Social and political philosophy Books

Book SynopsisAlthough indisputably one of the most important thinkers in the Western intellectual tradition, Rousseau''s actual place within that tradition, and the legacy of his thought, remains hotly disputed. Thinking with Rousseau reconsiders his contribution to this tradition through a series of essays exploring the relationship between Rousseau and other ''great thinkers''. Ranging from ''Rousseau and Machiavelli'' to ''Rousseau and Schmitt'', this volume focuses on the kind of intricate work that intellectuals do when they read each other and grapple with one another''s ideas. This approach is very helpful in explaining how old ideas are transformed and/or transmitted and new ones are generated. Rousseau himself was a master at appropriating the ideas of others, while simultaneously subverting them, and as the essays in this volume vividly demonstrate, the resulting ambivalences and paradoxes in his thought were creatively mined by others.Table of ContentsIntroduction Helena Rosenblatt and Paul Schweigert; 1. Rousseau and Machiavelli: two interpretations of Republicanism Maurizio Viroli; 2. Rousseau and Montaigne: from enthusiasm to equanimity James Miller; 3. Rousseau and Hobbes: the Hobbesianism of Rousseau Richard Tuck; 4. Rousseau and Montesquieu J. Kent Wright; 5. Rousseau and Mendelssohn: 'enraptured reason': Rousseau's presence in Moses Mendelssohn's thought David Sorkin; 6. Rousseau and Smith on sympathy as a first principle Pierre Force; 7. Rousseau and A. L. Thomas Anthony La Vopa; 8. Rousseau and d'Holbach: the revolutionary implications of la philosophie anti-Thérésienne Jonathan Israel; 9. Rousseau and Diderot Joanna Stalnaker; 10. Rousseau and Kant: Rousseau's Kantian legacy Susan Shell and Richard Velkley; 11. Rousseau and Wollstonecraft, solitary walkers Barbara Taylor; 12. Rousseau and Madame de Staël: a surprising dialogue Aurelian Craiutu; 13. Rousseau and Proudhon: human nature, property, and the social contract K. Steven Vincent; 14. Rousseau, Marx and human fulfillment Jerrold Siegel; 15. Rousseau and Schmitt: sovereigns and dictators David Bates.

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Book SynopsisContemporary social and political theory has reached an impasse about a problem that had once seemed straightforward: how can individuals make ethical judgments about power and politics? Crisis of Authority analyzes the practices that bind authority, trust and truthfulness in contemporary theory and politics. Drawing on newly available archival materials, Nancy Luxon locates two models for such practices in Sigmund Freud's writings on psychoanalytic technique and Michel Foucault's unpublished lectures on the ancient ethical practices of 'fearless speech', or parrhesia. Luxon argues that the dynamics provoked by the figures of psychoanalyst and truth-teller are central to this process. Her account offers a more supple understanding of the modern ethical subject and new insights into political authority and authorship.Table of Contents1. Authority and its discontents; 2. Risk and resistance; 3. Conversations with the unknown; 4. What is an author(ity)?; 5. The authorial subject; 6. Audiences and the proliferation of meaning; 7. Breaking the frame, composing the event.

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Book SynopsisResponsibility for Human Rights provides an original theoretical analysis of which global actors are responsible for human rights, and why. It does this through an evaluation of the different reasons according to which such responsibilities might be assigned: legalism, universalism, capacity and publicness. The book marshals various arguments that speak in favour of and against assigning 'responsibility for human rights' to any state or non-state actor. At the same time, it remains grounded in an incisive interpretation of the world we actually live in today, including: the relationship between sovereignty and human rights, recent events in 'business and human rights' practice, and key empirical examples of human rights violations by companies. David Karp argues that relevantly public actors have specific human rights responsibility. However, states can be less public, and non-state actors can be more public, than might seem apparent at first glance.Table of Contents1. Introduction; 2. Transnational corporations and human rights in practice, policy and international law; 3. Legitimate authority, human rights and transnational actors; 4. Are human rights responsibilities universal? A conceptual framework of responsibility for human rights; 5. The capacity approach: a construction and critique; 6. The publicness approach to responsibility for human rights; 7. Conclusions: non-state actors and human rights practice.

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Book SynopsisThis book brings together discussions of the moral value of inequality with luck- or responsibility-sensitive accounts of distributive justice to explore and defend the view that inequality is intrinsically bad, and it is bad when and because it leaves some worse off than others through no fault or choice of their own.Trade Review'… this book is a tour de force through the important but dense literature on telic egalitarianism, which makes it required reading for anyone interested in this area.' Adina Preda, EthicsTable of ContentsPart I. Egalitarianism: 1. The variety of objections to equality; 2. Why inequality matters; 3. When does inequality matter?; 4. Who is inequality bad for?; Part II. Alternatives to Egalitarianism: 5. What is the point of sufficiency?; 6. Prioritarianism and the person-affecting view; 7. Prioritarianism and time; Part III. Chances and Choices: 8. Should egalitarians care about chances?; 9. The badness of voluntary inequalities.

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Book SynopsisJohn Hobson claims that throughout its history most international theory has been embedded within various forms of Eurocentrism. Rather than producing value-free and universalist theories of inter-state relations, international theory instead provides provincial analyses that celebrate and defend Western civilization as the subject of, and ideal normative referent in, world politics. Hobson also provides a sympathetic critique of Edward Said's conceptions of Eurocentrism and Orientalism, revealing how Eurocentrism takes different forms, which can be imperialist or anti-imperialist, and showing how these have played out in international theory since 1760. The book thus speaks to scholars of international relations and also to all those interested in understanding Eurocentrism in the disciplines of political science/political theory, political economy/international political economy, geography, cultural and literary studies, sociology and, not least, anthropology.Trade Review'Hobson's powerful indictment that international theory merely constructs a Eurocentric conception of world politics represents a significant challenge to theorists both of mainstream and critical persuasions. In light of the broad intellectual history that Hobson provides, this book will be of immense interest to a diverse audience of readers.' Brian C. Schmidt, Carleton University'A masterful and provocative history of Western International Theory that challenges IR scholars to be sensitive to the Eurocentric biases of their intellectual heritage. This important and carefully reasoned book is a call to all of us to re-examine the moral and ethical implications of our research.' J. Ann Tickner, University of Southern California'John M. Hobson's ambitious, searching, and wide-ranging critique of a long line of thinkers - from Immanuel Kant, Adam Smith, to Hans Morgenthau - whose writings gave Western International Theory its current shape, is a tour de force. Not only does Hobson point up the persistently Eurocentric organization of the field, he also succeeds in making careful and important distinctions between varieties of Orientalism and Eurocentrism that are usually missing from contemporary analyses. All students of 'world politics' will benefit from this book that represents one of the finest contributions to date to postcolonial studies of international theory.' Dipesh Chakrabarty, University of Chicago'[Hobson's] book will be necessary reading for all those interested in IR.' Patrick Chabal, International AffairsTable of Contents1. Introduction: constructing Eurocentrism and international theory as Eurocentric construct; Part I. 1760–1914: Manifest Eurocentrism and Scientific Racism in International Theory: 2. Eurocentric imperialism: liberalism and Marxism, c.1830–1914; 3. Eurocentric anti-imperialism: liberalism, c.1760–1800; 4. Racist anti-imperialism: liberalism and cultural-realism, c.1850–1914; 5. Racist imperialism: 'racist-realism', liberalism, and socialism, c.1860–1914; Part II. 1914–1945: Manifest/Subliminal Eurocentrism and the High Tide of Scientific Racism in International Theory: 6. Anti-imperialism and the myths of 1919: Eurocentric Marxism and racist cultural-realism, 1914–1945; 7. Racist and Eurocentric imperialism: racist-realism, racist-liberalism, and 'progressive' Eurocentric liberalism/Fabianism, 1914–1945; Part III. 1945–1989: Subliminal Eurocentrism in International Theory: 8. Orthodox subliminal Eurocentrism: from classical realism to neorealism, 1945–1989; 9. Orthodox subliminal Eurocentrism: neo-liberal institutionalism and the English school, c.1966–1989; 10. Critical subliminal Eurocentrism: Gramscianism and world-systems theory, c.1967–1989; Part IV. 1989–2010: Back to the Future of Manifest Eurocentrism in Mainstream International Theory: 11. Imperialist and anti-imperialist Eurocentrism: post-1989 'Western-realism' and the spiritual return to post-1889 racist-realism; 12. Imperialist Eurocentrism: post-1989 'Western-liberalism' and the return to post-1830 liberal paternalist Eurocentrism; Part V. Conclusion: Mapping the Promiscuous Architecture of Eurocentrism in International Theory, 1760–2010: 13. Constructing civilization: global hierarchy, 'gradated sovereignty' and globalization in international theory, 1760–2010; Bibliography; Index.

