International relations Books

Book SynopsisGerman troops fighting the Taliban in the Hindu Kush; EU judges sitting in courts in the Balkans; UN viceroys governing parts of Oceania; American occupation of the Middle East. Amid the myriad political experiences of the post-Cold War era, the historians of the future are likely to pay particular attention to attempts by outsiders to administer a host of post-conflict societies, to perform physical and social reconstruction, to establish functioning institutions, to open economies and, ultimately, to transform the 'maladjusted' political cultures of Africa, Asia and the Middle East. Few developments in the two decades after 1989 were as revealing of the character of the international system, of the gaps between liberal discourse and practice, and of the fleeting nature of the Western hegemonic moment. What made the new protectorates possible? What were they like as an actual political experience? How contradictory was its reception? Why was the process of governing others for their own good so flawed and the outcomes so disappointing? These are among the questions addressed by some of the leading authorities in the field, including Stefan Halper, Christopher Clapham, Mats Berdal and Richard Caplan. The book is divided into two parts. The first examines the historical background from which the new protectorates (Bosnia, Kosovo, East Timor, Iraq and Afghanistan) emerged and the dissonant reactions to their creation; the second analyses the experience of governance in the protectorates along several dimensions, ranging from United Nations involvement through problems of policing, civil-military relations, coordination between international forces and the local state to the sometimes perverse consequences of economic policy.Trade Review'This is a fascinating and insightful collection of essays from a distinguished set of authors. It examines the international trusteeship of troubled territories from a wide and complimentary set of angles: historical and contemporary, tactical and strategic, theoretical and practical.' * Iain King, co-author, Peace at any Price: How the World Failed Kosovo *'The editors turn a critical eye on the role of external actors in post-war societies. [ - ] Both optimistic and skeptical readers will find evidence to suit their arguments in this important volume; but the balance of evidence will better suit the pessimists. Practitioners would do well to read it closely.' * Bruce Jones, Director and Senior Fellow of the Center on International Cooperation, NYU and Senior Fellow and Director of the Managing Global Insecurity Program at the Brookings Institution *'A tremendously exciting volume, drawing both on history and on theory, in assessing, unsentimentally, a set of post-colonial variants of the protectorates of old. The authors are well chosen, their essays both acute and literate. The introduction is a model of lucidity, concision and depth. This book represents a major contribution to the literature of international relations.' * David M. Malone, President, International Development Research Centre, Ottawa *

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Book SynopsisFrom Angola and Liberia to Iraq and the Congo, wars have taken place in resource rich countries full of poor people. In Wars of Plunder Philippe Le Billon explores how resources have shaped recent conflicts, and what the international community has tried to do about it. Focusing on key resources-oil, diamonds, and timber-he argues that resources and wars are linked in three main ways. First, resource revenues finance belligerents, a trend that has become all the more conspicuous since the withdrawal of Cold War foreign sponsorship in the late 1980s. Although the 'War on Terror' has redefined military assistance and the internationalisation of war, many belligerents continue to rely on and profit from 'conflict resources'. Second, resource exploitation generates conflict. As global demand for raw materials has sharply increased, competition over critical resources such as oil has resulted in a flurry of 'resource conflicts', from local community struggles against mining multinationals to regional and international tensions. Third, economic shocks and poor governance sharply increase the risk of war (the 'resource curse'). While today's resource boom is a major economic opportunity for resource rich but poor countries, reliance on resource exports often implies sharp economic downturns. Not all resources are the same, however, and effective responses are at hand. Sanctions, military interventions and wealth sharing have helped bring an end to conflicts, yet only deeper domestic and international reforms in resource governance can stop the plunder.Trade Review'The bottom line is that Wars of Plunder represents a near-exhaustive study of the relationship between resources and conflict. In light of its command of a vast literature and its wealth of descriptive details it should be given a prominent place on the bookshelf of any researcher in related fields and should be the first book read by any new student of the field.' * H-War, H-Net reviews *'Le Billon's uncovering of the complexities involved in resource conflict makes this book a valuable contribution to the discussion of intrastate violence ... Highly recommended.' * Choice *'This impressive book will be a very significant contribution to its field. It does a remarkable job of summarizing a multifarious, and often complex, body of literature without oversimplifying it ... and reveals a prodigious amount of reading by the author as well as the breadth of field research he has pursued over many years.' * Dr Ricardo Soares de Oliveira, Oxford University *'For anyone interested in war economies and what to do about them, this book is a real 'must-read'. From Angola to Cambodia, from oil to timber, the author draws on two decades of scholarly research and field experience to paint a remarkable picture of the complex resource-conflict nexus: concise, and yet nuanced and comprehensive.' * Gilles Carbonnier, professor of development economics at the Graduate Institute / Geneva and editor-in-chief of International Development Policy *'Le Billon has written a deep, nuanced, analytically rich exploration of the many ways that oil, diamonds, and timber are intertwined with violent conflict. This is an important book for both scholars and activists.' * Michael L. Ross, Professor of Political Science at the University of California, Los Angeles, and author of The Oil Curse: How Petroleum Shapes the Development of Nations *'The complexity of contemporary resource wars is elegantly unpacked in this lucid investigation of geography and violence. It shows how resources are entangled in complicated geopolitical economies which require careful policy initiatives rather than simple moral certainties. This simply is the "must read" volume for anyone concerned to understand these issues in depth.' * Simon Dalby, Carleton University *

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Book SynopsisAbu Dhabi is a new economic superpower that will soon wield enormous influence across both developing and developed worlds. The principal emirate of the United Arab Emirates federation commands over 8 percent of global oil reserves, has nearly $1 trillion in sovereign wealth funds to invest and is busily implementing a thoughtful economic master plan. It has also pumped huge amounts of money into culture, sport and infrastructural development in an attempt to eclipse even its ubiquitous UAE partner-Dubai-as an international household name. Abu Dhabi will host the Formula One Championship decider in 2009, is opening the world's first Ferrari theme park, has a rapidly expanding airline and is setting up satellite branches of the Guggenheim and Louvre museums. Gulf expert Christopher Davidson's book charts the emirate's remarkable trajectory from its origins as an eighteenth-century sheikdom to its present position on the cusp of preeminence. Abu Dhabi's impressive socio-economic development, he offers a frank portrayal of a dynasty's dramatic survival, demonstrating the newfound resilience of a traditional monarchy in the twenty-first century and its efforts to create a system of 'tribal capitalism' that incorporates old political allegiances into modern engines of growth. Finally, he turns his attention to a number of problems that may surface to impede economic development and undermine political stability. These include an enfeebled civil society and invasive media censorship, a seemingly unsolvable labor nationalization paradox, an under performing education sector, and increasing federal unrest.Trade ReviewDavidson's book is a tour de force. His presentation of the ruling families and especially of the royal family is detailed, thorough and … accurate. The author introduces an understanding of family politics, which no one has done until now, to the discussion of who's who in the Emirates. … Altogether, no student, business person, firm or government entity should consider learning about Abu Dhabi and the UAE without reading this book and underlining its key passages. As is the case with all other works by Davidson, the narrative is excellent, the style is highly readable and the information by and large is priceless. -- International AffairsDavidson's new book on Abu Dhabi … is a timely and thoughtful contribution to the thus-far scanty literature on the emirate, discussing its 'dramatic trajectory' over the past two centuries. … As this highly enjoyable book demonstrates, with the world watching and its people asking questions, Abu Dhabi has everything to play for. -- Times Higher EducationDavidson's book is likely to see significant sales as academics, journalists, nervous investors or even curious ordinary citizens seek to understand the recent economic drama in the UAE. While all will find Davidson's text to be both engaging and useful, it is clear that this was not a hastily penned attempt to cash in on high public interest. Davidson's Abu Dhabi is instead a meticulously researched account of the emirate. … If Davidson's book is to be measured by its predictive power, it is perhaps already a success. Abu Dhabi's $10 billion bailout of Dubai last year was hailed as 'surprising' and 'unexpected,' yet Abu Dhabi shows it to be anything but that. -- Middle East PolicyA book well worth reading for those interested in Abu Dhabi and the Gulf states, their fascinating tribal history, the development of the modern petro-state, and the recent adjustment to a modern society. -- Middle East JournalDavidson's book gives those new to the political landscape of Abu Dhabi a much needed and detailed insight into the rise of what is now one of the wealthiest states in the world. ... His analysis applies to Abu Dhabi and also to the wider Gulf region. In this sense, not only is it recommended reading for interested historians and economists, but also for policy makers and members of the business community who are involved in this complex region. -- Arab Studies QuarterlyAs an introduction to the emirate, Davidson's book provides an excellent overview with a good balance of history and contemporary and future issues. Readers may also gain a greater understanding of the wider Gulf region. -- Middle East International

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Book SynopsisFor over sixty years the state of Israel has proved adept at practising clandestine diplomacy - - about which little is known, as one might expect. These hitherto undisclosed episodes in Israel's diplomatic history are revealed for the first time by the contributors to this volume, who explore how relations based upon patronage and personal friendships, as well as ties born from kinship and realpolitik both informed the creation of the state and later defined Israel's relations with a host of actors, both state and non-state. The authors focus on the extent to which Israel's clandestine diplomacies have indeed been regarded as purely functional and sub- ordinate to a realist quest for security amid the perceived hostility of a predominantly Muslim-Arab world, or have in fact proved to be manifestations of a wider acceptance - political, social and cultural - of a Jewish sovereign state as an intrinsic part of the Middle East. They also discuss whether clandestine diplomacy has been more effective in securing Israeli objectives than reliance upon more formal diplomatic ties constrained by inter- national legal obligations and how this often complex and at times contradictory matrix of clandestine relationships continues to influence perceptions of Israel's foreign policy.Trade Review'In Israel's Clandestine Diplomacies an impressive set of authors shed light on hitherto dark parts of Israel's foreign policy over the years and offer new insights on more well-known periods. The result is a balanced volume that provides a fresh look at several vital chapters in Israel's history and conveys the rewards and risks of secret diplomacy in general.' * Daniel Byman, Professor in the School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University and author of A High Price: The Triumphs and Failures of Israeli Counterterrorism *'Jones and Petersen have assembled an accomplished volume of extraordinary research by leading experts, who raise the curtain on previously unknown chapters in Israel's diplomatic activities The essays in this volume provide insightful and timely analyses of this unacknowledged, yet vital, component of Israeli foreign policy.' * Uzi Rabi, Director of the Moshe Dayan Center for Middle Eastern Studies, Tel Aviv University *'This timely book presents a sweeping international history of twentieth century Israeli covert diplomacy in the Middle East, Africa and Europe. Superbly edited, leading scholars bring a range of disciplinary perspectives, grounded in deep contextual analysis of archives and in-depth interviews to provide a panoramic view of the breaches and continuities in Israel's clandestine international affairs. For students, scholars and Middle East watchers, this is essential reading.' * Michael Kerr, Professor of Conflict Studies and Director of Middle East and Mediterranean Studies, King's College London *

