outside the South, his Southern colleagues were seeking to relax enforcement in their region. In early-1970s New York, a group of Black students in Brooklyn endured a dispiriting battle to find schools that would enroll them: they were treated as unwanted intruders. Later that decade, the city school system faced the threatened withdrawal of federal funds for violating civil rights laws prohibiting discrimination. 8The Renewed Demand for Integration chapter abstractFrom the mid-1970s to the early 2010s, the fight for school integration in New York City was essentially moribund. A 2012 report on the high degree of segregation in NYC schools and a 2014 one labeling New York the most segregated state school system in the US spurred a revitalized integration movement led by students. While Chancellor Richard Carranza argued for integration as a top priority, and several local school districts made efforts to increase integration, Mayor Bill de Blasio was not supportive of systemwide integration even prior to the COVID-19 pandemic. Student activists from organizations such as IntegrateNYC and Teens Take Charge have continued to exert pressure on school officials to dismantle school segregation by eliminating academic screens from the junior high and high school admissions processes. 9Learning from the Past and Moving Forward chapter abstractThe type of integration envisioned by New York City student activists does not depend on proximity to whiteness or merely moving bodies around. They envision a school system in which there are no longer a clearly identifiable set of "good schools"—populated primarily by white and Asian students, with ample resources, responsive faculty, and an array of courses and extracurricular activities—and a much larger contingent of "bad schools" — populated by Black, Latino, and some Asian students, and lacking these characteristics. In the nearly seven decades since Brown v. Board of Education, New York City school officials have extolled integration but have been reluctant to take action that might cause white families to exit the school system. With white students comprising 15 percent of the public school population, allowing those families to informally veto policies that would improve education for the majority of students is unjustifiable.

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Book SynopsisAs developing states adopt neoliberal policies, more and more working-class women find themselves pulled into the public sphere. They are pressed into wage work by a privatizing and unstable job market. Likewise, they are pulled into public roles by gender mainstreaming policies that developing states must sign on to in order to receive transnational aid. Their inclusion into the political economy is very beneficial for society, but is it also beneficial for women? In The Stigma Matrix Fauzia Husain draws on the experiences of policewomen, lady health workers, and airline attendants, all frontline workers who help the Pakistani state, and its global allies, address, surveil, and discipline veiled women citizens. These women, she finds, confront a stigma matrix: a complex of local and global, historic, and contemporary factors that work together to complicate women's integration into public life. The experiences of the three groups Husain examines reveal that inclusion requires more than quotas or special seats. This book advances critical feminist and sociological frameworks on stigma and agency showing that both concepts are made up of multiple layers of meaning, and are entangled with elite projects of hegemony.Trade Review"This is an impressive, gorgeously written book that tackles a question of vital importance. Fauzia Husain situates stigma as a force that reaches from the historical colonial past, across decades of neoliberal global forces, and renders its micro-contextual consequences starkly in the intimate daily lives of women tasked with enacting the will of the state under incredibly difficult conditions."—Erin McDonnell, Author of Patchwork Leviathan"This remarkable and richly detailed ethnography explores how frontline women workers in Pakistan navigate the colliding norms of purdah and neoliberal economic policies. With a keen analytical eye, Fauzia Husain shows how cultural stigma is shaped, while also providing a novel and multifaceted account of women's agency. The Stigma Matrix is mandatory reading for anyone interested in gender and work in global contexts."—Rachel Rinaldo, Author of Mobilizing PietyTable of ContentsAcknowledgments INTRODUCTION 1. THE GLOBAL CONSTITUENTS OF SEXUALIZED STIGMAS IN PAKISTAN 2. THE MESO LEVEL OF THE STIGMA MATRIX: THE CONTEXTS OF STIGMA IN FRONTLINE WORK 3. VEILED DELICACY: AGENTIC RESPONSES TO STIGMA IN THE PAKISTANI POLICE FORCE 4. SACRED CONDUITS: STIGMA AND THE AGENCY OF HEALTH WORKERS 5. MAVENS OF MOBILITY: HOW AIRLINE WOMEN NAVIGATE STIGMA 6. SPECTACULAR AGENCY: STUNNING DRAMAS OF RECRUITMENT CONCLUSION: MOVING FORWARD WITH THE STIGMA MATRIX Appendix Notes Bibliography Index

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Book SynopsisFrom the 1970s on, Los Angeles was transformed into a center for entertainment, consumption, and commerce for the affluent. Mirroring the urban development trend across the nation, new construction led to the displacement of low-income and working-class racial minorities, as city officials targeted these neighborhoods for demolition in order to spur economic growth and bring in affluent residents. Responding to the displacement, there emerged a coalition of unions, community organizers, and faith-based groups advocating for policy change. In Building Downtown Los Angeles Leland Saito traces these two parallel trends through specific construction projects and the backlash they provoked. He uses these events to theorize the past and present processes of racial formation and the racialization of place, drawing new insights on the relationships between race, place, and policy. Saito brings to bear the importance of historical events on contemporary processes of gentrification and integrates the fluidity of racial categories into his analysis. He explores these forces in action, as buyers and entrepreneurs meet in the real estate marketplace, carrying with them a fraught history of exclusion and vast disparities in wealth among racial groups.Trade Review"Another richly detailed book on capitalistic space control and white racism by Leland Saito! Although big capital and city officials remade LA's Broadway area, California's progressive growth-with-equity groups democratized this once capitalist-dominated city development process. Accenting historical context and changing meanings of white racial framing of cities, Saito crafts a very innovative racial-spatial formation theory."—Joe Feagin, Texas A&M University"Through rich documentation and incisive theorizing, Saito exposes a tragic history of racialized residential and community displacement in LA. He vividly portrays the struggles of regional social justice organizations to wrest community benefits agreements along with nuanced policy appraisals for how to achieve more redistributive and equitable urban futures in LA and elsewhere."—Jan Lin, Occidental College"Saito goes beyond the dualities of power and inequalities as he eloquently depicts the struggles and negotiations between community-based organizations and city officials and developers who had little regard for the welfare of racial and working-class minorities."—Fazila Bhimji, Ethnic and Racial Studies"Even though many studies have been published about Los Angeles, there is a lot to learn from Saito's thoroughly researched manuscript, particularly about the power of community coalitions and how they could challenge even the most influential developers. This is an excellent book, expertly structured, with a well-crafted and clear message about the path to success of local organizing for social justice."—Elena Vesselinov, Social ForcesTable of ContentsIntroduction: Racial-Spatial Formation 1. The Los Angeles Convention Center: 1950s-1990s 2. The Staples Center and L.A. Live: 1990s-2010s 3. Growth Interests and the Growth with Equity Coalition: 1990s 4. Negotiating the L.A. Live Community Benefits Agreement: 1990s-2000s 5. Evaluating the L.A. Live Community Benefits Agreement: 2000s 6. The NFL Stadium Proposal and Neighborhood Change: 1990-2015 Conclusion: Implications for Social Justice

