Warfare and defence Books

Book SynopsisHow do established powers react to growing competitors? The United States currently faces a dilemma with regard to China and others over whether to embrace competition and thus substantial present-day costs or collaborate with its rivals to garner short-term gains while letting them become more powerful. This problem lends considerable urgency to the lessons to be learned from Over the Horizon. David M. Edelstein analyzes past rising powers in his search for answers that point the way forward for the United States as it strives to maintain control over its competitors.Edelstein focuses on the time horizons of political leaders and the effects of long-term uncertainty on decision-making. He notes how state leaders tend to procrastinate when dealing with long-term threats, hoping instead to profit from short-term cooperation, and are reluctant to act precipitously in an uncertain environment. To test his novel theory, Edelstein uses lessons learned from history's great pTrade ReviewOver the Horizon asks important questions, provides clear arguments, and delivers an elegant theory that pushes Realist scholarship in new directions. * H-War *Edelstein (Georgetown) provides a timely analysis of the relations between established and rising great powers in order to determine why variations between cooperation and competition occur between them. * Choice *There is much to like about this volume. The writing is crisp, and the case studies—evaluating the impact of time horizons visàvis the rise of Germany and the United States, Germany's interwar resurgence, and the origins of the Cold War—are a model for qualitative research. More substantively, Edelstein has issued a clarion call for scholars to directly study states' temporal calculations and how these calculations affect foreign policy. Even if one does not accept the argument, future work will need to address the importance of time horizons. * Political Science Quarterly *David Edelstein's book makes significant and novel theoretical contributions toward studying great and rising powers. * International Studies Review *Table of ContentsPreface Introduction 1. Time Horizons and International Politics 2. The Arrival of Imperial Germany 3. The Rise of the United States 4. The Resurgence of Interwar Germany 5. The Origins of the Cold War 6. Conclusion and the Contemporary Rise of China Notes Index

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Book SynopsisTrade ReviewIn To Kill Nations Edward Kaplan describesa long process of evolution and adaptation as U.S. political and military leaders grappled with integrating nuclear weapons into national defense after World War II. Strikingly, he sees not a sudden revolution but a gradual process of incremental changes in military preparedness policy and action. * Journal of American History *There are many other studies of weapons development and Eisenhower and Kennedy's approaches to national defense. The great strength of Kaplan's is his tracing of the evolution of US policy in response to perceived Soviet capabilities. He astutely demonstrates how the Berlin and Cuban missile crises exposed the drawbacks of preparing primarily for an atomic war with the Soviet Union.To Kill Nations will enlighten readers seeking an intelligent overview of the evolution of airpower strategy in the first twenty-five years of the Cold War as well as, more specifically, President Eisenhower's New Look security policy and Robert McNamara's influence on national security strategy during the Kennedy administration. * Michigan War Studies Review *Kaplan draws extensively on archival records, including declassified government documents, to tell the story of how US nuclear strategy went from being focused on winning nuclear war with the Soviet Union to being more in line with the [mutually assured destruction] thinking made famous by early nuclear deterrence scholars, such as Thomas Schelling.... The book is a well-researched, interesting history of SAC and SAC's influence on US national security strategy during the first twenty years of the Cold War. * H-NET Reviews *Edward Kaplan's To Kill Nations is a fascinating work that packs a thermonuclear punch of ideas and arguments into 223 pages of dense but readable text (260 including endnotes, etc.). The work is suitable for anyone from advanced undergraduates to experts in the field. * Strategy Bridge *Table of ContentsIntroduction 1. Antecedents 2. Declaration, Action, and the Air-Atomic Strategy 3. Finding a Place 4. The Fantastic Compression of Time 5. To Kill a Nation 6. Stalemate, Finite Deterrence, Polaris, and SIOP-62 7. New Sheriff in Town 8. End of an Era Conclusion Key to Sources and Abbreviations Notes Index