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Book SynopsisThucydides famously declared his work to be 'a possession for all time', and so it has proved to be, as each age and generation has seen new things to admire in it and take from it. In the last hundred years, Thucydides has been interpreted and invoked in support of many different positions in politics, political theory and international relations. Geoffrey Hawthorn offers a new and highly original reading, one that sees him as neither simply an ancestor nor a colleague but as an unsurpassed guide to a deeper realism about politics. In this account, Thucydides emerges as sensitive to the non-rational and the limits of human agency, sceptical about political speech, resistant to easy generalisations or theoretical reductions, and opposed to any practical, moral or constitutional closure in politics. The book will be of interest to students of politics and classics.Trade Review'Hawthorn acts as a careful, humane guide through Thucydides' account of the Peloponnesian War, sympathetically exploring the importance of Thucydides' historical and political thought, but equally committed to resisting the temptation to reduce this endlessly complex work to any single or simple meaning or message (whether for antiquity or for the contemporary world). Historians, students of politics, and anyone who simply wants better to understand this fascinating text will gain much from this clear-headed, thought-provoking study.' Polly Low, University of Manchester'In a wholly individual voice, Geoffrey Hawthorn reflects on the complex of insight and suggestive ambiguity that is Thucydides' masterwork. Like Thucydides before him, Hawthorn offers by turns confident judgments and studies in contingency. For many years, Hawthorn provided a fortunate group of students at Cambridge a sense of Thucydides' distinctive subtlety and penetration about politics, a sense he here makes available to readers more generally.' Kinch Hoekstra, University of California, Berkeley'A fascinating and thought-provoking reading of Thucydides and his ideas, thoroughly grounded in classical scholarship but viewed through a lifetime's experience of reflection on political issues. As Hawthorn himself says of Thucydides, one's understanding expands in the course of reading the work. Indispensable for classicists and political theorists alike.' Neville Morley, University of Bristol'This magnificent book on the history of the most célèbre of all wars makes us love Thucydides' poetic passion for his subject and the 'purity' of his style. Politics is the protagonist of Geoffrey Hawthorn's narrative: Thucydides' vision of politics as a panoply of propelling forces, the reasons and accounts people give of them, their analysis, reflection, calculation and debate; and politics as a way of making things happen that is more likely than not to be agonistic and is unlikely to be truthful or simply reasonable in one straightforward way.' Nadia Urbinati, Columbia University'Thucydides on Politics is the most original and thought-provoking book on Thucydides to appear in the past fifteen years. For boldness and clarity of argument, it cannot be too highly recommended.' Peter Thonemann, The Times Literary Supplement'… sets out to be Thucydides' Thucydides: tracing the historian's narrative, probing, judging, guessing, arguing with other scholars and with Thucydides himself, always illuminating. Like his philosophic mentor, Bernard Williams, Hawthorn displays a resolutely English intelligence, venturing no grand theories but bringing out defensible arguments from sensible consideration of details mastered. The result is that rare textual commentary that is actually readable, teaching readers how better to think about war and politics in and among communities that seek, somehow, to rule themselves. Summing up: highly recommended.' W. Morrisey, Choice'One of the 'connoisseurs of the political game', a scholar of uncommon insight and long experience, and a writer who possessed an exceptionally eloquent prose style … Hawthorn deserves to be heard, and not only by classicists.' James Romm, London Review of BooksTable of ContentsPreface; Chronology; 1. The text; 2. Writing power: Athens in Greece, 478–435; 3. Explaining the war: stated reasons, 435–432; 4. Explaining the war: true reasons, 435–432; 5. Judgements, 431–430; 6. Absent strategies, 430–428; 7. Speech and other events, 428–427; 8. Meaning and opportunity, 426–424; 9. Necessities, 424; 10. Interests, 423–421; 11. Emotion in deed, 420–416; 12. Purposes and decisions, 415; 13. Character and circumstance, 414–413; 14. One war, 413–411; 15. Back to the present; Synopsis of the text.

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Book SynopsisIn many democracies, voter turnout is low and getting lower. If the people choose not to govern themselves, should they be forced to do so? For Jason Brennan, compulsory voting is unjust and a petty violation of citizens' liberty. The median non-voter is less informed and rational, as well as more biased, than the median voter. According to Lisa Hill, compulsory voting is a reasonable imposition on personal liberty. Hill points to the discernible benefits of compulsory voting and argues that high turnout elections are more democratically legitimate. The authors - both well-known for their work on voting and civic engagement - debate questions such as: â Do citizens have a duty to vote, and is it an enforceable duty? â Does compulsory voting violate citizens' liberty? If so, is this sufficient grounds to oppose it? Or is it a justifiable violation? Might it instead promote liberty on the whole? â Is low turnout a problem or a blessing?Trade Review'The frustrating thing about arguments over citizenship in democracies is that everyone is right, meaning that everyone is also wrong. There are powerful arguments in favor of asking citizens to act on a moral obligation to become informed, so as to move toward an ideal world. In that view, argued ably here by Jason Brennan, anyone who fails to become informed should voluntarily abstain. Lisa Hill argues that Brennan has it backwards: 'good' elections are not the result of an informed citizenry. Rather, a broadly accepted electoral process, legitimated by universal participation, is what creates an informed citizenry. Who is right? An extraordinary and very fair-minded treatment of significant issues in democracy around the world.' Michael Munger, Duke University, North Carolina'Should the government force citizens to vote? Brennan and Hill's Compulsory Voting crisply presents the strongest case in favor as well as the strongest case against mandatory participation in the electoral process. Although the two authors defend opposite conclusions, both show that philosophy is better with careful social science - and that social science is better with careful philosophy. A book full of ideas, clarity, and candor.' Bryan D. Caplan, George Mason University'Jason Brennan and Lisa Hill have performed a valuable service by brilliantly analyzing and critiquing the many arguments for and against compulsory voting, ranging from the most obvious to those that are counterintuitive and obscure. An original, readily accessible contribution to the scholarly literature.' Ilya Somin, George Mason UniversityTable of ContentsPart I. Medicine Worse than Disease? Against Compulsory Voting Jason Brennan: 1. The heavy burden of proof; 2. Democratic legitimacy and the consequences of compulsion; 3. Do your share or else; 4. Should we force the drunk to drive? Part II. Compulsory Voting Defended Lisa Hill: 5. Compulsory voting: background, effects, feasibility and basic premises; 6. Turnout, abstention, and democratic legitimacy; 7. Is compulsory voting an unjustified burden on personal autonomy? Is there a right not to vote?; 8. Is requiring people to vote contrary to democratic values?; 9. Conclusion.

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Book SynopsisThis study defends new foundations for ethics and value theory, arguing that ethical principles can be seen to emerge from the philosophical quest for wisdom itself. It will appeal to all who are interested in ethical challenges posed by pluralism and diversity of cultures, and in debates about value relativism.Trade Review'This book is bold and ambitious. It is full of original ideas, which it seeks to integrate, by means of careful argument, with more familiar moral notions. It is, for many reasons, a most welcome addition to the literature.' Richard Kraut, Northwestern University'Modernity has left us with a world where we are uncertain about what values to hold and how our lives should be lived. Kane's work provides us with the most imaginative and compelling response to these challenges in years. This is one of those rare works where you sense you are being guided through new terrain by a learned and wise soul.' Mark Bernstein, Purdue University'An exciting and ambitious book. Kane introduces and defends a complete ethical theory that represents a genuinely novel approach to normative ethics. His overriding theme is that moral constraints flow from the search for wisdom in an ancient philosophical sense … The book is valuable not only for the novelty and promise of its central ideas, but also for its clear exegesis of other important positions.' Alexa Forrester, Notre Dame Philosophical Reviews'[This] book is bold, ambitious and merits careful study. [It] contains a sustained argument for a meta-ethical and normative theory that contains a theory of right action and a theory of the good life, a unified conception of practical and theoretical reasoning, a survey of the main theories of normative ethics and an account of the application of his theory in political philosophy, applied ethics, philosophy of law, feminist ethics and moral education. Kane's ethical theory synthesizes elements of ancient eudaimonism, Kant's moral theory and Mill's classical liberalism.' Journal of Moral Philosophy'This book is a rare thing: a monograph that is accessible. It brings together a number of central ethical theories, clearly presented, and discusses their advantages and shortcomings in the light of the new theory of the book. The author takes care to illustrate the theories he discusses with vivid examples drawn from both the ethics literature and general culture.' The Philosophical Quarterly'Kane carefully addresses a large number of topics, including both the right and the good, as well as meta-ethical issues about objectivity, within the compass of a single theory … This is a significant accomplishment from which there is much to learn, both in its overall argument and in its detailed discussions.' EthicsTable of Contents1. Introduction: pluralism and uncertainty; 2. Openness; 3. The retreat; 4. The moral sphere; 5. Fact and value; 6. Value experiments; 7. Virtues, excellences and forms of life; 8. The fourth dimension; 9. Aspiration; 10. Wisdom; 11. Objective worth; 12. The Bach crystals; 13. Human flourishing; 14. The Faust legend and the mosaic; 15. The good and the right (I): intuitionism and Kantianism; 16. The good and the right (II): utilitarianism and consequentialism; 17. The good and the right (III): contractualism; 18. Politics, public morality and law: justice, care and virtue; Bibliography; Index.