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Book SynopsisThe republics of Central Asia re-emerged as independent actors in the global interstate system in the wake of the collapse of the Soviet Union, their varied histories and geographies offering many different possible opportunities and course of action. In order to explain their often confusing and complicated foreign policy alignments, many analysts have turned again to the theories of Sir Halford Mackinder (1861-1947), the British geographer who is widely regarded as the founding father of geopolitics. This book brings together historical geographers and political scientists to explore this remarkable renaissance of Mackinder's thinking. It charts his own engagement with the region, in both his writings and his visit to Central Asia as a British envoy in the aftermath of World War I. It outlines and evaluates how his ideas have been used by Central Asian, Russian, and American scholars to explain the region's international relations, and it traces how his writings actually reached Central Asia and the manner in which they have been dynamically reworked by scholars 'in transit'. The book is thus an important contribution not only to theorising the international relations of Central Asia, but also to our understanding of the historical geography of how ideas are ex- changed and reworked in the process.Trade Review'Nick Megoran and Sevara Sharapova's edited collection is a welcome and wide-ranging exploration of [Halford Mackinder's] thought and its relevance for Central Asia.' * International Affairs *'This is an excellent and engaging piece of work, which takes an innovative and ground-breaking approach to Mackinder's theories. It is a must-read for anyone with an interest in Mackinder's contribution to geopolitics and its contemporary readings. The kind of academic work to which so many aspire.' * Christopher Wyatt, author of Afghanistan and the Defence of Empire *'Approaching Central Asia through the theories of the imperial scholar-strategist Halford Mackinder (1861-1947), this book offers an impressive guide to multilingual universes of power, intrigue and geopolitics. And if you think you know Mackinder already, prepare to be astonished and to reappraise.' * James D. Sidaway, Professor of Political Geography, National University of Singapore *'A challenging and insightful book representing serious analysis of Central Asian geopolitics.' * Alisher Faizullaev, D.Sc., Professor at the University of World Economy and Diplomacy, Uzbekistan, and former Ambassador to the United Kingdom *'Halford Mackinder's "heartland" is invariably invoked in discussions about Central Asia. This distinctive, welcome collection by regional and international scholars provides a must-read systematic and perceptive assessment of how Mackinder's ideas have been interpreted within and adapted to the complexities of Central Asia's local contexts.' * Sally N. Cummings, Professor of International Relations University of St Andrews, and author of Understanding Central Asia *

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Book SynopsisVladimir Putin has almost by stealth trans- formed himself into an historic Russian figure. His undeniable political dominance was reflected in his return to presidential control after the March 2012 elections, having placed an obedient President Dmitry Medvedev in a stop-gap presidency. Since 1999 Putin's growing power transposed itself in foreign affairs and nowhere did Russia's reemergence on the world stage have more impact than in the Middle East. Russia's new role and identity had its roots in the late Yeltsin era but Putin has subtly deflated the balloon of US power by cleverly manipulating developments in the Middle East including Iraq, Lebanon, the Palestinian- Israeli conflict, the Syrian revolution and other regional issues. Yet twenty years earlier Russia was a very different place, and as it took its first fragile steps in a world full of dangers, the Middle East was not a top priority. This book charts the remarkable conversion in Russian Middle East policy that developed after the turning point in 2005-2006, which mirrored Putin's turn to unbridled authoritarianism. It remains to be seen whether Putin's increasingly pugnacious Middle East policies can be reconciled with Russia's long term interests economically and strategically.Trade Review'It is impossible to understand the contemporary Middle East without understanding the interests and role of the Russian Federation. Nizameddin provides an innovative analysis of the foreign policies pursued under Putin's presidencies in this explosive region. If you read just one book on Russia and the Middle East, read this one.' * Peter J.S. Duncan, Senior Lecturer in Russian Politics and Society, School of Slavonic and East European Studies, University College London *'Talal Nizameddin has written a fascinating book on an important topic. This is a most useful guide to anyone trying to understand Putin's overall strategy in the Middle East as well as providing some answers to those of us wondering why Russia continues to support the Assad regime in Syria.' * Mike Bowker, Senior Lecturer in Politics at the University of East Anglia, UK, and author of Russia, America and the Islamic World *'Talal Nizameddin is a masterful guide to the complexities of Russian policy in the Middle East - a region crucial to Russia's comeback as a powerful actor on the world stage. In this seminal work, he manages the Herculean task of explaining how Putin consolidated a pragmatic and realistic policy by balancing Russian relations with a variety of different actors.' * Bente Scheller, Director, Heinrich-Boll-Stiftung, and author of The Wisdom of Syria's Waiting Game: Foreign Policy Under the Assads *

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Book SynopsisSyrian foreign policy, always opaque, has be- come an even greater puzzle during the Syrian revolt. Irrespective of the regime's international isolation in the wake of its violent response to domestic protest, it has paid lip-service to international peace plans while unperturbedly crushing the rebellion. The rare televised appearances of President Assad have shown a leader detached from reality. Has he - in his own words - 'gone crazy'? In this book long- time Syria analyst and former diplomat Bente Scheller contends that Bashar Assad's deadly waiting game is following its own logic: what- ever difficulties the Syrian regime has faced, its previous experience has been that it can simply sit out the current crisis. The difference this time is that Syria faces a double crisis - internal and external. While Hafez Assad, renowned as an astute politician, adapted to new challenges, his son, Bashar, seems to have no alternative plan of action. Scheller's timely book analyses Syrian foreign policy after the global upheavals of 1989, which was at the time a glorious new beginning for the regime. She shows how Bashar Assad, by ignoring change both inside Syria and in the region, has sacrificed his father's focus on national security in favour of a policy of regime survival and offers a candid analysis of the successes and shortcomings of Syrian foreign policy in recent years.Trade Review'Balanced, well-researched and authored by someone who lived and worked in Syria for years and is now based in Lebanon, Scheller's book steps back from humanitarian considerations and the endless debate on the dangers of jihadism and asks whether, logically and based on prior experience, any sort of diplomatic effort could actually achieve real gains.' * Italian Insider *'A painstakingly researched and documented description of the Holocaust as seen by the Arab world... the first truly comprehensive study of this painful topic, it makes for a reading as necessary as it is painful.' - The Muslim World Book Review 'The author of this excellent and timely book has good credentials as a Syria expert. - The detailed chapters - contain some well-researched and useful insights into the regime's approach - This is an important read for anyone trying to get to grips with the complexities of the Syrian conflict.' * Henry Hogger, Asian Affairs *' ... a well-referenced analysis of Syria's foreign policy from the 1990s, [which] pins down the right questions that inform Syria's foreign policy choices.' - International Affairs 'A much needed breath of fresh air. Finally, we find a well thought through, well researched and beautifully written book on the nearly three-year Syrian Revolt. Bente Scheller, an A-class Syria expert, has written a volume that is intended to last long after the curtain falls on the Syrian Revolt. In foreign policy she has chosen the most unconventional topic for a country at war, analysing how and why Syria has reached its current state of affairs. Scheller delves deep into domestic factors, too, brilliantly interweaving them with the aspirations, fears, and ambitions of the Damascus government - how they influence foreign policy and are influenced by it. This book is a must for the Middle East library, making Bente Scheller Europe's finest Syria expert.' * Sami Moubayed, Syrian historian and visiting scholar at the Carnegie Middle East Center (Beirut) *'An excellent analysis of Syrian foreign policy under Hafez and Bashar al-Assad, and how Assad senior succeeded in making Syria's foreign policy a bargaining chip in stabilising his rule domestically. Bente Scheller's book also give us a comprehensive understanding of how the personal character of Syria's leaders have been reflected in their foreign policy decisions.' * Radwan Ziadeh, co-founder and executive director of the Syrian Center for Political and Strategic Studies in Washington, D.C. and author of Power and Policy in Syria *'An excellent and groundbreaking study, filling an important gap in Syria studies. Scheller's work provides essential insights into what one can expect of the present Syrian Ba'th regime with regard to its suppression of the Syrian Revolution. It is a very timely account of how the Syrian regime, despite periods of deep crisis and heavy foreign pressures, has managed, for decades, to stay in power. Scheller eloquently explains the complex and shifting relations between Syria, its regional neighbours and the world. This book is a must-read for those seriously interested in Syria.' * Nikolaos van Dam, author of The Struggle for Power in Syria: Politics and Society under Asad and the Ba'th Party *

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Book SynopsisBritain's political and military elite has for decades nurtured the idea that enduring ties bind the interests of London and Washington, in good times and bad. Irrespective of the end of the Cold War, the 9/11 attacks and the economic rise of the East, these links are allegedly impregnable. But how accurate a picture is this? Are the British engaged in a monumental act of self-delusion? Guy Arnold investigates the 'American disease' at the heart of Whitehall, which, he argues, has tied British policies too closely to those of Washington. The 'special relationship' became a Foreign Office priority and gave Britain the illusion of power it no longer enjoyed. As Churchill put it acidly, 'the British and the Americans were stuck with each other - a junior partner and a senior partner respectively'. For the Americans it provided a way of keeping Britain 'on side' but in return Washington accelerated Britain's imperial decline. The Americans always saw Britain in Europe as a Trojan Horse to safeguard their interests and as a military outpost for their global ambitions. They derided or ignored the 'special relationship', even in their dealings with Thatcher and Blair, and latterly the Foreign Office has failed to convince President Obama of its unique importance.Trade ReviewIn this provocative little polemic [...] the case Arnold makes is one that every British government in modern times has recoiled from answering with the seriousness it deserves. ... A robust study. -- Max Hastings, Sunday TimesWhile the perceived loss of British sovereignty in the European Union creates violent debate, an unacknowledged transfer of power across the Atlantic is overlooked in silence. Guy Arnold meticulously unpicks an unequal 'special relationship' for which the political establishment offers no referendum. -- Richard Bourne, Senior Research Fellow, Institute of Commonwealth Studies and Secretary, Ramphal Institute, LondonThe message of Guy Arnold's new book is that the world stands on the brink of a totally new political order. Nothing less. After lingering decades beyond its time the Anglo-American partnership, he says, must be forgotten. Arnold skilfully weaves his way through the complex relationships between today's big powers to the point where China is coming centre stage and India is not far behind. -- Derek Ingram, journalist and Commonwealth expertGuy Arnold amazes me, as a fellow author, by the range of books he undertakes. From cheery critiques of boys' historical adventure novels, he wades into modern day controversy - immigration, for instance - and brings fresh light into the complexities of post-colonial Africa. Now he examines a building-block of this last century usually ignored or dismissed: the special relationship that Churchill and Roosevelt forged between Britain and the United States. Not a club like Europe, nor an association based mostly on history or language, like the Commonwealth, what's its magic? Will the strains over Syria and Iraq damage it (as Suez did), the new magnetism of China or Brazil tug it apart? As usual, this prolific author and lecturer produces his own lively views. -- Clyde Sanger, long-time journalist and international affairs[T]his history of efforts by postwar British leaders to offset their country's decline by cozying up to the United States is quite readable, policy relevant, and ... provocative. -- Foreign Affairs

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Book SynopsisThe long history of Anglo-Greek relations has deservedly attracted much attention. One of its most controversial - yet least explored - phases was that spanning the Greek Colonels' seven-year military junta, from 1967-74. Drawing on a corpus of diverse, original and largely primary material, Maragkou provides a comprehensive analysis of British policy towards Greece during this tumultuous era. Not only does she contribute to the historiography of Anglo- Greek relations, but her book also serves as a case study of British foreign policy within the Cold War. And by demonstrating that national history can be best understood by analysing the relationship between a nation state and factors beyond its control, the conclusions drawn can be applied beyond the strictly regional or the exclusively bi- lateral, as they also fit into a transnational para- digm. It was in the 1960s when what we now term 'globalisation' was in full swing. Henceforward, no nation - and no foreign office - was an is- land: it was part of a whole, in which both state and non-state actors internationally played their part in the evolution of thinking on foreign affairs. Here is the key to understanding the tortuous history of Britain and the Greek Colonels - one that has many echoes in our own time.Trade Review‘Maragkou tells a good story based on fairly recently released Foreign Office papers and numerous interviews with now elderly participants in the policy and diplomatic processes.’ -- Times Literary Supplement'This is an illuminating book that describes vividly democratic Britain's pragmatic foreign policy vis-a-vis the Greek military junta. Based on rich archival work, it exposes the limitations of realpolitik in action.' -- Othon Anastasakis, Director of South East European Studies at Oxford'An amply researched monograph covering an important period of Anglo-Greek relations. Maragkou deftly presents the dilemmas and tasks facing three successive British governments during the period of Greece's military dictatorship, and addresses the perennial conflict between pragmatism and principles.' -- I.D. Stefanidis, Professor of Diplomatic History, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki