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Book SynopsisIn Secession and Security, Ahsan I. Butt argues that states rather than separatists determine whether a secessionist struggle will be peaceful, violent, or genocidal. He investigates the strategies, ranging from negotiated concessions to large-scale repression, adopted by states in response to separatist movements. Variations in the external security environment, Butt argues, influenced the leaders of the Ottoman Empire to use peaceful concessions against Armenians in 1908 but escalated to genocide against the same community in 1915; caused Israel to reject a Palestinian state in the 1990s; and shaped peaceful splits in Czechoslovakia in 1993 and the Norway-Sweden union in 1905. Butt focuses on two main casesPakistani reactions to Bengali and Baloch demands for independence in the 1970s and India''s responses to secessionist movements in Kashmir, Punjab, and Assam in the 1980s and 1990s. Butt''s deep historical approach to his subject will appeal tTrade ReviewCompellingly and authoritatively researched. The research design—a case study approach—is exquisite. The case selections and criteria for comparison are academically sound. Butt also had access to scores of personal interviews as well as extensive archival data. The result is a significant and timely contribution to the scholarship on state decision-making in the international arena. * Choice *The spectacular achievement of Butt's seminal study is that it offers a refreshing theoretical explanation as to why states employ different strategies against separatists and, more importantly, it does so by presenting facts in an unbiased fashion. Secession and Security's academic rigour, in-depth analysis, accessibility and balanced objectivity make it a highly commendable contribution to International Relations theory and conflict studies. Apart from general readers, I highly recommend this book to scholars and policy-makers engaged in understanding and resolving the puzzling equation of state–separatist dynamics. * International Affairs *Masterly. * Northeast Now *Ahsan Butt makes a useful contribution by highlighting the international framework in explaining state response to secessionist movements but his question is very narrowly defined looking at ethnic difference when its trajectory implicitly or explicitly is separatist. * Bloomsbury Pakistan *

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Book SynopsisTable of Contents1. The Fall and Rise of Nonstate Violence 2. Coherence and Contestation: Explaining International Normative Change 3. Partisans, Liberators, and Militias: Normative Change and the Legitimization of Nonstate Violence 4. One Man's Freedom Fighter? Normative Change and the Geopolitical Construction of Terrorism 5. From Soldiers of Fortune to Fortune 500: Normative Contestation and the Return of Entrepreneurial Violence 6. What's at Stake? The Implications of Nonstate Actor Violence

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Book SynopsisIn Police, Provocation, Politics, Deniz Yonucu presents a counterintuitive analysis of contemporary policing practices, focusing particular attention on the incitement of counterviolence, perpetual conflict, and ethnosectarian discord by the state security apparatus. Situating Turkish policing within a global context and combining archival work and oral history narratives with ethnographic research, Yonucu demonstrates how counterinsurgency strategies from the Cold War and decolonial eras continue to inform contemporary urban policing in Istanbul. Shedding light on counterinsurgency''s affect-and-emotion-generating divisive techniques and urban dimensions, Yonucu shows how counterinsurgent policing strategies work to intervene in the organization of political dissent in a way that both counters existing alignments among dissident populations and prevents emergent ones. Yonucu suggests that in the places where racialized and dissident populations liTrade ReviewAn astute analysis of the mutually constitutive relationship between police/military forces and sources of political dissent and resistance in working-class neighborhoods of Istanbul. * Choice *Police, Provocation, Politics presents a deep understanding of urban policing and surveillance practices and how community members receive and respond to them. Many of the book's themes, arguments, and concepts relate to critical surveillance studies literature and present ethnographically grounded, rich, and innovative insights. * Surveillance and Society *Police, Provocation, Politics is a groundbreaking contribution to the anthropology of policing, surveillance, and resistance * Journal of Middle East Women's Studies *Police, Provocation, Politics makes a timely contribution to the rapidly growing critical scholarship on discriminatory and authoritarian policing, surveillance and security practices designed to disrupt, maintain or generate specific and selected socio-political orders. * International Journal of Urban and Regional Research *Presented with eloquent organization and lucid writing, the book exhibits ethnography at its prime. Yonucu's writing makes an invaluable contribution to both our understanding of the dialectical relationship between contemporary urban policing and politics, as well as the democratization of the scholarly field. * PoLAR: Political and Legal Anthropology *Through her deeply situated ethnography of a revolutionary community that has found ways of embodying an intergenerational revolutionary politics within and outside the modern state, Yonucu shows abolitionists everywhere ways of embodying liberation. * American Ethnologist *An inspiring example of the recent generation of urban studies scholarship in Turkey, Police, Provocation, Politics offers a major contribution to the field. * New Perspectives on Turkey *Table of ContentsIntroduction: Population, Provocative Counterorganization, and the War on Politics 1. The Possibility of Politics: People's Committees, Sanctuary Spaces, and Dissensus 2. "Gazas of Istanbul": Threatening Alliances and Militarized Spatial Control 3. Provocative Counterorganization: Violent Interpellation, Low-Intensity Conflict, Ethnosectarian Enclaves 4. Good Vigilantism, Bad Vigilantism: Crime, Community Justice, Mimetic Policing,and the Antiterror Laws 5. Inspirational Hauntings: Undercover Policeand the Spirits of Solidarity and Resistance 6. Gezi Uprisings: The Long Summer of Solidarity,and Resistance and the Great Divide Epilogue: Policing as the Generation of (Dis)Order