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Book SynopsisJames Madison wrote, 'Had every Athenian citizen been a Socrates, every Athenian assembly would still have been a mob'. The contributors to this volume discuss and for the most part challenge this claim by asking whether many minds can be wiser than one.Trade Review“In bringing together essays by students of politics, economics, philosophy, history, and cognitive science – disciplines that have much to say to each other but engage in joint conversation too rarely – Landemore and Elster make a significant contribution. Many of the individual articles are by scholars working at the frontiers of their respective fields. No work on collective intelligence has covered the subject with such breadth, scope, or wisdom.” – Robert Laubacher, Center for Collective Intelligence, MIT Sloan School of Management“This cutting-edge collection shows that in the last decade human beings have attained a genuinely new understanding of how and why collective wisdom can surpass that of any individual. Each essay adds subtlety, theoretical insight, or a telling example. Together they build to a compelling conclusion: societies succeed when they organize themselves to think better collectively. They can do this consciously through institutions whose principles and mechanisms are laid out in this book.” – Jane Mansbridge, Adams Professor, Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University“For more than two decades, the ideas of participatory democracy and later on of deliberative democracy have stimulated the debate on the various forms of democratic development. Collective Wisdom opens a new cycle with the notion of epistemic democracy, renewing the very meaning of universal suffrage. This pathbreaking book brings together a series of contributions that define a promising field of research.” – Pierre Rosanvallon, Chair in Modern and Contemporary History of Politics, Collège de France“Can crowds be anything but unwise? Is there any reason to suppose that collective judgments could be accurate? The papers gathered in this volume suggest some stimulating ways to claim that those questions could be answered affirmatively and that the so called ‘mob’ might sometimes be less foolish and less unreliable than it has commonly been taken to be. Very rewarding in times when democracy is so frequently deemed unable to cope with complex questions.” – Jean-Fabien Spitz, Professor of Political Philosophy, University of Paris I Panthéon SorbonneTable of Contents1. Collective wisdom: old and new Hélène Landemore; 2. Prediction markets: trading uncertainty for collective wisdom Emile Servan-Schreiber; 3. Designing wisdom through the web: the passion of ranking Gloria Origgi; 4. Some microfoundations of collective wisdom Scott Page and Lu Hong; 5. What has collective wisdom to do with wisdom? Daniel Andler; 6. Legislation, planning, and deliberation John Ferejohn; 7. Epistemic democracy in classical Athens: sophistication, diversity, and innovation Josiah Ober; 8. The optimal design of a constituent assembly Jon Elster; 9. Sanior pars and major pars in the contemporary aeropagus: medicine evaluation committees in France and the United States Philippe Urfalino; 10. Collective wisdom: lessons from the theory of judgment aggregation Christian List; 11. Democracy counts: should rulers be numerous? David Estlund; 12. Democratic reason: the mechanisms of collective intelligence in politics Hélène Landemore; 13. Rational ignorance and beyond Gerry Mackie; 14. The myth of the rational voter and political theory Bryan Caplan; 15. Collective wisdom and institutional design Adrian Vermeule; 16. Reasoning as a social competence Dan Sperber and Hugo Mercier; 17. Conclusion Jon Elster.

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Book SynopsisSpinoza's Theological-Political Treatise was published anonymously in 1670 and immediately provoked huge debate. Its main goal was to claim that the freedom of philosophizing can be allowed in a free republic and that it cannot be abolished without also destroying the peace and piety of that republic. Spinoza criticizes the traditional claims of revelation and offers a social contract theory in which he praises democracy as the most natural form of government. This Critical Guide presents essays by well-known scholars in the field and covers a broad range of topics, including the political theory and the metaphysics of the work, religious toleration, the reception of the text by other early modern philosophers and the relation of the text to Jewish thought. It offers valuable perspectives on this important and influential work.Trade Review"...Spinoza’s Theological-Political Treatise: A Critical Guide is a delightful book, an impressive demonstration of erudition and scholarship. The presentation is clear and forthright." --George Lăzăroiu, PhD, Institute of Interdisciplinary Studies in Humanities and Social Sciences, New YorkTable of ContentsList of contributors; Acknowledgements; List of abbreviations; Introduction Yitzhak Y. Melamed and Michael Rosenthal; 1. Spinoza's exchange with Albert Burgh Edwin Curley; 2. The text of Spinoza's Tractatus Theologico-Politicus Piet Steenbakkers; 3. Spinoza on Ibn Ezra's Secret of the Twelve Warren Zev Harvey; 4. Reflections of the medieval Jewish-Christian debate in the Theological-Political Treatise and the Epistles Daniel J. Lasker; 5. The early Dutch and German reaction to the Tractatus Theologico-Politicus: foreshadowing the Enlightenment's more general Spinoza reception? Jonathan Israel; 6. G. W. Leibniz's two readings of the Tractatus Theologico-Politicus Mogens Laerke; 7. The metaphysics of the Theological-Political Treatise Yitzhak Y. Melamed; 8. Spinoza's conception of law: metaphysics and ethics Donald Rutherford; 9. Getting his hands dirty: Spinoza's criticism of the rebel Michael Della Rocca; 10. 'Promising' ideas: Hobbes and contract in Spinoza's political philosophy Don Garrett; 11. Spinoza's curious defense of toleration Justin Steinberg; 12. Miracles, wonder, and the state in Spinoza's Theological-Political Treatise Michael A. Rosenthal; 13. Narrative as the means to freedom: Spinoza on the uses of imagination Susan James; Bibliography.

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Book SynopsisIn his Groundwork of the Metaphysics of Morals, Immanuel Kant portrays the supreme moral principle as an unconditional imperative that applies to all of us because we freely choose to impose upon ourselves a law of pure practical reason. Morality is revealed to be a matter of autonomy. Today, this approach to ethical theory is as perplexing, controversial and inspiring as it was in 1785, when the Groundwork was first published. The essays in this volume, by international Kant scholars and moral philosophers, discuss Kant's philosophical development and his rejection of earlier moral theories, the role of happiness and inclination in the Groundwork, Kant's moral metaphysics and theory of value, and his attempt to justify the categorical imperative as a principle of freedom. They reflect the approach of several schools of interpretation and illustrate the lively diversity of Kantian ethics today.Trade Review'This collection of essays is diverse and engaging. The essays are of wide theoretical interest and deftly address issues of interpretation along with broader normative issues arising from Kant's Groundwork. Striking a nice balance of interpretive and normative concerns, each essay draws on a wide variety of sources, including not only Kant, but also his sympathetic commentators and his detractors. Those in either camp are well-advised to give these essays their attention.' Notre Dame Philosophical ReviewsTable of ContentsAbbreviations; List of contributors; Introduction Jens Timmermann; 1. Ethics and anthropology in the development of Kant's moral philosophy Manfred Kuehn; 2. Happiness in the Groundwork Alison Hills; 3. Acting from duty: inclination, reason and moral worth Jens Timmermann; 4. Making the law visible: the role of examples in Kant's ethics Robert B. Louden; 5. The moral law as causal law Robert N. Johnson; 6. Dignity and the formula of humanity Oliver Sensen; 7. Kant's kingdom of ends: metaphysical, not political Katrin Flikschuh; 8. Kant against the 'spurious principles of morality' J. B. Schneewind; 9. Autonomy and impartiality: Groundwork III John Skorupski; 10. Problems with freedom: Kant's argument in Groundwork III and its subsequent emendation Paul Guyer; 11. Freedom and reason in Groundwork III Frederick Rauscher.

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Book SynopsisThis thoroughly updated second edition includes a new preface and expands the discussion of the surprising role that slavery has played in the history of rights. It includes new material on egalitarianism, distributive justice and what the demand for equal rights means.Table of ContentsPart I. The First Expansionary Era: 1. The prehistory of rights; 2. The rights of man: the enlightenment; 3. Mischievous nonsense?; 4. The nineteenth century: consolidation and retrenchment; 5. The conceptual neighborhood of rights: Wesley Newcomb Hohfeld; Part II. The Second Expansionary Era: 6. The universal declaration, and a revolt against utilitarianism; 7. The nature of rights: 'choice' theory and 'interest' theory; 8. A right to do wrong? Two conceptions of moral rights; 9. The pressure of consequentialism; 10. What is interference?; 11. The future of rights; 12. Conclusion.