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Book SynopsisThe Improbable War explains why conflict between the USA and China cannot be ruled out. In 1914 war between the Great Powers was considered unlikely, yet it happened. We learn only from history, and popular though the First World War analogy is, the lessons we draw from its outbreak are usually mistaken. Among these errors is the tendency to over-estimate human rationality. All major conflicts of the past 300 years have been about the norms and rules of the international system. In China and the US the world confronts two 'exceptional' powers whose values differ markedly, with China bidding to challenge the current order. The 'Thucydidean Trap' -when a conservative status quo power confronts a rising new one-may also play its part in precipitating hostilities. To avoid stumbling into an avoidable war both Beijing and Washington need a coherent strategy, which neither of them has. History also reveals that war evolves continually. The next global conflict is likely to be played out in cyberspace and outer space and like all previous wars it will have devastating consequences.Such a war between the United States and China may seem improbable, but it is all too possible, which is why we need to discuss it now.Trade ReviewChristopher Coker takes aim at what he considers a dangerous liberal misconception: that today's world of complex, interlocked economies and shared interests has made war between major powers, such as China and the United States, irrational and therefore unlikely. . . . As Coker explains, ideology and emotional appeals to 'national purpose' have just as much influence on states as sober cost-benefit assessments of the national interest. He stops short of predicting a Sino-American war, but he convincingly argues that the rise of China will be as disruptive to the U.S.-led international order as the rise of Germany after 1870 was to the British-led order of that era. * Foreign Affairs *This is a brilliant book that, despite its brevity, is far superior to its more alarmist counterparts that seem to get published far too frequently these days. * Survival *Christopher Coker has put forward a challenging argument: not that conflict between the US and China is inevitable, but that it is possible, and that both sides will have to sharpen their understanding of one another to avoid it. Coker draws richly on history, philosophy, and international relations theory to make his case. This is a highly stimulating account by a major thinker on one of the most important geopolitical questions of our time. -- Rana Mitter, Professor of the History and Politics of Modern China at the Institute for Chinese Studies, Oxford University, and author of China's War With Japan, 1937-1945Provides an exceptionally clear and succinct discussion of what may well be the most important question of our age: does war between major states have a future, and, if so, what will it be like? -- Martin van Creveld, author of 'The Culture of War' and 'The Changing Face of War: Lessons of Combat from the Marne to Iraq''The Improbable War' is a fresh, original book of great insight that advances a deeply troubling scenario. At issue is whether Beijing's attempt to dictate the terms of US-China relations will so destabilise East Asia as to make conflict unavoidable. Christopher Coker asks if past is prologue. We must believe that it is not. A brilliant book, and a great read. -- Stefan Halper, Director of American Studies at the Department of Politics and International Studies, University of Cambridge and author of 'The Beijing Consensus: Legitimizing Authoritarianism in Our Time'Christopher Coker is one of a kind among scholars of international relations. In this sobering and stimulating book he opens a fascinating window on a looming confrontation, after which nothing will ever be the same again. -- Brendan Simms, Professor of the History of International Relations, University of Cambridge

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Book SynopsisOver sixty years of violence and dialogue have brought China and the Tibetans no closer to a resolution of their conflict. Tsering Topgyal argues that it is China's sense of insecurity, its perception of itself as a socio-politically weak state, which has disproportionately influenced its policies towards the religion, language, education and economy of Tibet. Beijing has also denied the existence of a 'Tibet Issue' and rejected several Tibetan proposals for autonomy, fearful that they might undermine its state-building project in Tibet. Conversely, Tibetan insecurity about threats to their identity, generated by Chinese policies, Han migration and cultural influences in Tibet, ex- plains both the Dalai Lama's unpopular decision to abandon his aspiration for Tibetan independence and his demands for autonomy and unification of all Tibetans under one administration. Identity insecurity also drives the multi-faceted Tibetan resistance both inside Tibet and in the diaspora.Thus, while Beijing and the Tibetans seek to harden their positions in order to counter their respective insecurities, real or imagined, the outcome is, paradoxically, greater insecurity on both sides, plunging them into unremitting cycles of state-hardening on the part of China and fortifying resistance on the Tibetan side.Trade Review'Tsering Topgyal captures the complexity of Sino-Tibet relations in this well-argued book. Not many academic works on Tibet are grounded in theory but Topgyal succeeds in linking theory and history. By so doing, he not only gives us a new lens to look at an old conflict but also advances the academic debate on the causes and consequences of intra-state conflicts with ethnic dimensions.' * Harsh V. Pant, Professor of International Relations, King's College London *'Tsering Topgyal has delivered a groundbreaking work. Developing an innovative theoretical approach drawing on major strands of international relations and security studies, he persuasively argues that the "Tibet Issue" is defined by a socially constituted insecurity dilemma between an increasingly powerful yet anxious party-state and an alienated Tibetan nation. Topgyal's analysis is thoughtful and rigorous and reveals the full potential for ongoing Sino-Tibetan conflict to rent China's rise asunder.' * Michael Clarke, Associate Professor, National Security College, Australian National University, and author of Xinjiang and China's Rise in Central Asia: A History *'At long last, a major international relations analysis of the China-Tibet conflict that illuminates why it is so painfully intractable. Tsering Topgyal writes with impressive objectivity and acuity about how the insecurities of the two sides interact destructively and impede reconciliation. A valuable contribution to international relations theory as well as a vivid, well-written account of the history of the conflict.' * Susan L. Shirk, Chair, 21st Century China Program, School of Global Policy and Strategy, University of California, San Diego *'By critically investigating the security discourses that shape relations between Tibet and China, Topgyal provides a pathbreaking analysis. This book is a rare one in the field of international relations, in that it contributes to the debate over the contested politics of identity and insecurity that marks Sino-Tibetan interactions.' * Dr Dibyesh Anand, Reader (Associate Professor) in International Relations, University of Westminster *

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Book SynopsisThis volume is an historical survey of advisory and mentoring missions from the 1920s onwards, starting from the Soviet missions to the Kuomintang and ending with the mission to Iraq. It focuses on Afghanistan during the Soviet occupation and after 2001, but also deals with virtually every single advisory mission from the 1920s on-wards, whether involving 'Eastern Bloc' countries or Western ones. The sections on Afghanistan are based on new research, while the sections covering other cases of advisory/mentoring missions are based on the existing literature. The authors highlight how large scale missions have been particularly problematic, causing friction with the hosts and sometimes even undermining their legitimacy. Small missions staffed by more carefully selected cadres appear instead to have produced better results. Overall, the political context may well have been a more important factor in determining success or failure rather than aspects such as cultural misunderstandings.Trade Review'A wholly original look at how great powers try to mould their client states in their own image -- and so often fail. A must read for every serious student of how international relations really work.' * Sir Sherard Cowper-Coles, former British Ambassador to Israel, Saudi Arabia, and Afghanistan, and author of Cables from Kabul: The Inside Story of the West's Afghanistan Campaign *

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Book SynopsisDoes technology kill distance? Does the 'globalisation' of the world make the US and its allies vulnerable to violence, terrorism or cyber-assault? 'Globalism'-- the belief that changes in information, transport and communications are dangerously shrinking the world -- is a reigning assumption amongst security elites. It makes the United States and its allies feel perpetually insecure, haunted by rumours of chain reactions and the domino effect. At the same time, the vision of instant and borderless warfare can be seductive, making Westerners believe they must strike first, with new powers to tame a chaotic world. Under the shadow of Globalism, disastrous wars are fought, civil liberties are threatened and hysteria replaces sober debate about foreign policy. In 'The Global Village Myth', Patrick Porter demonstrates through studies of Al-Qaeda's global terror network, military tensions in the Taiwan Strait, drones and cyberwar, that Globalism is wildly overstated. Technology may accelerate movement and compress physical space. But it does not necessarily shrink strategic space, the ability to project power affordably across the earth.If distance is created by humans exploiting technology and terrain, the world in important ways is getting larger, not smaller. This makes us less powerful, but more secure, than we think. Porter offers an alternative outlook to lead policymakers toward more sensible responses and a wiser, more sustainable, grand strategy.Trade ReviewThis challenging book takes aim at 'globalist' thinking . . . to show that territoriality, geography and state power still matter. [It] reminds readers that even in the age of drones and cyberwarfare, it is still difficult for most countries or nonstate groups to project power across great distances. * Foreign Affairs *In an era when Russia warns us that it is a 'minority stakeholder in globalisation' and China warns that global civil society is a 'moral threat to the values of Chinese society', Patrick Porter has produced a disturbing and timely wake-up call. A masterful refutation of the moral fantasies about global politics that have gone unchallenged for far too long. -- Christopher Coker, Professor of International RelationsPatrick Porter has written a brilliant book about projecting military power in the modern world. In particular, he shatters the widely held belief that globalisation has shrunk the planet, making it easy for bad guys everywhere to strike at the United States and its allies. One hopes that at least some of the many threat inflaters who populate the West will take the time to read 'The Global Village Myth'. They would learn a lot. -- John Mearsheimer, R. Wendell Harrison Distinguished Service Professor of Political ScienceIn an era when foreign policy is too often driven by cliches, Patrick Porter reminds us in 'The Global Village Myth' of the enduring limits to military power and geopolitical influence. This timely analysis by one of the world's leading strategic thinkers deserves to be read by policymakers, scholars and citizens alike. -- Michael Lind, author of 'The American Way of Strategy'This fascinating and well-researched book demolishes the widespread belief that modern technology both exposes the United States to unprecedented dangers and enables it to control distant lands at little or no cost. With clear-eyed logic, Patrick Porter explains why distance, borders, and other key elements of geopolitics remain highly relevant in the era of drones, cyber-technology, and decentralised terror networks. His arguments are nuanced and clear, his criticisms of the conventional wisdom are compelling, and the implications for national security policy are profound. -- Stephen Walt, Robert and Renee Belfer Professor of International Affairs'The Global Village Myth' is a short, tightly-argued body blow to contemporary American security policy. In it Patrick Porter takes on an important but often overlooked aspect of strategy--physical distance--and critiques the popular notion that technology has diminished its importance or even rendered it irrelevant. This is a seemingly simple idea with big implications. * Parameters, the US Army War College Quarterly *With good empirical data and conceptual sophistication, Patrick Porter convincingly debunks the related claims that the world is now a more threatening place because of technology's ability to overcome physical distance, but that paradoxically, the same technology allows wars to be fought in an increasingly stand-off manner. In line with classical realist thinking, he contends that great powers become their own worst enemies when they exaggerate threats, minimise their costs of dealing with them, but at the same time demand that success requires suspension of the rules governing domestic and foreign relations. For this reason, globalism is possibly more threatening than anti-communism and deterrence were during the Cold War. -- Richard Lebow, Professor of International Political Theory