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Book SynopsisMany enter the academy with dreams of doing good; this is a book about how the institution fails them, especially if they are considered "outsiders." Tenure-track, published author, recipient of prestigious fellowships and awards—these credentials mark Victoria Reyes as somebody who has achieved the status of insider in the academy. Woman of color, family history of sexual violence, first generation, mother—these qualities place Reyes on the margins of the academy; a person who does not see herself reflected in its models of excellence. This contradiction allows Reyes to theorize the conditional citizenship of academic life—a liminal status occupied by a rapidly growing proportion of the academy, as the majority white, male, and affluent space simultaneously transforms and resists transformation. Reyes blends her own personal experiences with the tools of sociology to lay bare the ways in which the structures of the university and the people working within it continue to keep their traditionally marginalized members relegated to symbolic status, somewhere outside the center. Reyes confronts the impossibility of success in the midst of competing and contradictory needs—from navigating coded language, to balancing professional expectations with care-taking responsibilities, to combating the literal exclusions of outmoded and hierarchical rules. Her searing commentary takes on, with sensitivity and fury, the urgent call for academic justice. Trade Review"This courageous and visionary work boldly reclaims space for women of color and others who have been excluded and devalued by academia. It invites us to reimagine and remake the academy with practices of love, care, and justice."—Crystal Marie Fleming, author of Rise Up!"Blending sociological analysis, feminist of color critique, and memoir, Reyes offers a blueprint for transforming the academy. Academic Outsider is the book I never knew I needed until I read it."—Anthony Christian Ocampo, author of Brown and Gay in LA"This book will be painfully familiar to many in the academy. It reveals how little progress has been made in the age of multiculturalism and diversity. A must-read for junior and senior faculty alike!"—Mary Romero, author of The Maid's Daughter"This book brings a level of authenticity to academia, and sociology in particular, that is a breath of fresh air. It works as an important intervention within how we see academia and who we see as exemplar academics. I praise the author for their vulnerability and their conviction—we need to better humanize scholarship and this book does just that."—Whitney Pirtle, co-editor of Black Feminist Sociology"A challenging and critical collection, Academic Outsider offers a timely analysis that interrogates the foundation of the "academic citizenship" that leaves many of us questioning our value rather than the logics of belonging embedded in the whiteness and wealth of academia. By weaving together personal and professional stories and sociological analysis, these incisive essays will surely spark conversation and serve as a balm for the many outsiders navigating their own pathway."—Zakiya Luna, author of Reproductive Rights as Human Rights"An urgent, candid, and path-breaking book. Academic Outsider uncovers the hidden curricula of academic gate-keeping practices and demonstrates how they are upheld by racial capitalism and racialized gender inequities. Without falling into a romanticized view of the margins, Reyes exposes the raw gritty effects of such practices on working-class women of color in the academy. She deftly unmasks the material conditions that make these women's lives impossible, begging the question: who belongs in academia and who does not? With careful attention to how the personal is always political, Reyes unapologetically deploys women of color feminisms to expose the normalized structures of gendered, classed, and racialized violences cloaked by disciplinary metrics of success. This page-turner of a book will resonate with those who are marginalized by the academy and those who are complicit with its operations. This book embodies intersectional public scholarship at its finest."—Ghassan Moussawi, author of Disruptions Situations"Not everyone is an equal citizen in the country of academia. Writing from within the borderlands of higher education in Academic Outsider, sociologist and professor Victoria Reyes describes with courage, insight, and heart about what the Ivory Tower's shadow hides. This book is must-read for anyone who truly cares about equality and inclusiveness in the academy."—Grace Talusan, author of The Body Papers"Academic Outsider is the kind of book that sticks with you. The kind of book that forces you to notice inequities and that would give you side-eye if you saw those inequities and tried to look away. The essays in Academic Outsider are poignant and sometimes painful to read. Yet, they are also poignant and painful in a way that leaves room for hope. The book inspires readers to recognize and embrace opportunities to resist the oppressive structures within academia and the oppressive structures that academia helps to perpetuate."—Jessica Calarco, author of A Field Guide to Grad School and Negotiating Opportunities"Reyes captures with poignant honesty the ways the pandemic made unavoidable the truth that we had never experienced the social world, or academia for that matter, the same way. More importantly, Reyes shows that without reckoning with these deep inequalities and the systems that exacerbate them, they will only continue to deepen their reach.... At its core, Academic Outsider offers us far more than a window into a broken system. Academic Outsider is an invitation to reimagine the world together."—Hajar Yazdiha, Social Forces"This is a must-read book for fellow outsiders navigating the labyrinth of academic culture, and for any academic who aspires to challenge inequity. Essential."—M. F. Jones, CHOICE"At a time when there is a plethora of books intended to guide graduate students and faculty through the academic world—what Reyes refers to in her book as sorts of navigational capital and unspoken rules of academic citizenship—Academic Outsider remains unique in the way that it is less a 'how-to' guide and more of a 'how does' guide. By this, I mean that Reyes's book draws on her experiences to explain to us how the academy keeps working as it does despite growing recognitions that the academic world is shaped by fundamental inequalities of racism, sexism, classism, and ableism. Reyes's book thus encompasses a range of discussions—from the politics of citation through to 'overlapping shifts' as a mother during the pandemic, academia's 'motherhood penalty,' and reimbursement culture—to show us precisely how, in personal detail, the academy remains a space of deep inequality."—Ali Meghji, Contemporary SociolgyTable of Contents1. Academic Outsider 2. On Love and Worth 3. Conditional Citizenship 4. Living in Precarity 5. Overlapping Shifts and COVID-19 6. Academic Justice

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Book SynopsisLaboring for Justice highlights the experiences of day laborers and advocates in the struggle against wage theft in Denver, Colorado. Drawing on more than seven years of research that earned special recognition for its community engagement, this book analyzes the widespread problem of wage theft and its disproportionate impact on low-wage immigrant workers. Rebecca Galemba focuses on the plight of day laborers in Denver, Colorado—a quintessential purple state that has swung between some of the harshest and more welcoming policies around immigrant and labor rights. With collaborators and community partners, Galemba reveals how labor abuses like wage theft persist, and how advocates, attorneys, and workers struggle to redress and prevent those abuses using proactive policy, legal challenges, and direct action tactics. As more and more industries move away from secure, permanent employment and towards casualized labor practices, this book shines a light on wage theft as symptomatic of larger, systemic issues throughout the U.S. economy, and illustrates how workers can deploy effective strategies to endure and improve their position in the world amidst precarity through everyday forms of convivencia and resistance. Applying a public anthropology approach that integrates the experiences of community partners, students, policy makers, and activists in the production of research, this book uses the pressing issue of wage theft to offer a methodologically rigorous, community-engaged, and pedagogically innovative approach to the study of immigration, labor, inequality, and social justice.Trade Review"Laboring for Justice is public anthropology at its best! Galemba not only explores labor abuses through an engaged commitment to social justice and research, she also writes as a team player set on helping migrants deal with wage theft. Her community-based approach blurs the lines between activism, teaching, and anthropology and offers methodologically rich contributions to issues affecting migrant communities throughout the country."—Juan Thomas Ordóñez, author of Jornalero: Being a Day Laborer in the USA"Professor Galemba's book does a better job than any other of telling the real human story of wage theft, how it affects people and families, in particular immigrants and people of color, how it strains our bureaucracy, how it undermines our marketplace. Wage theft is more than just a statistic. This book tells the story."—David Seligman, Executive Director of Towards Justice"The product of a decade-long commitment to politically engaged research, Laboring for Justice makes visible the complex systems of power that constrain the lives and livelihoods of undocumented laborers across the United States. Galemba and colleagues' deeply reflexive consideration of their methodology of convivir is a gift to all committed to the decolonization of ethnographic research and writing."—Angela Stuesse, author of Scratching Out a Living: Latinos, Race, and Work in the Deep South"Laboring for Justice is a powerful anthropological exploration of systemic inequality and the entrenched structural forces surrounding day laborers in Colorado.... Taken together, both the substantive and the methodological contributions of this work make it a seminal piece of research in the field. Highly recommended."—M. Gatta, CHOICETable of ContentsIntroduction: Introduction: Stolen Wages on Stolen Land 1. Stealing Immigrant Work 2. Boomtown: Construction and Immigration in the Mile High City 3. "Dreaming for Friday": How Employers Steal Wages 4. "A Day Worked is a Day Paid": Preventing and Confronting Wage Theft 5. Failure to Pursue: The Legal Maze 6. God's Justice: Resignation and Reckoning 7. Authorship: Abbey Vogel, Diego Bleifuss Prados, Amy Czulada, Tamara Kuennen, Alexsis Sanchez, and Rebecca Galemba: The DAT: Justice and Direct Action 8. Conclusion: "Sí, se puede": Learning to Convivir Amidst Broader Indignities