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Book SynopsisThis book develops a theory of existential security. It demonstrates that the publics of virtually all advanced industrial societies have been moving toward more secular orientations during the past half century, but also that the world as a whole now has more people with traditional religious views than ever before. This second edition expands the theory and provides new and updated evidence from a broad perspective and in a wide range of countries. This confirms that religiosity persists most strongly among vulnerable populations, especially in poorer nations and in failed states. Conversely, a systematic erosion of religious practices, values and beliefs has occurred among the more prosperous strata in rich nations.Trade Review"This second edition is an outstanding contribution to the new thought among social scientists about the process of secularization... Norris and Inglehart present convincing arguments soundly anchored in extensive systematic research from around the globe...[They] provide a brilliant, well-written, and thoroughly convincing second edition of what will surely become a classic in the field. This is an indispensable work for any college-level class concerned with the role of religion in the contemporary world. Summing Up: Essential." -J.J. Preston, Sonoma State University, CHOICE MagazineTable of ContentsPart I. Understanding Secularization: 1. The secularization debate; 2. Measuring secularization; 3. Comparing secularization worldwide; Part II. Case Studies of Religion and Politics: 4. The puzzle of secularization in the United States and Western Europe; 5. A religious revival in post-communist Europe?; 6. Religion and politics in the Muslim world; Part III. The Consequences of Secularization: 7. Religion, the Protestant ethic, and moral values; 8. Religious organizations and social capital; 9. Religious parties and electoral behavior; Part IV. Conclusions: 10. Secularization and its consequences; 11. Re-examining the theory of existential security; 12. Re-examining evidence for the security thesis.

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Book SynopsisThis volume provides essays on the Laws, Plato's last dialogue and major work of political philosophy besides the Republic. The essays cover a wide range of topics in the Laws, including political and ethical philosophy, psychology, theology and aesthetics. It will interest philosophers, classicists and political theorists.Trade Review"...The quality and insight of the contributions are very high, and the range of addressed themes very broad...." --Diego De Brasi, Philipps-Universität Marburg, Bryn Mawr Classical Review"...a good paper on Plato’s moral psychology.... articulate and carefully reasoned work on the Timaeus is attributed to the Laws..." --Philosophy in Review, John Mouracade, University of Alaska AnchorageTable of ContentsIntroduction Christopher Bobonich; 1. The Laws' two projects Malcolm Schofield; 2. The relationship of the Laws to other dialogues: a proposal Christopher Rowe; 3. Ordinary virtue from the Phaedo to the Laws Richard Kraut; 4. Virtue and law in Plato Julia Annas; 5. Morality as law and morality in the Laws Terence Irwin; 6. Puppets on strings: moral psychology in Laws I and II Dorothea Frede; 7. Psychology and the inculcation of virtue in Plato's Laws Rachana Kamtekar; 8. Images of irrationality Christopher Bobonich; 9. Family and the question of women in the Laws Thanassis Samaras; 10. The theology of the Laws Robert Mayhew; 11. Plato's 'truest tragedy' (Laws VII, 817a-d) André Laks; Bibliography; Index.

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Book SynopsisThis book offers an original interpretation of the achievement of Leo Strauss, stressing how his ideas and followers reshaped the American conservative movement. The conservative movement that reached out to Strauss and his legacy was extremely fluid and lacked a self-confident leadership. Conservative activists and journalists felt a desperate need for academic acceptability, which they thought Strauss and his disciples would furnish. They also became deeply concerned with the problem of 'value relativism', which self-described conservatives thought Strauss had effectively addressed. But until recently, neither Strauss nor his disciples have considered themselves to be 'conservatives'. Contrary to another misconception, Straussians have never wished to convert Americans to ancient political ideals and practices, except in a very selective rhetorical fashion. Strauss and his disciples have been avid champions of American modernity, and 'timeless' values as interpreted by Strauss and hiTrade Review'Paul Gottfried's book shows evidence of a lifetime of more intimate engagement with Straussians. He is respectful of the master, formed in 'a richer cultural world than his followers - indeed a Teutonic one that most of his prominent students detested'. Gottfried is clearly disappointed in Strauss's 'epigones', who are happy to refute their poorly informed but respectable critics on the Left but who refuse to engage in serious debate with their learned and perceptive critics on the Right.' Mark Shiffman, Modern Age'I've always wanted to read a critique of Strauss - and more particularly, of Straussianism - which didn't devolve into leftist hyperbole or paranoia. This is the first I've read. Gottfried's critique is really from the right - against Strauss's postmodern reading of texts … against the abolition of history as well as historicism, against the reclusiveness and defensiveness of the Straussian enclave, and against their fixation with Western weakness in which the world is forever 1938. He persuaded me that the core of Straussianism is political, not philosophical - and a true competitor to what I would call conservatism, properly understood. None of this takes away from the truly remarkable scholarship that Strauss and Straussians have given us, or their useful antidote to the idea that all our core debates about the world have been resolved. But it helps reveal the deeply un-conservative and profoundly radical nature of neoconservatism, and its mania for imperialism and Israel.' Andrew Sullivan, The Daily Dish'[The only book that] specifically offers a right-wing critique of this German-Jewish émigré professor who is so often assumed to be a right-winger himself … Paul Gottfried's book… is sufficiently magnanimous that it may lead readers to a new appreciation for Strauss.' Daniel McCarthy, The University BookmanTable of Contents1. Introduction; 2. A significant life; 3. Constructing a methodology; 4. The method under assault; 5. Politics as practice; 6. Political theory as political practice; 7. Conclusion.

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Book SynopsisQuestioning some of the repetitive and narrow theoretical writings on rights, a group of leading intellectuals examine human rights from philosophical, theological, historical, literary and political perspectives.Trade Review'It would be difficult to imagine a more qualified and diverse team of intelligent critics to assess the meaning of human rights in today's 'post-humanist' world. The result of their symposium, however, is a complete redistribution of the game, where the fact of right emerges impossible to discard, precisely because it has become intrinsically problematic.' Étienne Balibar, Emeritus Professor of Philosophy, University of Paris-Nanterre, and author of Equaliberty and Violence and Civility'This splendid volume is a richly philosophical and relentlessly political intervention into contemporary debates about human rights. Each erudite essay illuminates or rethinks both terms constituting this essential if often misused modern instrument of justice and protection.' Wendy Brown, University of California, Berkeley'In this wide-ranging, thoughtful collection, distinguished scholars across several disciplines shed new light on the familiar topic of human rights by exploring the ambiguities and tensions that structure their social meanings and political implications. The book makes a distinctive and valuable contribution to the field; it should be widely read.' Nicola Lacey, FBA, School Professor of Law, Gender and Social Policy, London School of EconomicsTable of ContentsIntroduction Conor Gearty and Costas Douzinas; Part I. Finding Foundations: 1. On human rights: two simple remarks Jean-Luc Nancy (translated by Gilbert Leung); 2. Human rights: the necessary quest for foundations Conor Gearty; 3. Against human rights: liberty in the western tradition John Milbank; 4. Religious faith and human rights Rowan Williams; Part II. Law, Rights and Revolution: 5. Philosophy and the right to resistance Costas Douzinas; 6. On a radical politics for human rights Illan Rua Wall; 7. Fanon today Drucilla Cornell; 8. Race and the value of the human Paul Gilroy; Part III. Rights, Justice, Politics: 9. From 'human rights' to 'life rights' Walter D. Mignolo; 10. Democracy, human rights and cosmopolitanism: an agonistic approach Chantal Mouffe; 11. Plural cosmopolitanisms and the origins of human rights Samuel Moyn; Part IV. Rights and Power: 12. Second-generation rights as biopolitical rights Pheng Cheah; 13. History, normativity, and rights Paul Patton; 14. 'All of us without exception': Sartre, Rancière, and the cause of the Other Bruce Robbins; 15. However incompletely, human Joseph R. Slaughter; 16. Welcome to the 'spiritual kingdom of animals' Slavoj Žižek.