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Book Synopsis*** Winner of the 2017 ISA Ethics Book Award 2017*** In an age of uncertainty, those who can anticipate revolution, the outbreak of wars, or which states might default are much in demand. The marketplace of ideas about the future is huge, and includes 'wonks', scholars and pundits who produce scenarios, predictions and ratings. The more opaque the future seems to be, so the relation between knowledge and power intensifies, above all the nexus between those who sell their expertise and those who consume it. In his investigation of the paradoxes of fore--casting, Ariel Colonomos interrogates today's knowledge factories to reveal how our futures are shaped by social scientists, think tanks and rat--ing agencies. He explains why conservative and linear predictions prevail, and why the future, especially when linked to national interest, re--flects a systematic search for stability. The notion of a globalised world whose main characteristic is speed, and where predictions have accelerat--ing, self-fulfilling effects, is obsolete. Those who are supposed to know, reassure those who are supposed to act. Their preferences converge, and thus the industry of the future has a decelerating effect on world politics. These 'lords of knowledge' reinforce pre-existing beliefs, create expectations about the future, while obstructing its vision when - inevitably - it diverges from its orderly path.Trade Review‘Colonomos ends by pondering the ambivalence humans have toward knowing the future. Readers are induced to contemplate an age-old issue: the perfectibility of the human condition. Is the model ever upward evolution or civilizational rise, decline, and fall?’ -- CHOICE‘an interesting account of what the author terms “the marketplace of ideas about the future” and the experts who produce scenarios, predictions and credit ratings about countries’ political and financial stabilities.’ -- Perspectives on Terrorism Journal Counterterrorism Bookshelf‘Colonomos provides an invaluable framework for debating how, by whom, and for what purpose responsible predictions about the future should be made.’ -- Ethics & International Affairs'Written in powerful and lucid prose, Selling the Futurepresents trenchant insights on the treatment of the future in theoretical and empirical international relations and is the mark of a vivd imagination that crosses, foxlike, the disciplines of IR, economics, philosophy and ethics.' * Professor Richard Beardsworth, Chair of the 2017 ISA Ethics Book Award committee and Head of International Politics, Aberystwyth University *'Since antiquity people have sought to predict. Indeed it is hard to imagine not doing so. In this learned and thoughtful treatment filled with insight and ideas, Ariel Colonomos takes us through how people and institutions have sought to predict, why they have done so, and what the implications are for our governments and societies.' * Robert Jervis, Professor of International Politics, Columbia University, and author of Why Intelligence Fails: Lessons from the Iranian Revolution and the Iraq War *'Every age has had its futurologists, whether the soothsayers of old or modern-day social scientists and economic forecasters. How do they go about their work? How reliable are their pronouncements? What accounts for the massive errors they routinely make? These are among the questions that Colonomos explores in this learned, lucid and iconoclastic book.' * Rajan Menon, Anne and Bernard Spitzer Professor of Political Science, City University of New York *'Selling the Future is a wide-ranging meditation on the various ways in which the future is represented and capitalised upon in the present. From defence intellectuals to prediction markets, and from credit scores to think tanks and futurologists, Colonomos' richly argued book demonstrates the centrality of “oracular networks” in contemporary politics, dissects their built-in blind spots, and makes a strong argument for building a “public sphere of futures”.' * Gil Eyal, Professor of Sociology, Columbia University *'Ariel Colonomos, operating in an oeuvre he has seemingly made his own, takes his reader on a historical tour of the prediction industry. From the ancient oracles of the streets of Athens, Jerusalem and Rome to the halls of power in Washington, DC, Colonomos demonstrates our enduring fascination with the future in a way that will engage any reader.' * Simon Reich, Professor in the Division of Global Affairs and Department of Political Science, Rutgers University *'Colonomos explores the uses and risks of anticipation in spheres as different as political consultancy groups in Washington, DC and financial rating agencies. He shows the limitations of the “industry of the future” by describing how anticipations embedded in today's values and priorities fail to account for future changes in our values and priorities.' * Roberto Poli, UNESCO Chair in Anticipatory Systems, University of Trento *Who predicts the future best? Theory-driven “hedgehogs” or data-driven “foxes”? A handful of top experts or a host of amateurs? If crowds are so wise, why are markets forever growing bubbles? Why does the US intelligence community use a story-telling format to forecast the future? Read this astonishingly original book and learn the answers.' * Jack Snyder, Professor of International Relations, Columbia University, and author of Electing to Fight: Why Emerging Democracies Go to War *

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Book SynopsisBetween 1983 and 2009 Sri Lanka was host to a bitter civil war fought between the Government and the Tamil Tigers, which sought the creation of an independent Tamil state. In May 2009 came the war's violent end with the crushing defeat of the Tamil Tigers at the hands of the Sri Lanka Army. But prior to this grim finale, for some time there had been hope for a peaceful end to the conflict. Beginning with a ceasefire agreement in early 2002, for almost five years a series of peace talks between the two sides took place in locations ranging from Thai- land and Japan to Norway, Germany and Switzerland.To End a Civil War tells the story of trying to bring peace to Sri Lanka. In particular it tells the story of how a faraway European nation--Norway--came to play a central role in efforts to end the conflict, and what its small, dedicated team of mediators did in their untiring efforts to reach what ultimately proved the elusive goal of a negotiated peace.In doing so it fills a critical gap in our understanding of the Sri Lankan conflict. But it also illuminates in detail a much wider problem: the intense fragility that surrounds peace processes and the extraordinary lengths to which their proponents often stretch in order to secure their progress.Trade Review‘'To End a Civil War' is a very detailed account of Norway’s efforts to resolve the conflict in Sri Lanka drawn from more than fifty interviews of people involved in the peace effort … The book contains an impressive amount of research and access to many principals, which is useful to diplomats and scholars interested in peacebuilding broadly and Sri Lankan history specifically.’ -- Terrorism and Political Violence'Such a book, an intimate and forthright account of Norway's thankless engagement in Sri Lanka for peace and national reconciliation, is long overdue. ... The sobering lesson we should all learn from these intractable experiences is that the final outcome of these efforts depends ultimately on political circumstances which are beyond the control of peace-makers.' * Yasushi Akashi, United Nations Under-Secretary General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator *'Proximity can bruise relationships, especially when it is as close as India's to Sri Lanka. Distances can shake hands with greater facility. So when 'distant Norway' suggested to embattled Sri Lanka it had expertise to share in making and keeping peace, India was sceptical but encouraging. Norway's bid in Sri Lanka to retrieve life from death did not triumph, but were its efforts in vain? Some soils hold their germinal stirrings for delayed ripening. And Norway may yet find its engagement in Sri Lanka comes to fruition.' * Gopalkrishna Gandhi, former Governor of West Bengal and High Commissioner to Sri Lanka *'Peace finally came to Sri Lanka. But not without heroic efforts on the part of the Norwegian government. Its determination to support the aspirations of all Sri Lankans in the face of withering criticism deserves our respect and is a story worth telling.' * Richard L. Armitage, United States Deputy Secretary of State, 2001-2005 *'An important read for all of us seeking to learn more about peaceful, negotiated means to solve conflicts. This book gives us lessons learned, always useful in our ongoing quest to find new ways to prevent and stop violence. Brave stories from two countries with a special place in my heart: Norway and Sri Lanka.' * Margot Wallstom, Swedish Foreign Minister *

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Book SynopsisLong a recipient of migrants from its surrounding areas, the Arabian Peninsula today comprises a mosaic of communities of diverse ethnic, cultural, linguistic and religious origins. For decades, while the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states have housed and employed groups of migrants coming and going from Asia, Africa and the West, they have also served as home to the older, more settled communities that have come from neighbouring Arab states. Arab Migrant Communities in the GCC is a unique, original work of scholarship based on in-depth fieldwork shedding light on a topic both highly relevant and woefully understudied. It focuses on the earlier community of Arab immi-grants within the GCC, who are among the politically most significant and sensitive of migrant groups in the region.Through its multi-disciplinary lenses of social history, cultural studies, eco--nomics, and political science, the book presents original data and provides analyses of the settle--ment and continued evolution of migrant Arab communities across the GCC, their work in and assimilation within host societies and labour markets, and their political, economic, social and cul--tural significance both to the GCC region and to their countries of origin.Trade ReviewThis is a fascinating and overdue book. It offers compelling arguments for expanding the research agenda to include the dynamics and ramifications of inter-regional migration. Zahra Babar has successfully brought together leading contributors whose extensive research and meticulous exposition highlight the continuing role of Arab migrant communities in shaping the Gulf's socio-economic and political developments. -- Abdulhadi Khalaf, Professor Emeritus, Lund University, and co-editor of Transit States: Labour, Migration and Citizenship in the GulfIn the expanding field of labor migration studies in the Gulf states, Arab migrants are a little-known population. Relying on figures as well as on ethnographic data, this book provides a rich and diversified analysis, showing common trends as well as the uniqueness of situations from one country to another. It is a timely and particularly useful addition to existing scholarship, a must-read for anybody interested in Gulf migration issues. -- Laurence LouerThis book is a reminder that Arab labour movements were at the origin of migration to the Gulf. It brings out their current specific characteristics, placing them in the broader contexts of foreign labour in the GCC and of international labour migration more generally. This book was long overdue. It will be a necessary reference for all researchers, instructors and students of international migration. -- Professor Ibrahim Awad, DirectorArab Migrant Communities in the GCC is an excellent and ethnographically rich exploration of the dynamics that shape the migration of "other Arabs" to the oil-rich states of the GCC. Long overdue, this volume draws our attention to the complex sets of socio-political and cultural forces that give shape to migrant choices and fears. -- Jane Bristol-Rhys, Associate Professor of Anthropology at Zayed University Abu Dhabi; and author of Future Perfect/Present Tense: Migrant Workers, Expats, and Sponsors in Abu Dhabi

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Book SynopsisPresident Obama was elected on an anti-war platform, yet targeted killings have increased under his command of the 'War on Terror'. The US thinks of itself as upholding the rule of international law and spreading democracy, yet such targeted killings have been widely decried as extra-judicial violations of human rights. This book examines these paradoxes, arguing that they are partially explained by the application of existing legal standards to transnational wars. Critics argue that the kind of war the US claims to be waging - transnational armed conflict - doesn't actually exist. McDonald analyses the concept of transnational war and the legalinterpretations that underpin it, and argues that the Obama administration's adherence to therule of law produces a status quo of violence that is in some ways more disturbing than the excessesof the Bush administration.America's interpretations of sovereignty and international law shape and constitute war itself, with lethal consequences for the named and anonymous persons that it unilaterally defines as participants.McDonald's analysis helps us understand the social and legal construction of legitimate violence in warfare, and the relationship between legal opinions formed in US government departments and acts of violence half a world away.Trade Review'A thoroughly researched, balanced, and well-written constructivist work that has utility for the student of war. It has immediate relevance for military officers and defense community scholars who must grapple with new forms of war and our enemies who utilize them.''Lucid, informed and authoritative -- one of those rare books which will be required reading for years to come. One learns as much about the nature of war itself and our relationship with it as about the specific issue of targeted killings.' -- Christopher Coker, Professor of International Relations, London School of Economics, author of Rebooting Clausewitz: 'On War' in the Twenty-First Century'President Trump is set to continue the Obama and Bush policies of targeted killings. Whether you think they should be condemned as counter-productive illegal assassination or commended as the most effective way found to date to rid the world of ruthless terrorists, you will find arguments to challenge you in Jack McDonald's book. He lays painfully bare the contested relationship between war, technology, violence and law and the origins of the present controversy over transnational war waged at the individual level.' -- Sir David Omand GCB, former director of GCHQ and author of Securing the State'There has been a plethora of books on drones and their activities; none of them has yet effectively hit, so to speak, the issue of targeted killings and the law. This book does that. For students of current conflict, international law or air power, this must be the set book on targeted killings, especially by drones, and the law that supposedly encompasses their use.' -- Frank Ledwidge, author of Rebel Law: Insurgents, Courts and Justice in Modern Conflict

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Book SynopsisJames Manor is acknowledged as one of the world's leading experts on Indian politics, especially how it is affected by caste, political economy -- particularly poverty and its alleviation -- regionalism and modes of political leadership. This book distils his six decades of research, scholarship and writing on these topics, presenting the reader with a definitive collection of chapters covering the full spectrum of Manor's expertise. The first section is a commentary on the emergence of a consolidated democracy in India, and discusses political awakening and political decay, which, together with political regeneration, form the three key processes at work in Indian politics over the past forty years. If one aspect of the management of democratic affairs is linked to the Indian voters and their shifting political choices, the other is where political leaders step in; and Manor is equally interested in both. He devotes three sections to the nature of political parties, the trends of regional politics, and how, at all these levels, political actors manage the challenges of governance.He addresses the regional dynamics of politics through the lens of political leadership in the fourth section. And in the last section, he comments on the more recent and turbulent phase of Indian politics, as Hindu nationalists took power in the regions and at the centre.Trade Review'Manor is, arguably, one of a handful of scholars with a comprehensive understanding of the history of struggles over political and personal power in New Delhi and the provinces.' -- S. J. Gabriel, Professor of Economics, Mount Holyoke College, CHOICE‘Offers a comprehensive account of politics and social transformations taking place in India in the last two decades of previous century… Manor perfectly brings out the inherent conflicts and contradictions of a democratic state in a deeply hierarchical society and also the ways in which Indian state and its leaderships ‘manage’ them while ensuring basic features of a functional democracy.’ -- New Books Asia