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Book SynopsisAs developing states adopt neoliberal policies, more and more working-class women find themselves pulled into the public sphere. They are pressed into wage work by a privatizing and unstable job market. Likewise, they are pulled into public roles by gender mainstreaming policies that developing states must sign on to in order to receive transnational aid. Their inclusion into the political economy is very beneficial for society, but is it also beneficial for women? In The Stigma Matrix Fauzia Husain draws on the experiences of policewomen, lady health workers, and airline attendants, all frontline workers who help the Pakistani state, and its global allies, address, surveil, and discipline veiled women citizens. These women, she finds, confront a stigma matrix: a complex of local and global, historic, and contemporary factors that work together to complicate women's integration into public life. The experiences of the three groups Husain examines reveal that inclusion requires more than quotas or special seats. This book advances critical feminist and sociological frameworks on stigma and agency showing that both concepts are made up of multiple layers of meaning, and are entangled with elite projects of hegemony.Trade Review"This is an impressive, gorgeously written book that tackles a question of vital importance. Fauzia Husain situates stigma as a force that reaches from the historical colonial past, across decades of neoliberal global forces, and renders its micro-contextual consequences starkly in the intimate daily lives of women tasked with enacting the will of the state under incredibly difficult conditions."—Erin McDonnell, Author of Patchwork Leviathan"This remarkable and richly detailed ethnography explores how frontline women workers in Pakistan navigate the colliding norms of purdah and neoliberal economic policies. With a keen analytical eye, Fauzia Husain shows how cultural stigma is shaped, while also providing a novel and multifaceted account of women's agency. The Stigma Matrix is mandatory reading for anyone interested in gender and work in global contexts."—Rachel Rinaldo, Author of Mobilizing PietyTable of ContentsAcknowledgments INTRODUCTION 1. THE GLOBAL CONSTITUENTS OF SEXUALIZED STIGMAS IN PAKISTAN 2. THE MESO LEVEL OF THE STIGMA MATRIX: THE CONTEXTS OF STIGMA IN FRONTLINE WORK 3. VEILED DELICACY: AGENTIC RESPONSES TO STIGMA IN THE PAKISTANI POLICE FORCE 4. SACRED CONDUITS: STIGMA AND THE AGENCY OF HEALTH WORKERS 5. MAVENS OF MOBILITY: HOW AIRLINE WOMEN NAVIGATE STIGMA 6. SPECTACULAR AGENCY: STUNNING DRAMAS OF RECRUITMENT CONCLUSION: MOVING FORWARD WITH THE STIGMA MATRIX Appendix Notes Bibliography Index

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Book SynopsisAgainst the backdrop of the global Black Lives Matter movement, debates around the social impact of hate crime legislation have come to the political fore. In 2019, the UN Commission on Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice urgently asked how legal systems can counter bias and discrimination. In India, a nation with vast socio-cultural diversity, and a complex colonial past, questions about the relationship between law and histories of oppression have become particularly pressing. Recently, India has seen a rise in violence against Dalits (ex-untouchables) and other minorities. Consequently, an emerging Dalit Lives Matter movement has campaigned for the effective implementation of India''s only hate crime law: the 1989 Scheduled Castes/Scheduled Tribes Prevention of Atrocities Act (PoA).Drawing on long-term fieldwork with Dalit survivors of caste atrocities, human rights NGOs, police, and judiciary, Sandhya Fuchs unveils how Dalit communities in the state of Rajasthan interpr

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Book SynopsisNancy Leong reveals how powerful people and institutions use diversity to their own advantage and how the rest of us can respondand do better. Why do people accused of racism defend themselves by pointing to their black friends? Why do men accused of sexism inevitably talk about how they love their wife and daughters? Why do colleges and corporations alike photoshop people of color into their websites and promotional materials? And why do companies selling everything from cereal to sneakers go out of their way to include a token woman or person of color in their advertisements?In this groundbreaking book, Nancy Leong coins the term identity capitalist to label the powerful insiders who eke out social and economic value from people of color, women, LGBTQ people, the poor, and other outgroups. Leong deftly uncovers the rules that govern a system in which all Americans must survive: the identity marketplace. She contends that the national preoccupation with diversity has, counterintuiti

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Book SynopsisAlthough economic inequality provokes widespread disquiet, its supposed necessity is rarely questioned. At best, a basic level of inequality is seen as a necessary evil. At worst, it is seen as insufficient to encourage aspiration, hard work and investment – a refrain sometimes used to advocate ever greater inequality. In this original new book, Danny Dorling critically analyses historical trends and contemporary assumptions in order to question the idea that inequality is an inevitability. What if, he asks, widespread economic inequality is actually just a passing phase, a feature of the capitalist transition from a settled rural way of life to our next highly urban steady-state? Is it really likely that we face a Blade Runner-style dystopian future divided between a tiny elite and an impoverished mass? Dorling shows how, amongst much else, a stabilizing population, changing gender relations and rising access to education make a more egalitarian alternative to this nightmare vision not only preferable, but realistic. This bold contribution to one of the most significant debates of our time will be essential reading for anyone interested in our economic, social and political destiny.Trade Review"Provocative as always, Danny Dorling challenges us with encyclopaedic knowledge, damning statistics and original insights. Thoughtfully, he helps us to envision a better society and to believe that we might achieve it."Kate Pickett, University of YorkTable of Contents Contents 1. Bell Curves 2. A history of inequality 3. Why argue for inequality? 4. Who benefits from inequality? 5. Where do the costs of inequality fall? 6. What are the alternatives to inequality? 7. When will the fall in inequality become clear? 8. Reasons for Optimism