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Book SynopsisWidely regarded as the founder of the Islamic philosophical tradition, and as the single greatest philosophical authority after Aristotle by his successors in the medieval Islamic, Jewish, and Christian communities, Alfarabi was a leading figure in the fields of Aristotelian logic and Platonic political science. The first complete English translation of his commentary on Aristotle''s Topics, Alfarabi''s Book of Dialectic, or Kitab al-Jadal, is presented here in a deeply researched edition based on the most complete Arabic manuscript sources. David M. DiPasquale argues that Alfarabi''s understanding of the Socratic art of dialectic is the key prism through which to grasp his recovery of an authentic tradition of Greek science on the verge of extinction. He also suggests that the Book of Dialectic is unique to the extent to which it unites Alfarabi''s logical and political writings, opening up novel ways of interpreting Alfarabi''s influence.Trade Review'David M. DiPasquale’s translation and interpretation of Alfarabi’s Book of Dialectic advances our understanding of Alfarabi’s innovative approach to philosophy and subtle attempt to breathe new life into its pursuit. DiPasquale renders Dominic Mallet’s path-breaking edition of the Arabic text in a manner that captures Alfarabi’s nuances while respecting his unique reticence.' Charles E. Butterworth, University of Maryland'A dependable English translation of Alfarabi’s indispensable work, Book of Dialectic, is a great boon - especially given that the only critical Arabic edition exists in an unpublished French dissertation. In addition, DiPasquale’s fine book reveals why dialectic is central not only to political philosophy but also to the whole of philosophy.' Josh Parens, University of DallasTable of ContentsPreface; Acknowledgements; Introduction; 1. Alfarabi's Kitāb al-Jadal: complete English translation; 2. Dialectic and political science; 3. Dialectic and the principles of all science; 4. Dialectic and the method of natural and divine science; 5. Dialectic and education; 6. Conclusion: Alfarabi and the taxonomy of the medieval Arabic Organon; Glossary A: English–Arabic; Glossary B: Arabic–English; References; Index.

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Book SynopsisWorld Crisis and Underdevelopment examines the impact of poverty and other global crises in generating forms of structural coercion that cause agential and societal underdevelopment. It draws from discourse ethics and recognition theory in criticizing injustices and pathologies associated with underdevelopment. Its scope is comprehensive, encompassing discussions about development science, philosophical anthropology, global migration, global capitalism and economic markets, human rights, international legal institutions, democratic politics and legitimation, world religions and secularization, and moral philosophy in its many varieties.

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Book SynopsisThis is a new interpretation and analysis of John Rawls''s leading theory of distributive justice, which also considers the responding egalitarian theories of scholars such as Richard Arneson, G. A. Cohen, Ronald Dworkin, Martha Nussbaum, John Roemer, and Amartya Sen. Rawls''s theory, Kaufman argues, sets out a normative ideal of justice that incorporates an account of the structure and character of relations that are appropriate for members of society viewed as free and equal moral beings. Forging an approach distinct amongst contemporary theories of equality, Rawls offers an alternative to egalitarian justice methodologies that aim primarily to compensate victims for undeserved bad luck. For Rawls, the values that ground the most plausible account of egalitarianism are real equality of economic opportunity combined with the guarantee of a fair distribution of social goods. Kaufman''s analysis will be of interest to scholars and advanced students of political theory and political philTrade Review'Kaufman's book is an important contribution to the elaboration of Rawls's theory of distributive justice and its defense against many recent criticisms developed over the past 10–15 years. It should appeal to academic philosophers and political theorists who work on Rawls and on distributive justice more generally, including graduate students and upper level undergraduates.' Samuel Freeman, Avalon Professor of the Humanities, University of Pennsylvania'This book reflects a deep engagement with the work of John Rawls, and it captures both the general spirit and the details of that theory better than the great majority of commentaries. The most prominent criticisms of Rawls's work - including notably those of G. A. Cohen and Amartya Sen - rely on misunderstandings of the target view, and this manuscript goes a long distance toward explaining how and why that is so. Graduate students in philosophy or political science who are writing on Rawls (or on the particular critics considered here) will do very well to read this book, regardless of whether their own work is ultimately in sympathy with Rawls's work or critical of it. Critics of Rawls would also do well to read this book, since that would enable sharper and more sympathetic treatment of Rawls's views in the presentations of their own criticisms.' Jon Garthoff, University of Tennessee'… a learned and engaging book, and it will be of interest to scholars of Rawls and political equality. It pays meticulous attention to Rawls's particular arguments while keeping his entire political vision in mind.' Andrius Gališanka, Journal of Moral PhilosophyTable of ContentsIntroduction: democratic equality: retrieving Rawls's egalitarianism; 1. Rawls's practical conception of justice opinion, tradition and objectivity in political liberalism; 2. Stability, fit, and consensus; 3. Rawls and ethical constructivism; 4. A satisfactory minimum conception of justice reconsidering Rawls's maximin argument; 5. Cohen's ambiguities; 6. Justice as fairness and fair equality of opportunity; 7. Democratic equality; 8. Ideal theory and practical judgment; 9. Poverty, inequality, and justice.

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Book SynopsisPhilosophy and social science assume that reason and cause are objective and universally applicable concepts. Through close readings of ancient and modern philosophy, history and literature, Richard Ned Lebow demonstrates that these concepts are actually specific to time and place. He traces their parallel evolution by focusing on classical Athens, the Enlightenment through Victorian England, and the early twentieth century. This important book shows how and why understandings of reason and cause have developed and evolved, in response to what kind of stimuli, and what this says about the relationship between social science and the social world in which it is conducted. Lebow argues that authors reflecting on their own social context use specific constructions of these categories as central arguments about the human condition. This highly original study will make an immediate impact across a number of fields with its rigorous research and the development of an innovative historicised eTable of Contents1. Introduction; 2. Homer and Sophocles; 3. Thucydides; 4. David Hume; 5. Dickens, Trollope, and Collins; 6. Max Weber; 7. Thomas Mann and Franz Kafka; 8. Conclusion.

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Book SynopsisJohn Stuart Mill is the father of modern liberalism. His most remembered work, On Liberty, which was published in 1859, changed the course of the liberal tradition. What is less well-known is that his ideas have profoundly influenced the American constitutional rights tradition of the latter half of the twentieth century. Mill''s ''harm principle'' inspired the constitutional right to privacy recognized in Griswold v Connecticut, Roe vs Wade and other cases. His defense of freedom of expression influenced Justices Holmes, Brandeis, Douglas, Brennan and others and led to greatly expanded freedom of speech in the twentieth century. Finally, Mill was an ardent feminist whose last important work, The Subjection of Women, was a full-scale and, for its time, radical defense of complete gender equality. This is a book for lawyers who want to understand the intellectual origins of modern constitutional rights, and for political philosophers interested in the constitutional implications of Mill''s conception of freedom.Table of ContentsIntroduction; Part I. Mill and his Place in the Liberal Tradition: 1. Mill's life, work and character; 2. Liberalism before Mill; 3. Inventing modern liberalism; Part II. Mill and the Constitution: 4. Constitutional liberties before Mill; 5. The intellectual origins of the right to privacy; 6. Mill and the right of freedom of expression; 7. A new equality.

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Book SynopsisDerek Parfit (19422017) was one of the most important and influential moral philosophers of the late 20th and early 21st centuries. This Element offers a critical introduction to his wide-ranging ethical thought, focusing especially on his two most significant works, Reasons and Persons (1984) and On What Matters (2011), and their contribution to the consequentialist moral tradition. Topics covered include: rationality and objectivity, distributive justice, self-defeating moral theories, Parfit''s Triple Theory (according to which consequentialism, contractualism, and Kantian ethics ultimately converge), personal identity, and population ethics.Table of Contents1. Introduction; 2. Rationality and Objectivity; 3. Distributive Justice; 4. Character and Consequence; 5. The Triple Theory; 6. Personal Identity; 7. Population Ethics; 8. Conclusion.

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Book SynopsisThis book provides the first systematic, book-length defence of natural law ideas in ethics, politics and jurisprudence since John Finnis''s influential Natural Law and Natural Rights. Incorporating insights from recent work in ethical, legal and social theory, it presents a robust and original account of the natural law tradition, challenging common perceptions of natural law as a set of timeless standards imposed on humans from above. Natural law, Jonathan Crowe argues, is objective and normative, but nonetheless historically extended, socially embodied and dependent on contingent facts about human nature. It reflects the ongoing human quest to work out how best to live flourishing lives, given the natures we have and the social environments we inhabit. The nature and purpose of law can only be adequately understood within this wider context of value. Timely, wide-ranging and clearly written, this volume will appeal to those working in law, philosophy and religious studies.Table of ContentsIntroduction; Part I. Normative Foundations: 1. Normative inclinations; 2. Theorising human goods; 3. Acting for reasons; 4. The common good; 5. Rights and freedoms; 6. The role of the state; Part II. The Nature Law: 7. The natural law thesis; 8. Law as an artifact kind; 9. The function of law; 10. Law without authority; 11. Contextual interpretation; 12. The value of integrity; Conclusion.