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Book SynopsisA 'German Europe' seems to have emerged from the euro crisis. During the last few years, Chancellor Angela Merkel has been compared with Hitler in the European media and on the streets of European capitals. There has been much debate about German 'hegemony' and some have even perceived the emergence of a kind of German 'empire' within Europe. And yet Germany is clearly a different country than it was in the nineteenth or early twentieth centuries. So is there a new 'German question' and, if so, what is it? In The Paradox of German Power Hans Kundnani explores the transformation of Germany since re-unification in 1990 and puts it in the context of Germany's pre-1945 history. He examines a series of tensions in German foreign policy - between continuity and change, between 'normality' and 'abnormality', between economics and politics, and between Europe and the world - and concludes that the 'German question' has reemerged in geo economic form.Trade Review'[Kundnani argues] that today's European Union is seeing a rerun of "the German question" that emerged after the founding of the Prussian empire. This time, Germany is not a military power but an economic one. Its economy is too dominant to preserve a stable balance with its eurozone and EU partners, yet too weak to enforce economic stability from above, he says. He calls it a "geo-economic semi-hegemon", with the potential to cause a bitter and possibly disastrous conflict with its closest partners... his thesis is tempting.' * The Financial Times *'This is an intelligent, [...] lively and well-written survey of recent German foreign policy and Hans Kundnani's emphasis on Germany as a geo-economic power will be influential.' - International Affairs; 'A punchy and persuasive survey of 150 years of German foreign policy ... Kundnani's conclusions are sobering. "The Europe that is emerging from the crisis," he warns, "is not so much German as chaotic".' * The Wall Street Journal *'A major contribution to our understanding of the evolution of contemporary Europe.' * Anthony Giddens *

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Book SynopsisThe Red Star and the Crescent provides an in-depth and multi-disciplinary analysis of the evolving relationship between China and the Middle East. Despite its increasing importance, very few studies have examined this dynamic, deepening, and multi-faceted nexus. James Reardon-Anderson has sought to fill this critical gap.The volume examines the 'big picture' of international relations, then zooms in on case studies and probes the underlying domestic factors on each side. Reardon-Anderson tackles topics as diverse as China's security strategy in the Middle East, its military relations with the states of the region, its role in the Iran nuclear negotiations, the Uyghur question, and the significance and consequences of the Silk Road strategy. A comprehensive study of the changing forces driving one of the world's most important strategic, economic and cultural relationships.Trade Review‘A rigorous and thought-provoking new book . . . deserves to be regarded as an authority, both for students of China’s rise and for those who are concerned that the Middle East may become a focal point for a future superpower conflagration.’ 'A balanced, perceptive and thought-provoking book that advances our understanding of the evolving relationship of China and the Middle East.’ 'Reardon-Anderson has assembled the definitive edited volume on China-Middle East relations. Interdisciplinary, rigorous, and fusing the combined talents of its many illustrious contributors, it deserves to be read by a very wide range of scholars, diplomats, and foreign correspondents.' -- Christopher Davidson, Reader in Middle East Politics, Durham University, and author of 'Shadow Wars: The Secret Struggle for the Middle East'‘This book is a comprehensive study of China’s strategic vision and policies. It is a valuable resource for academics and policy planners with an interest in China and the Muslim world.’ -- The Muslim World Book Review'Highly interesting . . . a sober and much needed contribution.' 'Insightful . . . unique and important.' ‘The essays on the ‘One Belt, One Road’ initiative provide refreshingly detailed and experienced perspectives. . . . Most of the essays in The Red Star & the Crescent are written by China experts rather than Middle East experts, and the book is all the stronger for that. The Chinese perspective comes through clearly and there is plenty of detail.’'A comprehensive overview of China's relations with an area which is much neglected but increasingly important to it - the Middle East. The merit of this work is the diversity of authors, from Chinese to regional to external perspectives - and the depth of their expertise.' -- Kerry Brown, Professor of Chinese Studies and Director, Lau China Institute, London School of Economics and Political Science

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Book SynopsisThe Improbable War explains why conflict between the USA and China cannot be ruled out. In 1914 war between the Great Powers was considered unlikely, yet it happened. We learn only from history, and popular though the First World War analogy is, the lessons we draw from its outbreak are usually mistaken. Among these errors is the tendency to over-estimate human rationality. All major conflicts of the past 300 years have been about the norms and rules of the international system. In China and the US the world confronts two 'exceptional' powers whose values differ markedly, with China bidding to challenge the current order. The 'Thucydidean Trap' -when a conservative status quo power confronts a rising new one-may also play its part in precipitating hostilities. To avoid stumbling into an avoidable war both Beijing and Washington need a coherent strategy, which neither of them has. History also reveals that war evolves continually. The next global conflict is likely to be played out in cyberspace and outer space and like all previous wars it will have devastating consequences.Such a war between the United States and China may seem improbable, but it is all too possible, which is why we need to discuss it now.Trade Review'Coker . . . always brings great historical, literary and philosophical erudition to his work . . . [A] thoughtful account.' -- Literary Review'Well structured, well argued . . . compelling.'

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Book SynopsisDuring the last decade, 'Hybrid Warfare' has become a novel yet controversial term in academic, political and professional military lexicons, intended to suggest some sort of mix between different military and non-military means and methods of confrontation. Enthusiastic discussion of the notion has been undermined by conceptual vagueness and political manipulation, particularly since the onset of the Ukrainian Crisis in early 2014, as ideas about Hybrid Warfare engulf Russia and the West, especially in the media. Western defence and political specialists analysing Russian responses to the crisis have been quick to confirm that Hybrid Warfare is the Kremlin's main strategy in the twenty-first century. But many respected Russian strategists and political observers contend that it is the West that has been waging Hybrid War, Gibridnaya Voyna, since the end of the Cold War. In this highly topical book, Ofer Fridman offers a clear delineation of the conceptual debates about Hybrid Warfare. What leads Russian experts to say that the West is conducting a Gibridnaya Voyna against Russia, and what do they mean by it? Why do Western observers claim that the Kremlin engages in Hybrid Warfare? And, beyond terminology, is this something genuinely new?Trade Review'Impressive... a well-documented, tightly-argued, and well-written discussion of the concepts behind what is thought of as “hybrid warfare”.'‘Fridman’s work brings the idea of hybrid warfare back to the centre of the academic, military and policy-relevant debate. … By unearthing a fascinating trove of observations and recommendations, this book makes a substantial contribution to peace and conflict resolution studies.’ -- Europe-Asia Studies'With the production of this masterpiece, Fridman's name now belongs amongst the most respected. His thorough treatment of multiple dimensions of warfare, from both the Western and Russian perspective is commendable . . . this book is a must read for those engaged in security affairs.''The West and Russia both claim hybrid warfare is an approach used by the other side. Fridman explains how Russia and the West got into such an insane blame-game in this fascinating volume, which is about the idea of hybrid warfare rather than its practice.''A welcome addition to the evolving literature on [hybrid warfare] … Fridman’s study represents a useful start of a deeper, historically-focused analysis.' -- Defence & Security Analysis'Succinct, solidly researched, clearly written and jargon-free . . . [Fridman] brings nuance and understanding to a field of study too often characterised by black and white simplicities. . . everyone with an interest in international security should give this book a read.''A thorough examination of the origins of "hybrid warfare" and its political evolution in Europe. Readers can draw their own conclusions about Russia as a threat, but Fridman’s research is penetrating and his insight into how the Kremlin sees the changing character of war is profound.' -- Frank Hoffman, Associate Fellow, Royal United Services Institute'This fascinating and well-researched book helps bridge the gap between Western and Russian concepts of "hybrid warfare" -- not to reconcile them, but to explore the differences. The work exposes the underlying conceptual divergences, and thus helps explain the current tension between Russia and the West. This is a fascinating and attractively-written study of a phenomenon that affects us all.' -- Richard Sakwa, Professor of Russian and European Politics, University of Kent, and author of 'Frontline Ukraine: Crisis in the Borderlands''This book brings much needed depth, clarity, and nuance to the discussion of Russian hybrid warfare -- a topic of recent high concern, frequently invoked by soldiers and statesmen. There is no comparable work to this volume in terms of its fluency with the concept and associated literature and controversies in both English and Russian. Highly readable, perceptive, and consistently astute.' -- David Betz, Professor of War in the Modern World, Department of War Studies, King’s College London, author of 'Carnage and Connectivity: Landmarks in the Decline of Conventional Military Power''This timely work will prove to be a classic introduction to the historical and contemporary forms of Russian "hybrid war". Fridman's parsing of the distinctions between the western and Russian concepts is excellent.' -- Emile Simpson, Research Fellow, Harvard University, and author of 'War From the Ground Up: Twenty-First Century Combat as Politics'

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Book SynopsisWhat drives Marine Le Pen and France's Front National? Has her party really changed its ways, or is she merely rebranding its old ideas and policies for a new era? In the age of Brexit and Trump, France too has seen a growing audience for identity-based politics. Under 'Marine', the FN is enjoying unprecedented success. But what's her secret? This is a probing investigation into the philosophy of Marine Le Pen's FN. It seeks answers in her speeches, in the history of French nationalism and in revealing interviews with those on the far right--including Jean-Marie Le Pen himself. Michel Eltchaninoff exposes a vision of France tyrannised by liberalism and seduced by the offer of an uncompromising alternative: a Republic 'beyond Left and Right', defined by its enemies and aligned with Putin's Russia. Whatever Marine Le Pen is thinking, she has not forgotten the FN's roots. The French far right is now stronger than ever.Trade Review'Michel Eltchaninoff's task is . . . an important and urgent one: to subject Le Pen's words to rigorous analysis, exposing their true meaning. Unsurprisingly, it turns out that the leopard has not changed its spots.''Drawing on interviews with many of the politicians and thinkers . . . close to . . . Le Pen [Eltchaninoff] . . . . persuasively show[s] how ideas that have shaped the culture [of Le Pen] have in turn shaped [her].''As President Macron tries to save the Eurozone and stabilise the continent, he faces no greater challenge than Marine Le Pen's Front National. This brilliant and carefully argued book shows how despite her efforts to project a more "acceptable" face the party remains the bastion of an anti-globalist, anti-capitalist, xenophobic, anti-European right which continues to borrow from classic anti-semitic tropes.' -- Brendan Simms, Professor of the History of International Relations, University of Cambridge, and author of 'Europe: The Struggle for Supremacy, 1453 to the Present''This book will be of great interest to English readers. It says much about an important, and oddly neglected, political figure but Eltchaninoff also ranges more widely — introducing a range of figures who are influential in the Front National and the intellectual traditions to which they refer.' -- Richard Vinen, Professor of History, King’s College London, and author of 'The Unfree French: Life Under Occupation''In painting a vivid portrayal of the ideas that have shaped Marine Le Pen, Michel Eltchaninoff makes a big contribution to one of the most urgent undertakings of this political moment: to understand the authoritarian populists who are gaining more and more power across North America and Western Europe. An important book that is as engrossing as it is erudite.' -- Yascha Mounk, author of 'The People vs. Democracy: Why Our Freedom is in Danger and How to Save It''There is no point in demonising Marine Le Pen. Instead we must understand the path she has beaten between the liberal right, which has abandoned traditional Gaullism, and the left, which has forgotten about those left behind. Eltchaninoff picks apart her writings, interviews and TV appearances to do just that.' -- Liberation'Marine Le Pen has changed the face of the FN. But Michel Eltchaninoff demonstrates with a sharp pen and a clear-eyed gaze that she hasn’t broken with any of the four pillars of the far right: the land, the people, life and myth. She has dusted them off.' * Marianne *'Marine Le Pen is reinvigorating [the FN] by reforming its ideology. The power of Michel Eltchaninoff’s book is to rip off the mask.' * Stéphane Rio, L’Université Syndicaliste *