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Book SynopsisThe story of gay rights has long been told as one of single-minded focus on the fight for sexual freedom. Yet its origins are much more complicated than this single-issue interpretation would have us believe, and to ignore gay liberation's multidimensional beginnings is to drastically underestimate its radical potential for social change. Ferguson shows how queer liberation emerged out of various insurgent struggles crossing the politics of race, gender, class, and sexuality, and deeply connected to issues of colonization, incarceration, and capitalism. Tracing the rise and fall of this intersectional politics, he argues that the one-dimensional mainstreaming of queerness falsely placed critiques of racism, capitalism, and the state outside the remit of gay liberation. As recent activism is increasingly making clear, this one-dimensional legacy has promoted forms of exclusion that marginalize queers of color, the poor, and transgender individuals. This forceful book joins the call to reimagine and reconnect the fight for social justice in all its varied forms.Trade Review"One-Dimensional Queer is as clear an account as you could hope to encounter of how race and sexuality came to be understood as separate formations in US history. The resultant mainstreaming of LGBT cultures has been disastrous in terms of seeing our way out of the current crisis we inhabit. Offering solutions as well as critique, Ferguson's book is destined to be a crucial part of any library of liberation."—Jack Halberstam, Columbia University "In this searing critique of pink capitalism and rainbow-approved state violence, Ferguson slays the flat misnomer that the 1969 Stonewall Riots were only about gay sex. Instead, he brilliantly contextualizes Stonewall multi-dimensionally in histories of anti-racist and anti-imperialist rebellion."—Steven W. Thrasher, The Guardian and Northwestern University "One-Dimensional Queer is as clear an account as you could hope to encounter of how race and sexuality came to be understood as separate formations in US history. The resultant mainstreaming of LGBT cultures has been disastrous in terms of seeing our way out of the current crisis we inhabit. Offering solutions as well as critique, Ferguson's book is destined to be a crucial part of any library of liberation."—Jack Halberstam, Columbia University "In this searing critique of pink capitalism and rainbow-approved state violence, Ferguson slays the flat misnomer that the 1969 Stonewall Riots were only about gay sex. Instead, he brilliantly contextualizes Stonewall multi-dimensionally in histories of anti-racist and anti-imperialist rebellion."—Steven W. Thrasher, The Guardian and Northwestern University "One-Dimensional Queer raises provocative and important questions about the intersectionality of race, gender, and sexuality, and about the extent to which capitalism has determined the course of LGBT+ lives." (New York Journal of Books) "Gay liberation didn't originate as a single-issue movement, and must confront neoliberalism and gentrification as well as anti-queer violence." (Black Agenda Report) "A fascinating unearthing of seldom discussed LGBT history, including groups like STAR (Street Transvestite Action Revolutionaries) and the Philadelphia-area collective DykeTactics." (KPFA Women's Magazine) "One-Dimensional Queer demands that we reexamine the intersectional history of the LGBTQ movement, which was rooted in many other movements of the '60s and '70s, to find instruments of true radical change." (TruthOut.org) "Ferguson's book convincingly shows that the 'multidimensional' (or intersectional) queer story offers a more viable starting point for political-theoretical questions." (Die Tageszeitung – Kultur) "In One Dimensional Queer, Ferguson asks his reader not to parse individual elements of society but to consider how various gears work as a cohesive whole. Those who elide bits and pieces, whole chunks and swaths, of the history of oppression are complicit in that oppression. . . . Ferguson, alongside the many activists, historians, and critics he documents, offers a way forward towards liberation. And in doing so, Ferguson provides a way for us to think about creating a more just world; he offers his reader a way to consider one's queerness broadly, to open their methods of inquiry, and to consider history in a more spacious, more equitable way." (QED: A Journal in GLBTQ Worldmaking) "[A]n extraordinary contribution to the fields of LGBTQ Studies, American Studies, and queer of color critique. One Dimensional Queer is necessary reading for scholars interested in the history of sexuality in the 20th-century US, queer theory, and gender and sexuality studies." (Women's Studies)Table of Contents Contents Introduction Chapter 1. The Multidimensional Beginnings of Gay Liberation Chapter 2. Gay Emancipation Goes to Market Chapter 3. Queerness and the One-Dimensional City Chapter 4. The Multidimensional Character of Violence Conclusion: The Historical Assumptions of Multidimensional Queer Politics Bibliography

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Book SynopsisModern societies set limits, on everything from how fast motorists can drive to how much waste factory owners can dump in our rivers. But incomes in our deeply unequal world have no limits. Could capping top incomes tackle rising inequality more effectively than conventional approaches? In this engaging book, leading analyst Sam Pizzigati details how egalitarians worldwide are demonstrating that a “maximum wage” could be both economically viable and politically practical. He shows how, building on local initiatives, governments could use their tax systems to enforce fair income ratios across the board. The ultimate goal? That ought to be, Pizzigati argues, a world without a super rich. He explains why we need to create that world — and how we could speed its creation.Trade Review“Sam Pizzigati brilliantly explains how high taxation of the very rich dissuaded them from exploiting the rest of us so much in the past, how we lost that protection, and what we need to do to win it back today. A work of genius.”Danny Dorling, University of Oxford“Pizzigati raises an urgent question: How long can we endure the burden of the super rich, who suppress the wages of the majority, drive up the costs of everything, and concentrate political power in their own hands? Fortunately he has an answer, and it cries out for enactment.”Barbara Ehrenreich, author of Nickel and DimedTable of Contents Contents Acknowledgments Introduction/ Moderation in All Things, Even Income 1/ Defining Excess 2/ The Magic of Maximum Multiples 3/ A Society without a Super Rich 4/ Pipe Dream or Politically Practical Project? 5/ Evolving toward Equity Notes

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Book SynopsisModern societies set limits, on everything from how fast motorists can drive to how much waste factory owners can dump in our rivers. But incomes in our deeply unequal world have no limits. Could capping top incomes tackle rising inequality more effectively than conventional approaches? In this engaging book, leading analyst Sam Pizzigati details how egalitarians worldwide are demonstrating that a “maximum wage” could be both economically viable and politically practical. He shows how, building on local initiatives, governments could use their tax systems to enforce fair income ratios across the board. The ultimate goal? That ought to be, Pizzigati argues, a world without a super rich. He explains why we need to create that world — and how we could speed its creation.Trade Review“Sam Pizzigati brilliantly explains how high taxation of the very rich dissuaded them from exploiting the rest of us so much in the past, how we lost that protection, and what we need to do to win it back today. A work of genius.”Danny Dorling, University of Oxford“Pizzigati raises an urgent question: How long can we endure the burden of the super rich, who suppress the wages of the majority, drive up the costs of everything, and concentrate political power in their own hands? Fortunately he has an answer, and it cries out for enactment.”Barbara Ehrenreich, author of Nickel and DimedTable of Contents Contents Acknowledgments Introduction/ Moderation in All Things, Even Income 1/ Defining Excess 2/ The Magic of Maximum Multiples 3/ A Society without a Super Rich 4/ Pipe Dream or Politically Practical Project? 5/ Evolving toward Equity Notes

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Book SynopsisHow can we think of life in its dual expression, matter and experience, the living and the lived? Philosophers and, more recently, social scientists have offered multiple answers to this question, often privileging one expression or the other – the biological or the biographical. But is it possible to conceive of them together and thus reconcile naturalist and humanist approaches? Using research conducted on three continents and engaging in critical dialogue with Wittgenstein, Benjamin, and Foucault, Didier Fassin attempts to do so by developing three concepts: forms of life, ethics of life, and politics of life. In the conditions of refugees and asylum seekers, in the light of mortality statistics and death benefits, and via a genealogical and ethnographical inquiry, the moral economy of life reveals troubling tensions in the way contemporary societies treat human beings. Once the pieces of this anthropological composition are assembled, like in Georges Perec’s jigsaw puzzle, an image appears: that of unequal lives.Trade Review“It needs the sharp eye of an anthropologist, the empirical scrutiny of a sociologist, and the imagination of a moral philosopher to decipher the hidden grammar by which the physical life of human beings is measured in our globalized world. Didier Fassin, impressively combining all these talents in one mind, is to my knowledge the first scholar to have accomplished this enormous task – a must read for everyone interested in the dark side of globalization.”Axel Honneth, Goethe University and Columbia University“At a time of growing social inequality, Didier Fassin boldly addresses the persistently unequal valuation of human lives. With sharp philosophical insight, grounded in vivid ethnographic detail, the book uncovers the moral and political processes involved in our treatment of human life. Compassionate and inspiring, Life contributes to scholarly debates and will at the same time appeal to a wide audience.”Viviana A. Zelizer, Princeton University "[A]n ambitious synthesis of moral philosophy and anthropological fieldwork, based on the question of how we can understand existence as both matter and experience, and as both biology and biography." Journal of the Royal Anthropological InstituteTable of Contents Contents Acknowledgements Preamble: Minima Theoria Chapter I. Forms of Life Chapter II. Ethics of Life Chapter III. Politics of Life Conclusion: Unequal Lives Notes References