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Book SynopsisTheCompanionto Montesquieu provides a first port-of-call for readers new to the study of Montesquieu, even as it makes major contributions to the specialist literature. The volume will attract scholars of multiple disciplines and readers interested in concepts like liberty, cosmopolitanism, sovereignty, and slavery in the thematic chapters.Trade Review'Interest in Montesquieu's nuanced liberalism has surged in recent years across a number of disciplines, and this is now the best and most comprehensive volume on his philosophy. Drawing on a stellar group of scholars and covering the full range of Montesquieu's corpus, it will be an essential starting point for future study and scholarship.' Dennis Rasmussen, Syracuse University'Citizens of a troubled republic are in need of this superb collection of essays by leading authorities on Montesquieu. We need their guidance when casting a skeptical eye on pieties from altars or elites. We need Montesquieu's cold irony, his historical imagination when faced with hypocrisies that he was uniquely able to unmask.' Margaret C. Jacob, Distinguished Professor of Historical Research, UCLA'With incisive contributions from eminent scholars, this expertly edited volume illuminates a tremendous array of the most fundamental concepts and themes across Montesquieu's diverse texts. An essential collection for all those interested in Enlightenment thought and its contemporary legacies.' Sankar Muthu, University of Chicago'An invaluable collection. Surveying the major themes of the Montesquieu's thought – from liberty and virtue to religion and economics - this welcome volume provides a comprehensive introduction to Montesquieu's ideas, as well as a series of crucially-important interventions in contemporary debates over Montesquieu's legacy and his significance for us today. Readers of Montesquieu will long be in debt to this volume's eminent editors and contributors.' Ryan Patrick Hanley, Boston CollegeTable of Contents1. Montesquieu: life and letters by Paul A. Rahe; 2. Persian letters by Catherine Volpilhac-Auger; 3. Considerations on the Romans by Thomas L. Pangle; 4. On the spirit of the laws by Keegan Callanan; 5. Montesquieu and the classical world by Catherine Larrère; 6. Montesquieu's guiding principles and foundations by Cecil Courtney; 7. Virtue in Montesqueiu by David W. Carrithers; 8. Internationalism, cosmopolitanism, and empires by Michael Mosher; 9. Liberty in Montesquieu by Céline Spector; 10. Political sovereignty in Montesquieu by Sharon R. Krause; 11. Montesquieu on slavery by Vickie B. Sullivan; 12. Montesquieu on the liberty of women by Diana J. Schaub; 13. Political economy by Paul Cheney; 14. Religion and politics by Annelien de Dijn; 15. Constitutional history by Jacob T. Levy; 16. Montesquieu and the enlightenment by Jonathan Israel; 17. Montesquieu's liberal legacies by Rebecca E. Kingston; Bibliography.

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Book SynopsisFor years now, unionization has been under vigorous attack. Membership has been steadily declining, and with it union bargaining power. As a result, unions may soon lose their ability to protect workers from economic and personal abuse, as well as their significance as a political force. In the Name of Liberty responds to this worrying state of affairs by presenting a new argument for unionization, one that derives an argument for universal unionization in both the private and public sector from concepts of liberty that we already accept. In short, In the Name of Liberty reclaims the argument for liberty from the political right, and shows how liberty not only requires the unionization of every workplace as a matter of background justice, but also supportsa wide variety of other progressive policies.Trade Review'With my years of experience fighting back against greedy, corporate bosses, I can definitely say that Mark Reiff's In the Name of Liberty meticulously makes the case for the unionization of workers. Collective bargaining rights are the only real vehicle for the economic security of working families, and unions are the mechanism through which workers get their fair share of America's wealth.' John Samuelsen, International President, Transport Workers Union of America, AFL-CIO'Mark R. Reiff performs an astonishing intellectual feat in this deeply researched, incisively reasoned, and passionately argued volume. He deftly demolishes the claims of those who critique unions for infringing individual liberty; then he elegantly constructs in their place not only a powerful liberty-based argument for unionization, but for universal unionization. His persuasive contention that strong unions are a prerequisite for the preservation of true liberty within twenty-first century capitalism demands the attention of anyone who cares about the intertwined fates of workers' rights and democracy.' Joseph A. McCartin, Georgetown University'Countless black, brown, and white working people are standing together to win Unions for All: the power to join together in unions to fight for the security and independence that makes true freedom possible. This book is a powerful argument for how solidarity creates the freedom we want for our families.' Mary Kay Henry, International President, Service Employees International Union'… richly documented and tightly argued manifesto … Recommended.' J. Bekken, Choice Magazine'… a good starting point for tracing out … his case for universal unionization is a most welcome contribution when the existing labor-relations model in the United States seems broken, and work is undergoing a profound transformation.'Table of ContentsIntroduction; 1. The libertarian argument for unions; 2. The union as a basic institution of society; 3. In defense of public sector unionization.

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Book SynopsisThe book is a study of legal theory, written in a style which makes it accessible to both academics and the general reader. The book offers a view of modern law alternative to prevalent legal positivism, dominated by the towering figures of Hans Kelsen and H. L. A. Hart.Table of ContentsPart I. Sociality: 1. Return of the repressed; 2. Social practices; 3. Socio-legal practices; 4. Specialized legal practices; 5. Legal discourse; Part II. Normativity: 6. Specificities of legal normativity; 7. Layers of law; 8. Orders of law; 9. Morality of law; 10. Constitution; Part III. Plurality: 11. The black-box view; 12. Non-state law; 13. From simple diversity to interlegality and pluralism; 14. Unity under post-national plurality; Epilogue: Incertitude.

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Book SynopsisIn Philosophy and International Law, David Lefkowitz examines core questions of legal and political philosophy through critical reflection on contemporary international law. Is international law really law? The answer depends on what makes law. Does the existence of law depend on coercive enforcement? Or institutions such as courts? Or fidelity to the requirements of the rule of law? Or conformity to moral standards? Answers to these questions are essential for determining the truth or falsity of international legal skepticism, and understanding why it matters. Is international law morally defensible? This book makes a start to answering that question by engaging with recent debates on the nature and grounds of human rights, the moral justifiability of the law of war, the concept of a crime against humanity, the moral basis of universal jurisdiction, the propriety of international law governing secession, and the justice of international trade law.Table of Contents1. Introduction; 2. John Austin: enforcement and international law; 3. H. L. A. Hart: social rules, officials, and international law; 4. Ronald Dworkin: interpretivism and international law; 5. An international rule of law?; 6. The legitimacy of international law; 7. International human rights law: concepts and grounds of human rights; 8. The law of war and its relationship to the morality of war; 9. International criminal law: crimes against humanity and universal jurisdiction; 10. International law and secession; 11. International trade law: free trade, fair trade, and trade in stolen goods.

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Book SynopsisAgonistic Democracy presents a pioneering overview of this important strand of contemporary democratic theory. Wenman delivers a comprehensive account of the core components and the historical background of agonism, and evaluates the contributions of the leading proponents. This book offers much-needed fresh ideas about revitalising democracy in response to globalisation.Trade Review'The first comprehensive and critical survey of the whole field of agonistic democracy. It is an excellent introduction to this new field and makes an original contribution to it.' James Tully, Distinguished Professor, University of Victoria'Mark Wenman wonderfully illustrates the analytical power of the concept of agonistic democracy at the same time as he subjects it to revision by bringing it to bear on the most serious challenges to liberal democratic society since the end of the Cold War. In the course of his discussion we come to deeply appreciate the value of agonism and the creative work of contemporary political theorists who have thought most deeply about agonistic politics, among whom Wenman must now be included.' Morton Schoolman, State University of New York, Albany'… [this] book offers new insights … thoughtful, systematic, and important …' Robert W. Glover, European Political ScienceTable of ContentsPart I: Introduction: agonism and the constituent power; 1. Agonism: pluralism, tragedy, and the value of conflict; 2. Democracy: the constituent power as augmentation and/or revolution; Part II: 3. An ethos of agonistic respect: William E. Connolly; 4. Agonistic struggles for independence: James Tully; 5. Agonism and the problem of antagonism: Chantal Mouffe; 6. Agonism and the paradoxes of (re)foundation: Bonnie Honig; Part III: 7. Agonism and militant cosmopolitanism; Conclusion: agonism after the end of history.

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Book SynopsisCicero''s On the Commonwealth and On the Laws were his first and most substantial attempts to adapt Greek theories of political life to the circumstances of the Roman Republic. They represent Cicero''s understanding of government and remain his most important works of political philosophy. On the Commonwealth survives only in part, and On the Laws was never completed. The new edition of this volume has been revised throughout to take account of recent scholarship, and features a new introduction, a new bibliography, a chronological table and a biographical index. James E. G. Zetzel offers a scholarly reconstruction of the fragments of On the Commonwealth and a masterly translation of both dialogues. The texts are further supported by notes and synopsis, designed to assist students in politics, philosophy, ancient history, law and classics.Table of ContentsEditor's note; Introduction; Text and translation; Bibliography; Chronology; Synopsis; Part I. On the Commonwealth: 1. Book I; 2. Book II; 3. Book III; 4. Book IV; 5. Book V; 6. Book VI; 7. Unplaced fragments; Part II. On the Laws: 1. Book I; 2. Book II; 3. Book III; 4. Fragments.