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Book SynopsisIran has emerged from decades of isolation and struggle to become a leading, if not the pre-eminent, regional power. Iran projects its influence throughout the Middle East and parts of Central Asia. Moreover, Iranian diplomacy is active on the world stage, with long-term projects in Africa and South America. The landmark nuclear deal of July 2015 was a major triumph and saw the Islamic Republic successfully negotiate with several world powers to reach a mutually acceptable agreement. Crucially, whilst the nuclear deal restricts Iran's nuclear programme for at least a decade, it doesn't irreversibly dismantle any part of it. With internal Iranian politics stabilising around a centrist administration led by President Rouhani, the country is set to continue on a path of regional strategic growth. But with clear signs that the Trump administration is determined to contain Iran's regional influence, what is the risk of a military confrontation? This book argues that Iran has developed sufficient diplomatic strength and credible military capability to deter a full-scale US military assault. But absent a dramatic lowering of tensions, there remains a risk of limited clashes, with far-reaching consequences for regional security.Trade Review'Few studies are as holistic in their consideration of Iranian politics, both foreign and domestic, as [Iran Resurgent]… a great resource for students and scholars of Iranian politics.' -- International Affairs

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Book SynopsisSince the end of the Cold War Yemen's international position is governed by its precarious relations with its powerful neighbour Saudi Arabia and by extension the United States. In this important book based on a wide range of Arab and Western sources, the author analyses contemporary foreign policy issues and security matters - notably that of the Arabian Peninsula and the Red Sea, where Yemen is a significant player. With a wide range of sources including contact with key Yemeni and US policy-makers, Dr Al-Madhagi discusses US interests in Yemen, showing how the area fitted - and did not fit - into US policy-making during the Cold War and its aftermath. He analyses the relationship of a small state and superpower - from the Yemeni revolution in 1962 to unification in 1990 and demonstrates the often tetchy aspects of such relations. He also charts more recent disputes - with the US after the Gulf War and with Saudi Arabia over oil. This book makes an essential contribution to a better understanding of American foreign policy in the Middle East as well as the potential instabilities of the Arabian Peninsula. Ahmed Nomen Al-Madhagi is a Yemeni scholar specializing in contemporary history, politics and international relations, who undertook his research at the LSE, in Washington and Yemen.Table of Contents1. North Yemen - US contacts before 1962; 2. Initial YAR-US contacts; 3. Relations breached and restored, 1962-72; 4. Development of a US interest in the YAR; 5. The US and unified Yemen. Appendices: Main actors; Important dates in Yemen's recent history, 1962-94.

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Book SynopsisIntensifying competition for scarce water resources, the result of rapid population growth and the drive for economic development, has added to the precarious politics of the Middle East and has the potential to generate tension and even armed conflict. Rivers of Contention provides an historical perspective on these complex issues and chronicles the present state of Middle Eastern water disputes. The impact of water disputes on the Middle East peace process is examined, as are the disputes over the waters of the Nile, the Tigris-Euphrates and the Orontes. Ground-water shared by Middle Eastern states (such as the aquifer beneath the Saudi-Jordanian border) and issues of quality (pollution) and quantity (volumes of water) are also discussed.Table of ContentsWater and Politics in the Middle East; Water in the Arab-Israel Dispute; The Nile Basin; The Tigris-Euphrates Basin; The Orontes; Ground-water disputes; Some Common Themes.

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Book SynopsisImmediately after the US-led invasion of Iraq, which was opposed by the Syrian government of Bashar al-Asad, there were real fears that Damascus would be next in line for 'regime change'. This perception was reinforced by Washington's rhetoric and its claims that the post-invasion Iraqi insurgency is being assisted by the Syrian intelligence service. The assassination of the Lebanese prime minister, Rafiq Hariri, compounded this pressure, with many observers pointing the finger at Damascus. The repercussions of his murder were anything but beneficial: Syria was compelled to withdrew its troops from Lebanon, where they had been stationed for nearly three decades. On the domestic front, Bashar is caught between hardliners and an increasingly impatient opposition. But will international pressure precipitate long overdue political reforms, or might it rebound, stifling the albeit hesitant relaxation of internal controls? Wieland argues that the West must not ignore Syria's robust tradition of secularism, and cautions that US attempts to undermine the current regime may, paradoxically, embolden the Islamists and help the regime to maintain its authoritarian grip on power.Trade Review'An excellent book.' -Joshua Landis,Syriaconnect.comTable of Contents1. Wrested from Slumber2. Bashar and Breaches in the Leadership3. The Pillars of Regime Legitimacy4. The Negative Balance5. Che not Usama: Syrian Society and Western Ideals6. Excursus: Secularism in Syria7. Is Baathism Bankrupt?8. Opposition, Islam, and the Regime9. Syria the Rogue State?10. Contradictory US Policy11. Political Options for the European Union12. Conclusion

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Book SynopsisIn 1992 United Nations sanctions were imposed on Libya after it refused to hand over for judgement in an international court two Libyan citizens suspected of involvement in the bombing of a passenger plane over Lockerbie in Scotland in 1988. The sanctions were not suspended until 2003, by which time Libya had undergone fundamental changes. After the sanctions were lifted, those changes accelerated rather than going into reverse. The newly militant attitude of the United States after the events of 9 September 2001, and the invasion of Iraq in March 2003, conveyed to the Libyan leadership that opposition to the West was potentially disastrous. Libya stepped back from the development of nuclear weapons and opened its economy to the West. Meanwhile Colonel Gaddafi, the leader of the Libyan Revolution, has found ways to consolidate his hold on the country. The author suggests that the future of Libya now lies in becoming what he calls-paradoxically-an authoritarian liberal state.Trade Review'Luis Martinez is one of the very few international scholars who can venture informed answers to these questions. He has followed domestic Libyan politics closely for more than two decades, throughout the American embargo and during the United Nations sanctions, and he brings an intimate familiarity with the country to his analysis. He has seen first hand the domestic impact of half a century of oil revenues, nearly four decades of permanent revolution, twenty-five years of American hostility and more than a decade of international isolation, and he is eloquent in describing what his poisonous combination has created.' * from the preface by Professor Lisa Anderson, Columbia University Press *Table of Contents1. The End of the Embargo2. 11 September 2001: The 'Conversion' of a Regime3. Gaddafi: His Power and Position 4. Is the Jamahiriya Reformable?Conclusion: After Gaddafi?

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Book SynopsisThe Iranian regime is in the midst of a dangerous nuclear poker game with the West, playing for the highest possible stakes. Iran, ruled today by Ali Khamenei, the Guide of the Revolution, and the recently elected President Ahmadinejad, has no intention of yielding to international pressure exhorting it to suspend all uranium enrichment activity, a necessary but intermediate step in the process of building nuclear weapons. Iran is also seeking to join the WTO and it had been offered this incentive by the United States and the EU '3' (France, Britain and Germany) in exchange for a promise to cease enrichment. However, President Ahmadinejad's 12 April announcement that Iran has successfully enriched uranium takes the crisis to a higher plane. It also leaves many questions unanswered, above all, how the international community should respond to this unwelcome development. In this hard-hitting analysis of Tehran's intentions, Therese Delpech, one of the world's leading authorities on international nuclear security, outlines how Iran has successfully beguiled the international community for years, aided and abetted by China and Russia, both of which are eager to benefit commercially from Iran acquiring nuclear power. She dissects Iran's nuclear programme in minute detail, drawing on her inside knowledge. The first section of the book retraces the history of Iran's nuclear project from the 1970s -- one that was launched by the former Shah with help from several Western countries -- till today, when national pride, exemplified by Ahmadinejad's bellicose rhetoric, makes it highly unlikely that Tehran will bow to the diktats of the international community. She also examines the period when the programme was resumed, during Iran's war with Iraq (1985-90). The second section picks apart the strategy of the various actors in this global crisis: Iran, the EU '3', the United States, Russia, China and the IAEA (the International Atomic Energy Agency). In the third section, she sets out the various possible solutions in terms of their feasibility, practically and politically: dismantling by force, supervised third party reprocessing, referral to the Security Council, Iranian appeasement. In conclusion, Delpech unravels the tangled regional and international dimensions of the crisis, setting out the enormous impact it is having on the Persian Gulf, Turkey, Israel, America's presence in Iraq and the wider Middle East and the future of the much weakened Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NTP).Trade Review‘Therese Delpech’s authority and autonomy have never faced an outcast’s passage through a desert of scorn; instead they are bolstered by private conversations with government leaders, and in 2005 by one of France’s major literary awards, the Prix Femina for nonfiction.’ -- New York Times‘In this book Therese Delpech, a UN advisor on proliferation and an intrepid and tenacious researcher, uncloaks the network of collaboration that has enabled Tehran to reach the threshold of having nuclear weapons.’ -- Le Monde‘Therese Delpech, one of the world’s leading authorities on international nuclear security, dissects Iran’s nuclear programme in minute detail.’ -- The Middle East‘Delpech has provided an illuminating work that attempts to shed much needed light on a subject that remains cloaked by speculation and deception.’ -- Middle East Studies Association

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Book SynopsisRussian leaders have always considered the Balkans to be an area of special Russian interests. After the end of the Cold War, the region again became the focus of attention with the violent break-up of federal Yugoslavia, as Moscow's policy-makers attempted to secure Russia' s position as a major player in international diplomacy. However, tensions between Russia and Western states grew over the role of NATO, peaking in 1999 during NATO's bombing of Serbia. Subsequently, President Putin linked the conflicts in the Balkans to the wider phenomenon of 'international terrorism', arguing that Russia and the West share common concerns; but differences remain over policy on Kosovo. "Russia and the Balkans" analyses Russia's policy from the death of communist Yugoslavia through the conflicts in Bosnia, Croatia, Kosovo and Macedonia, to the 'war on terror' and disputes over the status of Kosovo in the mid-2000s. It reveals that policy on the Balkans under Yeltsin and Putin was a matter of deep controversy in the Russian political elite, media, and academia, and was a prominent feature in the fierce disputes which raged over the orientation of foreign policy after the break-up of the Soviet Union.Trade Review'Headley's study of post-Soviet Russia's foreign policies towards the Balkans (essentially former Yugoslavia) is a seriously researched, well argued and well written book. Its subject is highly relevant and topical, but, strangely, it has hitherto been neglected by scholars. Thus Russia and the Balkans fills a major gap in the literature.' -Dr Dejan Djokic, author, Elusive Compromise: A HIstory of Inter-War Yugoslavia (Columbia University Press, 2007)

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Book SynopsisThis book investigates the paradox at the heart of present-day Gulf of Guinea politics. The governance crisis festering throughout every one of the region's states ought to discourage outsiders from capital-intensive, long-term commercial involvement and cast doubts over the political survival of ruling cliques. However, the presence of large petroleum deposits radically changes this equation: the negative dynamics of state failure and widespread violence affect the general population but spare the oil nexus. The material and political resources made available by oil allow states to survive regardless of bad policies, facilitate their governing elites' material success regardless of reckless management, earn international allies regardless of erratic domestic conduct, and make companies want to invest regardless of risk. The recent oil boom only strengthens this paradoxical viability. Making possible what is arguably the largest inflow of resources into Africa in history, it is of a different order from the short-term viability afforded by the exploitation of other natural resources. Nonetheless, the partnership between insiders and outsiders that permits the extraction of oil is not conducive to positive long-term outcomes in institution-building or broad-based economic growth. Highly dependent on uninterrupted money flows and beset by various destabilising trends, the political economy of oil in the Gulf of Guinea is poised in a state of 'permanent crisis'. This study, based on extensive fieldwork, interviews and engagement with primary and secondary sources, is the first on the subject to take on the regional, as opposed to the country-specific, dimension. It has four key aims. The first is to bring out the extent to which oil has forged the interaction of the region with the world economy and how the ongoing expansion of the oil sector will deepen this pivotal role. Secondly, how this international relevance of petroleum has shaped postcolonial domestic politics and institutions. Thirdly, it examines the interests of different sets of empowered actors in the partnership between importers, producers and oil companies, their interplay, and the manner and contexts in which their goals diverge or converge. Finally, it analyses the sources of long-term sustainability of the political economy of oil in the Gulf of Guinea amidst seemingly unmanageable chaos.Trade Review'A remarkable and extraordinarily ambitious book. ... It is clearly and attractively written, and makes absorbing reading. ... Represents a significant contribution to knowledge, both in the extraordinary amount of material that the author has unearthed, and in his ability to integrate this material into an original and coherent whole.' -- Christopher Clapham, Centre of African Studies, Cambridge University * Foreign Affairs *'[A] pathbreaking book.' -- Michael Watts, African Studies Review'Soares de Oliveira has written an important study of the impact of oil on the region's politics... [this] study provides a rich political sociology of the oil curse in West Africa.' -- Nicolas van de Walle, Foreign Affairs'This is an intelligent, well-researched, and elegantly written book... it is an excellent contribution both to the study of the African state and to the study of oil politics.' -- Pierre Englebert, Political Science Quarterly'A path-breaking study of an important part of the world. It also represents a sophisticated theoretical statement on the phenomenon of states in which massive corruption and the privatisation of central functions of governance have become routine. [The book] occupies a unique position in the English-language literature. ... Its key strengths are theoretical originality and lucidity.' -- Stephen Ellis, University of Leiden'This volume is the best book written thus far on the political economy of Africa's oil. Anyone remotely interested either in the oil industry in Africa or more broadly the nature of politics on the continent has to read it. The book really is exceptional in its empirical depth, theoretical insights and general eloquence, as well as the honesty that the author reflects in his writing.' -- Ian Taylor, The Round Table'Outstanding ... historically informed and takes structures seriously without falling prey to structural determinism. At the same time, it takes a hard look at the actors involved [...] and the strategies they pursue. The result is a fascinating relationship [...] An excellent book.' -- Denis Tull, Journal of Modern African Studies'An impressive, original and insightful book that makes a very valuable contribution to our understanding of African political economy. It deserves to be read and engaged with widely.' -- Marcus Power, Review of African Political Economy