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Book SynopsisHow can we think of life in its dual expression, matter and experience, the living and the lived? Philosophers and, more recently, social scientists have offered multiple answers to this question, often privileging one expression or the other – the biological or the biographical. But is it possible to conceive of them together and thus reconcile naturalist and humanist approaches? Using research conducted on three continents and engaging in critical dialogue with Wittgenstein, Benjamin, and Foucault, Didier Fassin attempts to do so by developing three concepts: forms of life, ethics of life, and politics of life. In the conditions of refugees and asylum seekers, in the light of mortality statistics and death benefits, and via a genealogical and ethnographical inquiry, the moral economy of life reveals troubling tensions in the way contemporary societies treat human beings. Once the pieces of this anthropological composition are assembled, like in Georges Perec’s jigsaw puzzle, an image appears: that of unequal lives.Trade Review“It needs the sharp eye of an anthropologist, the empirical scrutiny of a sociologist, and the imagination of a moral philosopher to decipher the hidden grammar by which the physical life of human beings is measured in our globalized world. Didier Fassin, impressively combining all these talents in one mind, is to my knowledge the first scholar to have accomplished this enormous task – a must read for everyone interested in the dark side of globalization.”Axel Honneth, Goethe University and Columbia University“At a time of growing social inequality, Didier Fassin boldly addresses the persistently unequal valuation of human lives. With sharp philosophical insight, grounded in vivid ethnographic detail, the book uncovers the moral and political processes involved in our treatment of human life. Compassionate and inspiring, Life contributes to scholarly debates and will at the same time appeal to a wide audience.”Viviana A. Zelizer, Princeton University "[A]n ambitious synthesis of moral philosophy and anthropological fieldwork, based on the question of how we can understand existence as both matter and experience, and as both biology and biography." Journal of the Royal Anthropological InstituteTable of Contents Contents Acknowledgements Preamble: Minima Theoria Chapter I. Forms of Life Chapter II. Ethics of Life Chapter III. Politics of Life Conclusion: Unequal Lives Notes References

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Book SynopsisHow do people think about their identities? How do they express themselves individually and as part of collective groups, social movements, organizations, neighborhoods, or nations? Identity has important consequences for how we organize our lives, wield social power, and produce and reproduce privilege and marginality. In this lively and engaging book, Wayne H. Brekhus explores the sociology of identity and its social consequences through three conceptual themes: authenticity, multidimensionality, and mobility. Drawing on vivid examples from ethnography, current events, and everyday life, he offers an approach to identity that goes beyond the individual and demonstrates how social groups privilege, flag, and shape identities. Offering an insightful overview of the sociological approaches to understanding social identity in a multicultural, globalized world, The Sociology of Identity will be a welcome resource for students and scholars of identity, and anyone interested in the social and cultural character of the self.Trade Review"The combination of different sociological theories of identity, and the singling out of three specific dimensions for further analysis[, ...] provides a broader perspective than what has often been the case in previous theorizing of identity. [...] Brekhus has much to teach us about the dynamics and relevance of identity for present-day political change and struggle."—Sociology​ "Identity has long been one of the central concepts in the social sciences. In this readable, theoretically-rich, and empirically-sound work, Wayne Brekhus has provided a persuasive account of how identities are linked to authenticity, multidimensionality, and mobility. For anyone interested in selves and societies, this impressive book provides an account that reveals and inspires."—Gary Alan Fine, Northwestern University "With lucidity and richness, Brekhus casts identity in a refreshing new light. The unique combination of cognitive sociology and symbolic interactionism reveals the paradoxical process of constructing, performing and navigating selfhood while pursuing authenticity. This wonderful book is highly recommended."—Susie Scott, University of Sussex "Brekhus demonstrates an in-depth understanding of identity as he moves readers through various aspects of symbolic interactionism's expansive ethnographic literature. The writing is concise, using clearly defined terms without an overwhelming amount of jargon, making it ideal for students and researchers."—Symbolic InteractionTable of ContentsAcknowledgments Introduction 1 Sociological Approaches to Identity 2 Beyond the Individual: Collective Identities 3 Performing Authenticity: Negotiating the Symbolic Politics of Inclusion and Exclusion 4 Multidimensionality, Intersectionality, and Power: Identity and Social Inequalities 5 Mobility and Fluidity: The Omni-Contextual Nature of Identity Conclusion References Index

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Book SynopsisHow do people think about their identities? How do they express themselves individually and as part of collective groups, social movements, organizations, neighborhoods, or nations? Identity has important consequences for how we organize our lives, wield social power, and produce and reproduce privilege and marginality. In this lively and engaging book, Wayne H. Brekhus explores the sociology of identity and its social consequences through three conceptual themes: authenticity, multidimensionality, and mobility. Drawing on vivid examples from ethnography, current events, and everyday life, he offers an approach to identity that goes beyond the individual and demonstrates how social groups privilege, flag, and shape identities. Offering an insightful overview of the sociological approaches to understanding social identity in a multicultural, globalized world, The Sociology of Identity will be a welcome resource for students and scholars of identity, and anyone interested in the social and cultural character of the self.Trade Review"The combination of different sociological theories of identity, and the singling out of three specific dimensions for further analysis[, ...] provides a broader perspective than what has often been the case in previous theorizing of identity. [...] Brekhus has much to teach us about the dynamics and relevance of identity for present-day political change and struggle."—Sociology​ "Identity has long been one of the central concepts in the social sciences. In this readable, theoretically-rich, and empirically-sound work, Wayne Brekhus has provided a persuasive account of how identities are linked to authenticity, multidimensionality, and mobility. For anyone interested in selves and societies, this impressive book provides an account that reveals and inspires."—Gary Alan Fine, Northwestern University "With lucidity and richness, Brekhus casts identity in a refreshing new light. The unique combination of cognitive sociology and symbolic interactionism reveals the paradoxical process of constructing, performing and navigating selfhood while pursuing authenticity. This wonderful book is highly recommended."—Susie Scott, University of Sussex "Brekhus demonstrates an in-depth understanding of identity as he moves readers through various aspects of symbolic interactionism's expansive ethnographic literature. The writing is concise, using clearly defined terms without an overwhelming amount of jargon, making it ideal for students and researchers."—Symbolic InteractionTable of ContentsAcknowledgments Introduction 1 Sociological Approaches to Identity 2 Beyond the Individual: Collective Identities 3 Performing Authenticity: Negotiating the Symbolic Politics of Inclusion and Exclusion 4 Multidimensionality, Intersectionality, and Power: Identity and Social Inequalities 5 Mobility and Fluidity: The Omni-Contextual Nature of Identity Conclusion References Index