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Book SynopsisJohn Dewey's Democracy and Education is the touchstone for a great deal of modern educational theory. It covers a wide range of themes and issues relating to education, including teaching, learning, educational environments, subject matter, values, and the nature of work and play. This Handbook is designed to help experts and non-experts to navigate Dewey's text.Table of ContentsForeword David Hansen; Acknowledgments; Note on abbreviations; Introduction Leonard J. Waks and Andrea R. English; Part I. Companion Chapters: Introduction to Part I Leonard J. Waks; 1. Learning by doing and communicating Leonard J. Waks; 2. Learning and its environments Loren Goldman; 3. Giving form and structure to experience A. G. Rud; 4. Growth, habits, and plasticity in education Sarah M. Stitzlein; 5. Democracy without telos: education for a future uncertain Gonzalo Obelleiro; 6. What is the role of the past in education? Andrea R. English; 7. 'A mode of associated living': the distinctiveness of Deweyan democracy Kathleen Knight Abowitz; 8. A democratic theory of aims Leonard J. Waks; 9. What is the purpose of education?: Dewey's challenge to his contemporaries Avi I. Mintz; 10. Shaping and sharing democratic aims: reconstructing interest and discipline Terri S. Wilson; 11. Experience and thinking: transforming our perspective on learning Andrea R. English; 12. The role of thinking in education: why Dewey still raises the bar on educators Jack P. Smith, III and Spencer P. Greenhalgh; 13. Method: intelligent engagement with subject matter Doris A. Santoro; 14. Subject matter: combining 'learning by doing' with past collective experience Meinert Meyer; 15. Work, play and learning Christopher Winch; 16. Boundaries as limits and possibilities Scott L. Pratt; 17. Knowing scientifically is essential for democratic society Christine McCarthy; 18. Educational values: schools as cultures of imagination, growth, and fulfillment Steven Fesmire; 19. The value of the present: rethinking labor and leisure through education Scott R. Stroud; 20. An old story: Dewey's account of the opposition between the intellectual and the practical David I. Waddington; 21. Nature and human life in an education for democracy Martin A. Coleman; 22. Individuality and a flourishing society: a reciprocal relationship Hongmei Peng; 23. Autonomy, occupation and vocational education Christopher Winch; 24. Philosophy of education Richard Pring; 25. Healing splits: Dewey's theory of knowing Barbara Thayer-Bacon; 26. The consciously growing and refreshing life Douglas J. Simpson; Part II. Democracy and Education in Context: Introduction to Part II Andrea R. English; 27. The dialogue of death and life: education, civilization, and growth Thomas Alexander; 28. John Dewey, a modern thinker: on education (as Bildung and Erziehung) and democracy (as a political system and a mode of associated living) Dietrich Benner; 29. John Dewey's refutation of classical educational thinking Jürgen Oelkers; 30. The social as the 'inclusive philosophic idea' of democracy and education: some constructivists' reflections Jim Garrison, Stefan Neubert and Kersten Reich; 31. John Dewey and the analytic paradigm in philosophy of education: conceptual analysis as a social aim? Christopher Martin; 32. Dewey, care ethics, and education Nel Noddings; 33. Technologies for democracy and education in the 21st century Craig A. Cunningham; 34. Inviting Dewey to an online forum: using technology to deepen student understanding of democracy and education Rosetta Marantz Cohen; 35. John Dewey: philosopher of education for our time Richard Pring; Index.

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Book SynopsisSpinoza''s Political Psychologyadvances a novel, comprehensive interpretation of Spinoza''s political writings, exploring how his analysis of psychology informs his arguments for democracy and toleration. Justin Steinberg shows how Spinoza''s political method resembles the Renaissance civic humanism in its view of governance as an adaptive craft that requires psychological attunement. He examines the ways that Spinoza deploys this realist method in the service of empowerment, suggesting that the state can affectively reorient and thereby liberate its citizens, but only if it attends to their actual motivational and epistemic capacities. His book will interest a range of readers in Spinoza studies and the history of political thought, as well as readers working in contemporary political theory.Table of Contents1. Metaphysical psychology and ingenia formation; 2. Eliminating juridical constraints and naturalizing right; 3. The continuity thesis and the aim of government; 4. The politics of hope and fear; 5. Statecraft and the taming of fortune; 6. From superstition and persecution to true religion and toleration; 7. The affective and epistemic cases for democracy; 8. Salvation, eternity, and the state.

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Book SynopsisFirst published in 1985, D. M. Armstrong''s original work on what laws of nature are has continued to be influential in the areas of metaphysics and philosophy of science. Presenting a definitive attack on the sceptical Humean view, that laws are no more than a regularity of coincidence between stances of properties, Armstrong establishes his own theory and defends it concisely and systematically against objections. Presented in a fresh twenty-first-century series livery, and including a specially commissioned preface written by Marc Lange, illuminating its continuing importance and relevance to philosophical enquiry, this influential work is available for a new generation of readers.Table of ContentsPreface to this edition Marc Lange; Acknowledgements; Part I. A Critique of the Regularity Theory: 1. Introductory; 2. Critique of the regularity theory (1): the problem of accidental uniformities; 3. Critique of the regularity theory (2); 4. Critique of the regularity theory (3); 5. Can the regularity theory be sophisticated?; Part II. Laws of Nature as Relations between Universals: 6. Laws of nature as relations between universals; 7. Functional laws; 8. Unsubstantiated laws; 9. Probabilistic laws; 10. Further considerations concerning the form of laws; 11. Are the laws of nature necessary or contingent?; Conclusions; Index.

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The Cambridge Companion to the Rule of Law introduces students, scholars, and practitioners to the theory and history of the rule of law, one of the most frequently invoked-and least understood-ideas of legal and political thought and policy practice. It offers a comprehensive re-assessment by leading scholars of one of the world''s most cherished traditions. This high-profile collection provides the first global and interdisciplinary account of the histories, moralities, pathologies and trajectories of the rule of law. Unique in conception, and critical in its approach, it evaluates, breaks down, and subverts conventional wisdom about the rule of law for the twenty-first century.

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Over the last twenty years, many political philosophers have rejected the idea that justice is fundamentally about distribution. Rather, justice is about social relations, and the so-called distributive paradigm should be replaced by a new relational paradigm. Kasper Lippert-Rasmussen seeks to describe, refine, and assess these thoughts and to propose a comprehensive form of egalitarianism which includes central elements from both relational and distributive paradigms. He shows why many of the challenges that luck egalitarianism faces reappear, once we try to specify relational egalitarianism more fully. His discussion advances understanding of the nature of the relational ideal, and introduces new conceptual tools for understanding it and for exploring the important question of why it is desirable in the first place to relate as equals. Even severe critics of the distributive understanding of justice will find that this book casts important new light on the ideal to which they subscri

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Constitutions around the world have overwhelmingly been the creation of men. This book asks how far constitutions have affirmed women's equal citizenship status or failed to do so in different jurisdictions and points in time. It considers constitutionalism from its inception to the present day, using a wealth of international examples.