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Book SynopsisWhile governments are obliged to protect society and bring terrorists to justice, their effectiveness in tackling terrorism without undermining the support of the population for law and order or jeopardising basic liberties is paramount. In dealing with extremism, governments have found it difficult to balance the imperatives of security and the rights of liberty. That said, neither lethargy nor hysteria is conducive to ensuring national security. Rather, steely determination grounded in facts and sound judgments about the challenges confronting us are required.The exaggeration by governments of a terrorist threat in order to sustain a credible anti-terrorism narrative, to manipulate public opinion, to push through draconian legislation or even to win elections are not novelties of the post-9/11 world, but as the contributors to this book point out, governments in many countries, from Putin's Russia and Fujimori's Peru to Italy in the 1970s, have stumbled towards repressing the very liberty and democratic culture which the terrorists seek to destroy.It includes contributors such as: Paul Wilkinson (St Andrews), Leonard Weinberg (Nevada), John Mueller (Ohio), Richard Drake (Montana), Martin Miller (Duke), Jonathan Stevenson (Naval War College), Jo-Marie Burt (George Mason), Javier Jordan (Granada), Robert Saunders (New York), William Eubank (Nevada), Richard Jackson (Manchester), Chris Michaelsen (OSCE), and Nicola Horsburg (King's College).Trade Review'Brilliant, mind-opening stuff.' * The Independent, chosen as one of David Crystal's best books of 2007 *'This powerful collection of essays is at the same time both a radical and traditional examination of the politics of terror. Radical in that it presents terrorism as a complex phenomenon rooted in real life experience-best understood and combated by open minds with the support of fully-briefed populations .And traditional in that it expects political leaders to tell the truth about terror insofar as they can-and that to exploit the fears of the public for political gain is as counter-productive as it is currently widespread.' * Crispin Black, former Cabinet Office Intelligence Analyst and author of 7-7 The London Bombings: What Went Wrong? *'An extraordinary collection of original, penetrating and compellingly written essays, Playing Politics with Terrorism: A User's Guide challenges all our assumptions about the relationship between democracy and terrorism. An eye-opener of a book on the world after 9/11.' * Jessica Stern, Harvard University, author, The Ultimate Terrorists *

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Book SynopsisWhy is Iran continuously in the news? How has the Islamic Republic developed ideologically since the 1979 revolution? What are the best ways of comprehending the country at this critical juncture in its history? These are some of the questions at the heart of Arshin Adib-Moghaddam's book, which offers novel methodological and theoretical insights in explaining the foreign relations and domestic politics of post-revolutionary Iran. From the nuclear issue, to the perpetual stand-off with the United States, from the future of Iranian democracy to Iranian-Arab relations, from American neo-conservatism to Islamic utopian-romanticism, from Avicenna to Ayatollah Khomeini, the author guides the reader through the complexities that bedevil our understanding of contemporary Iran. In exposing the limitations of mainstream representations of the country and the wider Muslim world, 'Iran in World Politics' makes a powerful case for 'critical Iranian studies', for a new system of thought that pluralises both the way we see Iran, and the international politics enveloping the country.Trade Review'Adib-Moghaddam's engaging analysis of the Iranian politics is an effective antidote against the widespread characterisation of the Islamic Republics the centre of the Shi'i crescent and a regime ruled by messianic fanatics who are soon to be armed with nuclear weapons.' -- Gunes Murat Tezcur, Insight Turkey'Arshin Adib-Moghaddam's study is a dynamic and analytical one, where both ideational and material dialectics shape contemporary politics. Not only is this an original contribution, but it also serves as an in-depth critical analysis.' -- A. Reza Sheikholeslami, Wadham College, University of Oxford and the American University of SharjahTable of ContentsContentsIntroduction1. Islamic Utopian Romanticism and the Foreign Policy Culture of Iran2. Inventions of the Iran-Iraq War and the Myth of Endemic 'Persian-Arab'Enmity3. Iranian-American Encounters: The Islamic Republic in the Neo-conservativeMind4. Iran's Pluralistic Momentum and the Future of Iranian Democracy5. In Place of a Conclusion: Towards Critical Iranian Studies

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Book SynopsisIn the aftermath of the suicide bombings on London's transport infrastructure in July 2005, the then Prime Minister Tony Blair said that 'the rules of the game have changed'. He referred to how his government planned to respond to the attacks, but few people at the time anticipated that counter-terrorism would become synonymous with circumventing time-honoured concepts such as the rule of law. It is associated now with words such as profiling, incommunicado detention, rendition and torture."Rules of the Game" investigates global counter terrorism through the perspective of those affected by such measures. Asim Qureshi's indefatigable research took him to East Africa, Pakistan, Sudan, the USA, Bosnia and Canada to record the testimonies of the victims of these detention policies. He analyses the effects of global counter-terrorism not as individual policies or pieces of legislation, but rather as parts of a larger phenomenon that has uniformly changed the way governments view justice and eroded fundamental norms in pursuit of often phantom terrorists. Among the issues he discusses are profiling of Muslims by security services and concurrent mass arrests; the use of detention without charge, control orders and incommunicado detention; rendition; domestic detention policies in North America; and how the establishment of Guantanamo Bay has affected global perceptions of justice and imprisonment.Trade Review'When we arrived after the plane journey, they untied my blindfold. I found there were womenand children on one side and men on the other side of the plane. They were saying, "they are taking us to Mogadishu". The Kenyans who bought me there were still here. I was crying and screaming and telling them to let me go as I had my passport and that I was from Dubai and they should send me back. One man tried me to keep me quiet by saying, "you are coming with us." ...In total there were 22 women and children. Apart from me and another lady, everyone else was 3-8months pregnant.'-statement by Kamilya Tuweil to Cageprisoners, Dubai, 2007

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Book SynopsisIn his seminal work "The Clash of Civilisations", Harvard professor Samuel P. Huntington claimed that conflict between cultural blocs, or civilizations, will dominate the future. More controversially, he predicted that future conflicts will occur on the borders between Western and Islamic civilisations. The statements of Osama Bin-Laden seem to support his views: 'This battle is not between al-Qaeda and the US,' he said in October 2001. 'This is a battle of Muslims against the Global Crusaders. 'This specially commissioned set of essays sets out critically to examine the border zones of Islamic civilisation, be they geographical, cultural or virtual. The contributors explore the local dynamics in these zones to test whether or not they support or contradict Huntingdon's thesis of an emerging global confrontation between Islamic civilisation and its neighbours, be they Christian, Hindu, Buddhist or godless.Among the borders discussed are those where Muslims are the majority (Afghanistan, Bosnia, Chechnya, Ethiopia, Indonesia, Somalia,Pakistan, Turkey), those with very large Muslim minorities (Philippines, Nigeria, India) and those where new faultlines have been created, either through migration (France, the United Kingdom, the United States, Spain) or technology (the internet). A commonthread running through the book is whether the rise of international Salafi jihadism can be traced to countries on the faultline between Islam and the non-Islamic world. The contributors conclude by arguing that many of the border regions of Islamic civilisation are influenced by mechanisms far more complex than those highlighted in "The Clash of Civilisations", suggesting that poverty and institutional failure, both often the result of war, tend to heighten religious awareness and practice, but that the effects of these phenomena differ from those suggested by Huntington.Trade ReviewUsing Samuel Huntington's thesis as a springboard for each chapter the volume has unity and consistency that is rare in an edited volume. . . Of particular insight is the section on Islam in Africa--too often an ignored continent in general books on political Islam. The chapter by Elena Arigita is also noteworthy, bringing together Spain's Islamic past with the security-conscious present. * International Affairs *

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Book SynopsisThere seems to be no end to the growing number of victims of civil war, terrorism, guerrilla warfare and military repression on the Indian subcontinent, despite the absence of interstate wars over the past ten years. These conflicts often involve armed paramilitary militias or insurgents of one sort or other, and it is their ideology, sociology and strategies that the contributors to this book investigate. Whether based on ideological motives - such as the Maoists and Naxalites in Nepal and India - or invested with a fundamentalist religious mission - the Hindu nationalist Bajrang Dal in India, the Sunni SSP in Pakistan, or Islamist militias in Bangladesh-all these movements use violence to exercise social control, challenge the authority of the state and impose their own particular worldview.Although they seek also to undermine the state, depriving it of the monopoly on legitimate violence that it supposedly holds, governments are equally adept at exploiting them to make them serve their own ends. For the authorities, these movements can be useful tools for their pursuit of both moral and social order. However delegating power to such groups for short term political gains can be an extremely risky enterprise, as demonstrated by Indira Gadhi's patronage of the Sikh militant group that later assassinated her. "Armed Militas of South Asia" is the first comprehensive book of its sort and will be required reading for all those interested in the politics of the subcontinent and Myanmar.Trade Review'The proliferation of violent militias in recent years represents one of the most disturbing trends in South Asia. Dedicated to causes that range from class war to ethno-religious conflict, they pose a dangerous challenge to a region where co-operation between neighbouring states appears to be slowly gaining ground. This broad and comprehensive study by a team of mainly French anthropologists, political scientists and policy experts explores the diverse ideologies, complex recruitment patterns and myriad objectives of paramilitary groups in India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Nepal and Burma. Based on new and often consequential research conducted in difficult and demanding circumstances, the result is a volume rich in detail and brimming with insight.' - Farzana Shaikh, Chatham House, Royal Institute of International Affairs, author, Making Sense of Pakistan 'South Asia, like other parts of the world today, experiences more conflict involving non-state actors than armed conflict between states. But what do India and Nepal's Maoist insurgents, Tamil separatists in Sri Lanka, Islamist insurgents in Kashmir and ethnic militias in Burma have in common? This empirically rich volume proposes that despite differences in the regimes in which these armed groups operate and diversity in their goals and structures, there are reasons to consider them together.' - Contemporary South AsiaTable of ContentsIntroduction-(Laurent Gayer and Christophe Jaffrelot) | The Naxalites of Bihar: Between Arms and Urns-(Nicolas Jaoul) | Maoism and the Ethnic Factor in Nepal's People's War-(Gilles Boquerat | The LTTE: A Movement of Liberation and National Oppression-(Chris Smith) | Myanmar's Militia: Between Insurrection and Maintenance of Order-(Renaud Egreteau) | The Hizb-ul Mujahidin of Kashmir, Imaginaries and Clientelism-(Amelie Blom) | The SSP, Herald of Sunni Militancy in Pakistan-(Mariam Abou Zahab) | Islamist Militia in Bangladesh: Symptoms of a Weak State?-(Jeremie Codron) | The Hindutva Brigade and Cultural Policing-(Christophe Jaffrelot) | Militia of Khalistan: Servants and Users of the State-(Laurent Gayer) | Conclusion-(Laurent Gayer and Christophe Jaffrelot)