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Book SynopsisAn incisive new look at the black diaspora, examining the true roots of antiblackness and its destructive effects on all of society Thanks to movements like Black Lives Matter, Western society’s chronic discrimination against black individuals has become front-page news. Yet, there is little awareness of the systemic factors that make such a distinct form of dehumanization possible. In both the United States and Brazil—two leading nations of the black diaspora—a very necessary acknowledgment of black suffering is nonetheless undercut by denial of the pervasive antiblackness that still exists throughout these societies.In The Denial of Antiblackness, João H. Costa Vargas examines how antiblackness affects society as a whole through analyses of recent protests against police killings of black individuals in both the United States and Brazil, as well as the everyday dynamics of incarceration, residential segregation, and poverty. With multisite ethnography ranging from a juvenile prison in Austin, Texas, to grassroots organizing in Los Angeles and Black social movements in Brazil, Vargas finds the common factors that have perpetuated antiblackness, regardless of context. Ultimately, he asks why the denial of antiblackness persists, whom this narrative serves, and what political realities it makes possible.Trade Review"The Denial of Antiblackness marks nothing less than a landmark moment in the radical trajectories of Black Studies, African Diaspora Studies, and Black radical social thought. This book—this radical project—is an invitation to engage with the very same Black radical experimentation and generosity of which it writes, while constantly punctuating this invitation with a demand for accountability on the part of Black and nonblack peoples to struggle with the specificity and structural immovability and determinacy of anti-Black terror and violence."—Dylan Rodríguez, University of California at Riverside"The Denial of Antiblackness brings a bold new way to approach the scandalous levels of antiblack violence, as well as the denial of the very fact of blackness as structuring dimension of the social process and state-formation in both Brazil and the United States. João H. Costa Vargas builds a brand new analytical bridge between the two countries, so different in many ways yet sharing the same fundamental racial contradictions."—Osmundo Pinho, Universidade Federal do Recôncavo da BahiaTable of ContentsContentsPreface: The Challenges of Black AutonomyIntroduction: Our Lives Are Our Deaths: Antiblackness and Oblique IdentificationPart I. Austin, U.S.A.: The Gendered Dynamics of Youth Incarceration1. Does Heaven Have a Ghetto?: Growing Up in Prisons2. Stanzas of Oppression and Hope: Voices of Incarcerated Black and Latino Boys3. Negotiating Quotidian Violence and Uncertain Futures: Narratives from Black and Latina GirlsPart II. Rio de Janeiro, Brazil: State Terror and Apartheid4. Reclaiming Public Space: Rolezinhos as Protest5. The Pacifying Police: Security through BrutalityPart III. The Denial of Antiblackness6. Michael Zinzun: The Fall and Rise of the Black Cyborg7. Black Suffering as Catalyst: Multiracial Blocs in DiasporaConclusion: The Slave against the CyborgAcknowledgmentsNotesBibliographyIndex

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Book SynopsisAn incisive new look at the black diaspora, examining the true roots of antiblackness and its destructive effects on all of society Thanks to movements like Black Lives Matter, Western society’s chronic discrimination against black individuals has become front-page news. Yet, there is little awareness of the systemic factors that make such a distinct form of dehumanization possible. In both the United States and Brazil—two leading nations of the black diaspora—a very necessary acknowledgment of black suffering is nonetheless undercut by denial of the pervasive antiblackness that still exists throughout these societies.In The Denial of Antiblackness, João H. Costa Vargas examines how antiblackness affects society as a whole through analyses of recent protests against police killings of black individuals in both the United States and Brazil, as well as the everyday dynamics of incarceration, residential segregation, and poverty. With multisite ethnography ranging from a juvenile prison in Austin, Texas, to grassroots organizing in Los Angeles and Black social movements in Brazil, Vargas finds the common factors that have perpetuated antiblackness, regardless of context. Ultimately, he asks why the denial of antiblackness persists, whom this narrative serves, and what political realities it makes possible.Trade Review"The Denial of Antiblackness marks nothing less than a landmark moment in the radical trajectories of Black Studies, African Diaspora Studies, and Black radical social thought. This book—this radical project—is an invitation to engage with the very same Black radical experimentation and generosity of which it writes, while constantly punctuating this invitation with a demand for accountability on the part of Black and nonblack peoples to struggle with the specificity and structural immovability and determinacy of anti-Black terror and violence."—Dylan Rodríguez, University of California at Riverside"The Denial of Antiblackness brings a bold new way to approach the scandalous levels of antiblack violence, as well as the denial of the very fact of blackness as structuring dimension of the social process and state-formation in both Brazil and the United States. João H. Costa Vargas builds a brand new analytical bridge between the two countries, so different in many ways yet sharing the same fundamental racial contradictions."—Osmundo Pinho, Universidade Federal do Recôncavo da BahiaTable of ContentsContentsPreface: The Challenges of Black AutonomyIntroduction: Our Lives Are Our Deaths: Antiblackness and Oblique IdentificationPart I. Austin, U.S.A.: The Gendered Dynamics of Youth Incarceration1. Does Heaven Have a Ghetto?: Growing Up in Prisons2. Stanzas of Oppression and Hope: Voices of Incarcerated Black and Latino Boys3. Negotiating Quotidian Violence and Uncertain Futures: Narratives from Black and Latina GirlsPart II. Rio de Janeiro, Brazil: State Terror and Apartheid4. Reclaiming Public Space: Rolezinhos as Protest5. The Pacifying Police: Security through BrutalityPart III. The Denial of Antiblackness6. Michael Zinzun: The Fall and Rise of the Black Cyborg7. Black Suffering as Catalyst: Multiracial Blocs in DiasporaConclusion: The Slave against the CyborgAcknowledgmentsNotesBibliographyIndex

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Book SynopsisThe shifting meaning of race and class in the age of Trump The profound concentration of economic power in the United States in recent decades has produced surprising new forms of racialization. In Producers, Parasites, Patriots, Daniel Martinez HoSang and Joseph E. Lowndes show that while racial subordination is an enduring feature of U.S. political history, it continually changes in response to shifting economic and political conditions, interests, and structures. The authors document the changing politics of race and class in the age of Trump across a broad range of phenomena, showing how new forms of racialization work to alter the economic protections of whiteness while promoting some conservatives of color as models of the neoliberal regime. Through careful analyses of diverse political sites and conflicts—racially charged elections, attacks on public-sector unions, new forms of white precarity, the rise of black and brown political elites, militia uprisings, multiculturalism on the far right—they highlight new, interwoven deployments of race in the ascendant age of inequality. Using the concept of “racial transposition,” the authors demonstrate how racial meanings and signification can be transferred from one group to another to shore up both neoliberalism and racial hierarchy.From the militia movement to the Alt-Right to the mainstream Republican Party, Producers, Parasites, Patriots brings to light the changing role of race in right-wing politics.Trade Review"In exploring the contemporary politics of whiteness, Daniel Martinez HoSang and Joseph E. Lowndes offer a powerful analysis of white precarity embedded in an antiracist critique of white supremacy in multicultural times. Producers, Parasites, Patriots is a necessary and welcome work."—Cristina Beltrán, New York University"In the age of neoliberal precarity, the authors argue, traditional protections of “whiteness” no longer prevent government workers from being depicted as parasites, and conservatives of color, along with languages of civil rights and multiculturalism, get resignified as models of conservative patriotism. This is a well-written and detailed examination of the ways racial identity gets transposed."—CHOICE"It offers a clear and unique understanding of how the state of contemporary politics necessitates a re‐thinking about the ideological barriers that we often assume polemically separate the political left and right."—Sociology of Health & Illness"HoSang and Lowndes have opened-up space for dialogue around race and class in the present age. In doing so, they bring to light the limitations of liberal anti-racism."—New Political Science"Daniel Martinez HoSang and Joseph E. Lowndes state in their fascinating new book Producers, Parasites, Patriots that only by providing a more critical understanding of contemporary right-wing politics can we be prepared to resist the growth of far-right movements."—Political Science Quarterly "Producers, Parasites and Patriots offers compelling insight for a general public trying to make sense of the dynamic,complex, and at times contradictory behavior of the American political right."—Journal of African American Studies