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Book SynopsisThe New York Times opinion writer, media commentator, outspoken Republican and Christian critic of the Trump presidency offers a spirited defense of politics and its virtuous and critical role in maintaining our democracy and what we must do to save it before it is too late.Trade Review“Wehner is a model of conscientious political engagement. [The Death of Politics] should be pressed upon both those on the left who believe that the only way to ‘resist’ the current administration is by sinking to its level, and those on the right tempted to wallow in it.” — New York Times Book Review “Wehner—who is the successor to [Richard John] Neuhaus in the moral vigor and clarity of his arguments—makes a strong case for civility as an indispensable democratic virtue.” — Michael Gerson in The Washington Post “Thoughtful, incisive, and provocative, Peter Wehner’s meditation on where we are—and where we must go—is essential and timely reading. Conservatives need it, but so do all Americans, because whether we like it or not, we are all in this search for a more perfect union together.” — Jon Meacham, author of The Soul of America “In these grim political times, Wehner explains how America reached this low point and why Americans should demand more from their leaders. Ultimately a book of hope, The Death of Politics describes public service as a noble calling still capable of improving the lives of forgotten Americans.” — Joe Scarborough, host of Morning Joe “At a moment when our parties are broken and Washington divided and angry, Pete Wehner offers ways American can have a more civil, productive political conversation. Agree with his prescriptions or not, the reader will finish this book having met a man of faith, integrity and patriotism.” — Karl Rove, former Deputy Chief of Staff and Senior Advisor to President George W. Bush “Like a literary Paul Revere, Pete Wehner raises his lantern in this urgent work, shining a light on the causes of the withering polarization that has seized our democracy—and reminding each of us what we must do to save it.” — David Axelrod, CNN Senior Political Commentator and former Senior Advisor to Barack Obama “In these dark and crazy-making days in American politics, Peter Wehner sounds a sober alarm of hope for our divided and discouraged nation. A seasoned political realist and a humble Christian disciple, Wehner clarifies, reminds, rehearses, enjoins, and inspires us to take up our citizenship anew.” — Mark Labberton, President, Fuller Theological Seminary “A lifelong conservative and Republican, Peter Wehner makes a powerful case that politics is a noble calling that has been corrupted by Donald Trump. Wehner calls us as citizens to restore politics to its essential place by championing the civic virtues of moderation, compromise and civility. An important book.” — John C. Danforth, Former Republican U.S. Senator from Missouri “A participant in one of Plato’s dialogues defines politics as ‘the art of caring for souls.’ That may describe the kind of politics Peter Wehner fears is dying. This book is highly recommended for all who care about the restoration of civility to American politics.” — Gary Hart, United States Senator (Ret.) “The Death of Politics is learned, humane, and wise – in short, countercultural! For those despairing at the low state of our civic life, Pete Wehner’s worried, yet not despairing, guidance comes just when it is most needed.” — Mona Charen, author of Sex Matters and Useful Idiots “This book, which puts Peter Wehner’s experience as White House insider and journalistic outsider to good use, includes a conservative’s reasoned indictment of President Trump, a moving appeal for public truth-telling, and practical strategies for combining civility with conviction.” — Mark Noll, editor of Religion and American Politics “With unflinching honesty and sincere hope, Pete Wehner examines how the body politic of America has fallen so low and how it might regain its place as the hope of the world.” — Bishop Claude Alexander, The Park Church “In this important book, Wehner not only reminds us of the virtues necessary to sustain the American experiment, he also offers a timely apologetic for politics. I hope this finds its way into the hands of a younger generation who has yet to see what healthy political deliberation looks like.” — James K.A. Smith, professor of philosophy, Calvin College and author of You Are What You Love and Awaiting the King “Wehner—who is the successor to [Richard John] Neuhaus in the moral vigor and clarity of his arguments—makes a strong case for civility as an indispensable democratic virtue.” — Michael Gerson, The Washington Post “An act of moral courage.” — Public Orthodoxy “An inspiring civility and decency in defense of the classical liberalism in which the American constitutional order is rooted, and on behalf of the Christian faith and commitment to family and community that liberal democracy in America enables him to pursue.” — RealClear Politics “An incisive new book [on] the ‘death-match mindset’ that characterizes politics today. . . . Wehner still believes that politics can rise to a noble calling ‘to advance justice and human flourishing.’ But that can only happen if we bring back respect for the ‘craft of governing.’” — Washington Times “Wehner admits that politics now seems dirty, undignified, corrupt and unprincipled, but he insists that politics remains a noble and necessary calling. Drawing on Aristotle, Locke and Lincoln, Wehner urges a restoration of moderation, compromise and civility. He doesn’t mind if such values seem old-fashioned — just don’t call them weak.” — The Washington Post

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Book SynopsisIn this startlingly original vision of Canada, renowned thinker John Ralston Saul argues that Canada is a Métis nation, heavily influenced and shaped by Aboriginal ideas: Egalitarianism, a proper balance between individual and group, and a penchant for negotiation over violence are all Aboriginal values that Canada absorbed. An obstacle to our progress, Saul argues, is that Canada has an increasingly ineffective elite, a colonial non-intellectual business elite that doesn't believe in Canada. It is critical that we recognize these aspects of the country in order to rethink its future.

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Book SynopsisThe Oxford Handbook of Population Ethics presents up-to-date theoretical analyses of various problems associated with the moral standing of future people and animals in current decision-making. The essays in this handbook shed light on the value of population change and the nature of our obligations to future generations. It brings together world-leading philosophers to introduce readers to some of the paradoxes of population ethics, challenge somefundamental assumptions that may be taken for granted in debates concerning the value of population change, and apply these problems and assumptions to real-world decisions.Table of ContentsIntroduction Gustaf Arrhenius, Krister Bykvist, Tim Campbell, Elizabeth Finneron-Burns Part I: Ways Out of the Paradoxes 1. Ruth Chang - How Not to Avoid the Repugnant Conclusion 2. Nils Holtug - Prioritarianism and Population Ethics 3. Walter Bossert - Anonymous Welfarism, Critical-level Principles, and the Repugnant and Sadistic Conclusions 4. Geir Asheim & Stéphane Zuber - Rank-Discounting as a Resolution to a Dilemma of Population Ethics 5. Wlodek Rabinowicz - Getting Personal: The Intuition of Neutrality Re-Interpreted 6. John Broome - Loosening the Betterness Ordering of Lives: a Response to Rabinowicz Part II: Philosophical and Methodological Assumptions 7. Larry S. Temkin - Population Ethics: Lessons Learned, Some Implications, and Problems Remaining 8. Gustaf Arrhenius - Population Paradoxes Without Transitivity 9. Erik Carlson - On Some Impossibility Theorems in Population Ethics 10. Melinda A. Roberts - The Non-Identity Problem, the Better Chance Puzzle, and the Value of Existence 11. Ralf M. Bader - Person-Affecting Utilitarianism 12. Teru Thomas - Separability and Population Ethics 13. Krister Bykvist - Evaluative Uncertainty and Population Ethics 14. Matthew Adler - Claims Across Outcomes and Population Ethics 15. Dean Spears and Marc Budolfson - Does the Repugnant Conclusion Have Important Implications for Axiology or for Public Policy? 16. Johan Gustafsson - Our Intuitive Grasp of the Repugnant Conclusion Part III: Applications 17. John Broome - Climate Change and Population Ethics 18. Serena Olsaretti - Egalitarian Justice and Population Size 19. Sarah Conly - Overpopulation and Individual Responsibility 20. Hilary Greaves - Optimum Population Size 21. Martin Kolk - Demographic Theory and Population Ethics 22. Partha Dasgupta & Aisha Dasgupta - Population Overshoot 23. Jeff McMahan - Having Children and Saving Lives 24. Axel Gosseries & Tim Meijers - Animal Population Ethics 25. Elizabeth Harman - Gamete Donation as a Laudable Moral Mistake 26. Julia Mosquera - Disability and Population Ethics

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Book SynopsisTrade ReviewHow people understand and define democracy matters. Many scholars have used the fact that people have widely different understandings to cast doubt on the value of asking people survey questions about democracy, especially in the developing world. But Lu and Chu show how these diverse understandings arise, and, in turn, how they shape people's willingness to trade democracy for other desired goods. This has enormous consequences for understanding the current predicament of democracy across the globe. * Robert Mattes, Professor of Politics, University of Strathclyde *People around the world all say they love democracy, but Lu and Chu show that they have different ideas about what democracy means—and that the differences matter for regime support and political participation. Based on survey data from 72 societies, this rich, nuanced analysis sets a new standard for comparative studies of political culture and behavior. * Andrew J. Nathan, Class of 1919 Professor of Political Science, Columbia University *Crucially, the book shows how the relative distribution of these four groups differs throughout the world. This is important because benefit seekers those who choose outcomes over procedures may accept clearly undemocratic procedures, or even regimes, if they get their desired policy outcomes. The book also seeks to determine what contextual and demographic factors led to these varying understandings of democracy, and how individuals consequently vary in terms of democratic satisfaction and political participation. This comprehensive work provides thorough data and analysis. * Choice *Lu and Chu's study is methodologically sound and at the cutting edge of advanced cross-national survey research...Logically structured, eloquently written, firmly embedded in empirical theory, and richly illustrated, this monograph provides meaningful and genuinely novel insights. * Christian Welzel, Perspectives on Politics *Table of ContentsChapter 1: Crisis of Democracy and Democratic Conceptions Chapter 2: New Instruments for Popular Understandings of Democracy Chapter 3: Varying Understandings of Democracy in the Contemporary World Chapter 4: Origins of Varying Understandings of Democracy Chapter 5: Democratic Assessment Colored by Understandings of Democracy Chapter 6: Political Participation and Varying Understandings of Democracy Chapter 7: Conclusions

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Book Synopsis

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Book Synopsis

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Book SynopsisDrawing on ethnographic examples from around the world and theoretical understandings from cognitive science, structural analysis, and phenomenology, the author formulates a sophisticated new framework, the four ontologies - animism, totemism, naturalism, and analogism - to account for all the ways we relate ourselves to nature.Trade Review"Few books have the merit to counter the established way of thinking by reformulating great questions on a new basis.... It is nevertheless what Philippe Descola's book achieves.... An important book which will be received passionately." (Le Monde)"

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