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Book SynopsisAfter the collapse of the Soviet Union the Caucasus was wracked by ethnic and separatist violence as the peoples of the region struggled for self-determination. Vicken Cheterian, who spent many years as a reporter and analyst covering the region's conflicts, asks why nationalism emerged as a dominant political current, and why, of the many nationalist movements that emerged, some led to violence while others did not. He explains also why minority rebellions were victorious against larger armies, in mountainous Karabakh, Abkhazia, and in the first war of Chechnya, and discusses the ongoing instability and armed resistance in the North Caucasus. He concludes his book by examining chapters the great power competition between Russia, the US, and the EU over the oil and gas resources of the Caspian region.Trade Review'From Armenian family background, Cheterian does not hesitate to name Armenian excesses in the pursuit of independence for Karabakh. In his contributions to several institutes, journalism projects, and to Le Monde Diplomatique and opendemocracy.net, he represents a current of independent, evidence-based reportage and analysis that may just become strong enough to promote rational engagement with the possibilities of peace in the Caucasus.' * Irish Times *'A comprehensive description of the painful wars in the Caucasus over the last twenty years and an innovative analysis that adds to the theoretical literature on the sources of violent conflict.' * Stephen F. Jones, Slavic Review *'One cannot understand the current unresolved turmoil in the Caucasus, including last fall's war in Georgia, without having read this book.' * Robert Legvold, Foreign Affairs *'Cheterian asks the very useful question as to why the four conflicts that form the focus of his book took the shape that they did.' * Alex Marshall, War in History *'Absolutely competent and reliably researched.' * Choice *"This is an interesting and informative analysis of war in the Caucasus. The argument is supported through detailed analysis of the Karabakh conflict, Georgia, and Chechnya and the Osset-Ingush war in the North Caucasus. It is an original and systematic investigation of an important subject and will be a valuable addition to the debate on the conflicts in the Caucasus, the break-up of the Soviet Union, and the wider issues of nationalism and self-determination after the Cold War.' * Dr Jim Headley, University of Otago *'This book is essential reading for all who want to understand the roots of conflicts in the Caucasus and those who seek to build a lasting peace in this strategically important region. The recent war between Georgia and Russia has demonstrated that the international community was wrong in assuming that conflicts in Abkhazia, South Ossetia, and Nagorno- Karabakh can remain unresolved for decades. Vicken Cheterian's detailed and balanced account of brutal conflicts and their implications for the post-Soviet development of Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan stands out on this subject. His nuanced understanding of the historic legacies and modern challenges facing the region, its peoples, and its leaders is based on many years living and travelling in the Caucasus. He describes why diplomacy has failed to deliver reconciliation and just peace, and his insights should inform any future efforts to promote regional stability.' * Oksana Antonenko, program director (Russia and Eurasia), International Institute for Strategic Studies *'With the South Caucasus suddenly thrust into the centre of world attention, Vicken Cheterian's book could not be more timely. Cheterian comes to this topic both as an insider with intimate deep knowledge of the region and as a cool analyst who brings the critical insights of a journalist and the sober judgements of a scholar to bear on historical and political complexities. His story is placed squarely in the context of Soviet collapse and the competing national projects of the Armenians, Azerbaijanis, Georgians, Abkhaz, Ossetians, and Russians. Rather than seeing conflict as primordial or inevitable, Cheterian reveals both the conjunctures and contingencies that made what seemed unavoidable possible. His analysis and interpretations range from pipelines to politicians and provide readers with the most comprehensive understanding of what lies behind the often distorted public rhetoric of state leaders.' * Professor Ronald Grigor Suny, University of Michigan *

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Book SynopsisIt describes not only the story of the estate and its very foreign owners, but also that of the English in eastern Sicily during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Not only was the Castello di Maniace the seat of a dukedom, but the estate had also been one of Sicily's greatest medieval abbeys and played a significant part in the island's past. The book contains maps and photographs from a collection long dispersed - sadly the last Duke of Bronte sold the property over twenty years ago, so they document a way of life that no longer exists. All facets of an unusual Anglo-Sicilian relationship, with mutual miscomprehension usually uppermost, are recorded here, sometimes touchingly.

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Book SynopsisThere exists in Europe today a sense of cultural insecurity which economic prosperity alone cannot satisfy. This book discusses the forces that have shaped this sense and argues that cultural problems need cultural solutions.

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Book SynopsisSet against the backdrop of Iran s struggle against the rising powers of Russia and Britain, the memoirs of Mirza Riza Khan Arfa -ed-Dowleh otherwise known as Prince Arfa (1853 1902) are packed with picaresque adventures as the prince tells the story of his rise from humble provincial beginnings to the heights of the Iranian state. With this translation, his incredible story is brought to life for the first time in English. Prince Arfa writes with arresting wit about the deadly intrigues of the Qajar court. Lamentingly, but resolutely, he chronicles the decline of Iran from a once great empire to an almost bankrupt, lawless state, in which social unrest is channelled and exploited by the clergy. He describes the complex interactions between Iran and Europe, including an account of Naser-od-Din Shah s profligate visits to Britain and France; the splendor and eccentricities of the doomed Tsar Nicholas II s court; the Tsar s omen-laden coronation; and his own favor with the Tsarina, who would grant him concessions on matters of vital importance to his country. The result is a memoir of extraordinary political intrigue. "Trade ReviewPrince Arfa was an Iranian diplomat of modest origins and exceptional linguistic ability, being fluent in several languages, especially Russian. He combined an empathy with foreigners unusual for an Iranian of that time with diplomatic skill and presence of mind. An intriguing aspects of this memoir is the manner in which the Qajar regime deployed an official with these talents and the kind and degree of responsibility they gave him. His memoirs will be of particular interest to scholars of Iranian-Russian relations for his negotiations on the north-west boundary of Iran; his averting of a clash in Khorasan between the Islamic clerics of Mashhad and a Russian military presence dealing with quarantine; his account of the traditional practice at the Russian court, and public resentment of its expenditure; and the significant role he played in the negotiations for the Russian loan to Iran in 1900. His diplomacy also extended to other countries, such as involving Sweden in a dispute between Iran and Italy. His memories are of more general interest for their amusing portrayal of the events of Nasr al-Din Shah s journey to Europe in 1887 89. He also provides a lively account of aspects of life in Iran in the Qajar period, of the culture of childhood and traditional education; of health, diet and, the variety of practice in traditional medicine; and of the role of poetry daily life. His memories demonstrate the Iranian fascination with European women, already highlighted by recent research on their images in the Iranian houses of the time. Michael No?l-Clarke has provided a clear, lively and concise translation accompanied by informative annotation and biographical notes. --Vanessa Martin, Royal Holloway, University of London";Memories of a Bygone Age: Qajar Persia and Imperial Russia 1853-1902, by Prince Arfa'. Translated and edited by Michael Noel-Clarke. Gingko Library, 2016, 306 pp, ISBN 978-1-909942-86-8, GBP30.00 Reviewed by James Buchan Mirza Reza Khan, Arfa' od-Dowleh, later Prince Arfa', was an Iranian diplomat and man of letters of the late Qajar period. Born in modest circumstances in Tabriz in about 1853, and bred to the seminary, he entered Nassereddin Shah's service and became in succession Consul-General in Tiflis in Georgia, Minister in St. Petersburg, Ambassador in Istanbul, Minister of Justice, and Iran's representative to the League of Nations. Having amassed a fortune, Prince Arfa built fine houses in and near Tiflis and the Moorish villa in the Moneghetti district of Monaco now known as the Villa Ispahan. Just before his death in 1937, Prince Arfa' returned to Tehran and put in order his memoirs, which were published as the Khaterate perans Arfa' in Tehran in 1965, and re-issued in 1999. Michael Noel-Clarke, a former chairman of this society who is married to Prince Arfa"s great-granddaughter, has translated into English much of the first half of the memoirs, ending in 1901. Noel-Clarke's version casts a brilliant side-light on Iranian life and Nassereddin's Court and administration under the shadow of British and Russian encroachment. It portrays an attractive young man who through his talent as a linguist and versifier, luck, boldness and prudence, and by attaching himself to a succession of great men, negotiates a perilous and illusive Court. It is a handsome book, wellmade, -printed and -illustrated, not expensive, and provided with not one but two silk bookmarks. As so often with political memoirs, the early pages have the most charm before success, money and power bring in what Adam Smith called "the corruption of our moral sentiments." Reza's youth passed in the last truly Iranian age, before the pressure of the world caused that people to modify distinctive habits of thought and conduct. Son of a cloth merchant in Tabriz, Reza was destined for the turban before a flood in 1872 destroyed his father's stock. He was sent to Istanbul to work in the shop of a relation, Hajji Reza Aqa Salmasi. Passing through Erivan, he heard for the first time the words "geography" and "Australia" and saw, in a sort of epiphany, the shortcomings of his traditional education. In Istanbul, Mirza Reza learned good French and some English, but the climate disagreed with him. Returning through Tiflis, he was engaged as a clerk at the Iranian Consulate-General, where he learned to speak Russian and to please European ladies, the guardian angels of his career. In 1878, as Nassereddin Shah travelled through the Caucasus on his second European trip, his Russian-language interpreter took the wrong pills, and Reza was taken on as substitute. He acquitted himself so well as to be appointed a secretary at the ConsulateGeneral in Tiflis, and then, in 1883, the interpreter for the joint commission to delimit the border between Russia and Khorasan. There, he gained the favour of the Shah by persuading the Russians to withdraw the frontier so as not to cut off the village of Lotfabad from its farms and pastures. He also attached himself to the Amin osSoltan, later prime minister. Despatched to Enzeli to accompany to Tehran the new Italian minister, Alessandro de Rege di Donato and his countess and her companion, Mirza Reza started to see his homeland through a foreigner's eyes. In 1889, Mirza Reza was included in the party for Nassereddin Shah's third visit to Europe. He records unforgettable scenes: the Shah trying to give his courtiers the slip to roam Warsaw incognito, or leaving a ball in Edinburgh because he could not bear to see the kilted Scotsmen's knees. At Buchanan Castle near Stirling, seat of the Duke of Montrose, after the Shah had gone to bed, Mirza Reza and the prime minister were rowed by moonlight across the lake by two sisters, one of them singing. The Amin os-Soltan said in his ear: "If I spend the rest of my life in prison and in fetters, I would not exchange this moment." On his return, Mirza Reza was appointed Consul-General in Tiflis, and given a charge on the issue of all Iranian passports in the Caucasus. He discovered a taste for money. Five years later, he became minister in St Petersburg, and his memoirs go downhill. 48 His good fortune, which up to then had been a matter of providences and premonitions, becomes his own doing. The ladies cease to be angels, but frail creatures who cannot resist his charm. At the Empire Theatre in London, he had hypnotised the Princess of Wales. Now, the Tsarina seeks him out in a crowded room. The reader begins to doubt him. His account of how he outwitted Counts Lamsdorf and Witte over the terms of the Russian loan to Iran of 1900 is especially hard to credit. At this point, the translator, with the ruthlessness of all posterity, calls a halt and, but for a haunting account of the classical dancer Monavvar-e Shirazi, ends his labours. We thus miss, amid much of little value, some matters of interest and importance. Noel-Clarke has aimed his translation at the general reader, or rather that general reader who can navigate what the founder of the Iran Society, Edward Browne, called the "appalling complexity" of Qajar nomenclature: that confusion of Molks, Dowlehs and Saltanehs that is "one of the great obstacles to the popularization of Persian history." Noel-Clarke attends to this problem, providing from the best sources a glossary of the leading figures of the late Qajar Court and public service. Hence the second book-mark.

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