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Book SynopsisThis vital addition to carceral, prison, and disability studies draws important new links between deinstitutionalization and decarceration Prison abolition and decarceration are increasingly debated, but it is often without taking into account the largest exodus of people from carceral facilities in the twentieth century: the closure of disability institutions and psychiatric hospitals. Decarcerating Disability provides a much-needed corrective, combining a genealogy of deinstitutionalization with critiques of the current prison system.Liat Ben-Moshe provides groundbreaking case studies that show how abolition is not an unattainable goal but rather a reality, and how it plays out in different arenas of incarceration—antipsychiatry, the field of intellectual disabilities, and the fight against the prison-industrial complex. Ben-Moshe discusses a range of topics, including why deinstitutionalization is often wrongly blamed for the rise in incarceration; who resists decarceration and deinstitutionalization, and the coalitions opposing such resistance; and how understanding deinstitutionalization as a form of residential integration makes visible intersections with racial desegregation. By connecting deinstitutionalization with prison abolition, Decarcerating Disability also illuminates some of the limitations of disability rights and inclusion discourses, as well as tactics such as litigation, in securing freedom. Decarcerating Disability’s rich analysis of lived experience, history, and culture helps to chart a way out of a failing system of incarceration.Trade Review"Decarcerating Disability is a groundbreaking feminist study of the affinities, interrelations, and contradictions between prison abolition and psychiatric deinstitutionalization. Emphasizing the need for a more expansive field of critical carceral studies, Liat Ben-Moshe compellingly demonstrates the important lessons we can discover through serious engagements with radical disability movements. Scholars and activists alike should read this book without delay!"—Angela Y. Davis, University of California, Santa Cruz"In Decarcerating Disability, Liat Ben-Moshe carefully and incisively models an intersectional approach to abolition grounded in feminist, queer, and crip of color critique. Moving beyond demands for inclusion and critiques of overrepresentation, Ben-Moshe makes a powerful and persuasive case for a disability studies that recognizes state violence as central to its work and the carceral industrial complex as a site for queer coalitions for racial and disability justice. In so doing, she paves the way for thinking not only disability and disability studies differently, but also liberation itself."—Alison Kafer, University of Texas at Austin"Decarcerating Disability is a must-read for anyone interested in understanding and dismantling the interlocking systems of incarceration that shape the contemporary political landscape and shorten so many lives. Liat Ben-Moshe shows how the effectiveness of abolitionist work has been limited by the marginalization of disability and anti-sanism analysis and advocacy. She not only exposes how much contemporary abolitionists have to learn from historical struggles for deinstitutionalization, she also demonstrates a more truly intersectional method of abolitionist scholar-activism that we urgently need. This book is both a corrective intervention and a path-breaking tool for developing better strategy toward the world that those who seek liberation are fighting to build."—Dean Spade, Seattle University School of Law"Ben-Moshe outlines how people fought for a new paradigm in mental health treatment before. Beginning in the 1960s, widespread deinstitutionalization sparked by disability activists shut down asylums across the country. Many see this movement now as a failure because it led to more people with mental illness being herded into jails and prisons. But Ben-Moshe argues that this was a pivotal step in abolition by grassroots organizing."—Teen Vogue"Examining decarceration and deinstitutionalisation within the same frame is vitally important...the book challenges us to think about the range of carceral facilities that exist."—Race & Class"A groundbreaking connection between disability justice and prison abolition."—Public Books "Decarcerating Disability should be read not only by students and scholars of African-American studies, criminology, critical theory, gender studies, law, or sociology, nor only by policy makers, but by all who are concerned about disability, gender, or racial justice."—American Journal of Sociology "Each chapter of Decarcerating Disability serves as a fantastic example of the knowledges, perspectives, and genealogies that are made possible when disability and madness are the lenses through which a queer of color critique is engaged."—Disability Studies Quarterly"Decarcerating Disability is an impressive text that powerfully argues for robust coalitional politics to challenge the logic of incarceration. Entire syllabi and reading groups can be structured around this text as Ben-Moshe opens up much to consider, especially how to effectively demand carceral-free futures, while also valuing disability. "—Ethnic Studies Review"Decarcerating disability: Deinstitutionalization and prison abolition is abold and challenging critical intervention, which puts critical disability studies, deinstitutionalisation, decarceration, and abolition theory and scholarship into closer conversation with each other. In so doing, the book has pushed these fields forward in new and, interesting ways. The book’s strongest contribution is its attempt to transform, redefine, and reframe what disability studies is and can be about, its appeal to frame and address issues of incarceration and decarceration as disability and carceral abolition issues, and the generative groundwork laid for fostering coalitional, liberatory politics and ideas."—Australian & New Zealand Journal of Criminology"[A]n important book that offers both a sweeping genealogy of disability and itsentangled history with race and incarceration, and rallying cry for abolitionism."—Journal of Constructivist Psychology"Ben-Moshe offers a detailed history of institutionalization and incarceration primarily in the United States. In putting institutionalization and incarceration in conversation, Ben-Moshe offers a larger consideration around the systems that keep certain individuals enclosed and the implications of deinstitutionalization as a movement versus louder for total prison abolition. A major intervention of Ben-Moshe’s book is the different approaches to and opinions of institutions as opposed to prison systems across the United States."—Work in Critical and Cultural TheoryTable of ContentsContentsList of Abbreviations Introduction: The Case for Intersecting Disability, Imprisonment, and Deinstitutionalization1. The Perfect Storm: Origin Stories of Deinstitutionalization2. Abolition in Deinstitutionalization: Normalization and the Myth of Mental Illness 3. Abolition as Knowledge and Ways of Unknowing4. Why Prisons Are Not “the New Asylums”5. Resistance to Inclusion and Community Living: NIMBY, Desegregation, and Race-Ability6. Political and Affective Economies of Closing Carceral Enclosures7. Institutional and Prison Reform Litigation: From Politicization to the Governable Iron CageEpilogue: Abolition NowAcknowledgmentsNotesIndex

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Book SynopsisA compelling history of school desegregation and activism in San Francisco The picture of school desegregation in the United States is often painted with broad strokes of generalization and insulated anecdotes. Its true history, however, is remarkably wide ranging. Class Action tells the story of San Francisco’s long struggle over school desegregation in the wake of the 1954 U.S. Supreme Court decision Brown v. Board of Education. San Francisco’s story provides a critical chapter in the history of American school discrimination and the complicated racial politics that emerged. It was among the first large cities outside the South to face court-ordered desegregation following the Brown rulings, and it experienced the same demographic shifts that transformed other cities throughout the urban West. Rand Quinn argues that the district’s student assignment policies—including busing and other desegregative mechanisms—began as a remedy for state discrimination but transformed into a tool intended to create diversity. Drawing on extensive archival research—from court docket files to school district records—Quinn describes how this transformation was facilitated by the rise of school choice, persistent demand for neighborhood schools, evolving social and legal landscapes, and local community advocacy and activism.Class Action is the first book to present a comprehensive political history of post-Brown school desegregation in San Francisco. Quinn illuminates the evolving relationship between jurisprudence and community-based activism and brings a deeper understanding to the multiracial politics of urban education reform. He responds to recent calls by scholars to address the connections between ideas and policy change and ultimately provides a fascinating look at race and educational opportunity, school choice, and neighborhood schools in the aftermath of Brown v. Board of Education.Trade Review"Class Action offers a rigorous and well-written account of school desegregation in one of America’s most important cities. Crucially, Rand Quinn traces the long trajectory of school desegregation from 1971 to 2005, revealing a nuanced portrait of how courts and multiracial communities fought for and against policy changes. This is an important and much needed book."—Matthew Delmont, author of Why Busing Failed: Race, Media, and the National Resistance to School Desegregation

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Book SynopsisA compelling history of school desegregation and activism in San Francisco The picture of school desegregation in the United States is often painted with broad strokes of generalization and insulated anecdotes. Its true history, however, is remarkably wide ranging. Class Action tells the story of San Francisco’s long struggle over school desegregation in the wake of the 1954 U.S. Supreme Court decision Brown v. Board of Education. San Francisco’s story provides a critical chapter in the history of American school discrimination and the complicated racial politics that emerged. It was among the first large cities outside the South to face court-ordered desegregation following the Brown rulings, and it experienced the same demographic shifts that transformed other cities throughout the urban West. Rand Quinn argues that the district’s student assignment policies—including busing and other desegregative mechanisms—began as a remedy for state discrimination but transformed into a tool intended to create diversity. Drawing on extensive archival research—from court docket files to school district records—Quinn describes how this transformation was facilitated by the rise of school choice, persistent demand for neighborhood schools, evolving social and legal landscapes, and local community advocacy and activism.Class Action is the first book to present a comprehensive political history of post-Brown school desegregation in San Francisco. Quinn illuminates the evolving relationship between jurisprudence and community-based activism and brings a deeper understanding to the multiracial politics of urban education reform. He responds to recent calls by scholars to address the connections between ideas and policy change and ultimately provides a fascinating look at race and educational opportunity, school choice, and neighborhood schools in the aftermath of Brown v. Board of Education.Trade Review"Class Action offers a rigorous and well-written account of school desegregation in one of America’s most important cities. Crucially, Rand Quinn traces the long trajectory of school desegregation from 1971 to 2005, revealing a nuanced portrait of how courts and multiracial communities fought for and against policy changes. This is an important and much needed book."—Matthew Delmont, author of Why Busing Failed: Race, Media, and the National Resistance to School Desegregation

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Book SynopsisHow apparently positive representations of Muslims in U.S. media cast Muslims as a racial population Portrayals of Muslims as the beneficiaries of liberal values have contributed to the racialization of Muslims as a risky population since the September 11 attacks. These discourses, which hold up some Muslims as worthy of tolerance or sympathy, reinforce an unstable good Muslim/bad Muslim binary where any Muslim might be moved from one side to the other. In Tolerance and Risk, Mitra Rastegar explores these discourses as a component of the racialization of Muslims—where Muslims are portrayed as a highly diverse population that nevertheless is seen to contain within it a threat that requires constant vigilance.Tolerance and Risk brings together several case studies to examine the interrelation of representations of Muslims abroad and in the United States. These include human-interest stories and opinion polls of Muslim Americans, media representations of education activist Malala Yousafzai, LGBTQ activist discourses, local New York controversies surrounding Muslim-led public projects, and social media discourses of the Syrian refugee crisis. Tolerance and Risk demonstrates how representations of tolerable or sympathetic Muslims produce them as a population with distinct characteristics, capacities, and risks, and circulate standards by which the trustworthiness or threat of individual Muslims must be assessed.Tolerance and Risk examines the ways that discourses of liberal rights, including feminist and LGBTQ rights discourses, are mobilized to racialize Muslims as uncivilized, even as they garner sympathy and identification with some Muslims. Trade Review"Through a brilliant analysis, Mitra Rastegar illuminates how the same standards that deem some Muslims worthy of tolerance can then be used against them. This is an urgently necessary book that will change our understanding of how inclusion operates in liberal societies."—Evelyn Alsultany, author of Arabs and Muslims in the Media: Race and Representation after 9/11Table of ContentsContentsIntroduction: Tolerance and Anti-Muslim Racism1. News Stories, Police Profiles, and Opinion Polls: Muslims as a Population of Risk2. From Reading Lolita to Reading Malala: Sympathy and Empowering Muslim Women3. “Iran, Stop Killing Gays”: Queer Identifications and Secular Distinctions4.Defamed and Defended: The Precarity of the “Moderate” Muslim Americans5. “Muslims Worth Saving”: The Syrian Refugee Crisis and HumanitarianismConclusionAcknowledgmentsNotesIndex

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Book SynopsisHow apparently positive representations of Muslims in U.S. media cast Muslims as a racial population Portrayals of Muslims as the beneficiaries of liberal values have contributed to the racialization of Muslims as a risky population since the September 11 attacks. These discourses, which hold up some Muslims as worthy of tolerance or sympathy, reinforce an unstable good Muslim/bad Muslim binary where any Muslim might be moved from one side to the other. In Tolerance and Risk, Mitra Rastegar explores these discourses as a component of the racialization of Muslims—where Muslims are portrayed as a highly diverse population that nevertheless is seen to contain within it a threat that requires constant vigilance.Tolerance and Risk brings together several case studies to examine the interrelation of representations of Muslims abroad and in the United States. These include human-interest stories and opinion polls of Muslim Americans, media representations of education activist Malala Yousafzai, LGBTQ activist discourses, local New York controversies surrounding Muslim-led public projects, and social media discourses of the Syrian refugee crisis. Tolerance and Risk demonstrates how representations of tolerable or sympathetic Muslims produce them as a population with distinct characteristics, capacities, and risks, and circulate standards by which the trustworthiness or threat of individual Muslims must be assessed.Tolerance and Risk examines the ways that discourses of liberal rights, including feminist and LGBTQ rights discourses, are mobilized to racialize Muslims as uncivilized, even as they garner sympathy and identification with some Muslims. Trade Review"Through a brilliant analysis, Mitra Rastegar illuminates how the same standards that deem some Muslims worthy of tolerance can then be used against them. This is an urgently necessary book that will change our understanding of how inclusion operates in liberal societies."—Evelyn Alsultany, author of Arabs and Muslims in the Media: Race and Representation after 9/11Table of ContentsContentsIntroduction: Tolerance and Anti-Muslim Racism1. News Stories, Police Profiles, and Opinion Polls: Muslims as a Population of Risk2. From Reading Lolita to Reading Malala: Sympathy and Empowering Muslim Women3. “Iran, Stop Killing Gays”: Queer Identifications and Secular Distinctions4.Defamed and Defended: The Precarity of the “Moderate” Muslim Americans5. “Muslims Worth Saving”: The Syrian Refugee Crisis and HumanitarianismConclusionAcknowledgmentsNotesIndex

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