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Book SynopsisIn Reliability and Alliance Interdependence, Iain D. Henry argues for a more sophisticated approach to alliance politics and ideas of interdependence. It is often assumed that if the United States failed to defend an ally, then this disloyalty would instantly and irrevocably damage US alliances across the globe. Henry proposes that such damage is by no means inevitable and that predictions of disaster are dangerously simplistic. If other allies fear the risks of military escalation more than the consequences of the United States abandoning an ally, then they will welcome, encourage, and even praise such an instance of disloyalty. It is also often assumed that alliance interdependence only constrains US policy options, but Henry shows how the United States can manipulate interdependence to set an example of what constitutes acceptable allied behavior. Using declassified documents, Henry explores five case studies involving US alliances with STable of ContentsIntroduction 1. Alliances, Reliability, and Interdependence 2. Forming Alliances in Asia, 1949-1951 3. Unleashing and Re-leashing Chiang Kai-shek, 1953-1954 4. Allies Encourage Limits on US Loyalty to Formosa, 1954-1955 5. Revision of the U.S.-Japan Alliance, 1955-1960 6. Negotiating the Reversion of Okinawa, 1967-1969 Conclusion

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Book SynopsisEncirclement, Andrea Bartoletti argues, is an essential strategic possibility of the international system and a key trigger of major war. Using historical case studies, Escaping the Deadly Embrace examines how great powers try to escape the two-front war problem and seek to preserve their security. Encirclement is a geographic variable that occurs in the presence of one or two great powers on two different borders of the surrounded great power. The surrounding great powers may not have the capacity to initiate a joint invasion. Yet their threatening presence triggers a double security dilemma for the encircled great power, which has to disperse its army to secure its borders. When the surrounding great powers become capable of launching a two-front attack, the encircled great power initiates war. This situation, disastrous in itself, can also lead to war contagion when other great powers intervene in the new conflict owing to the rival-based network of allTrade ReviewBartoletti's Escaping the Deadly Embrace is an important addition to the scholarly literature on the onset of major wars. His argument is compelling in the majority of the cases surveyed and for that reason alone merits careful consideration by future researchers. * H-Net *Table of ContentsIntroduction 1. A Theory of Encirclement and Major War 2. France and the Italian Wars 3. France and the Thirty Years' War 4. Germany and World War I 5. The Origins of Modern Major Wars 6. The Future of Major War

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Book SynopsisIn A Lost Peace, Galen Jackson rewrites an important chapter in the history of the middle period of the Cold War, changing how we think about the Arab-Israeli conflict.During the June 1967 Middle East war, Israeli forces seized the Sinai Peninsula and the Gaza Strip from Egypt, the Golan Heights from Syria, and the West Bank and East Jerusalem from Jordan. This conflict was followed, in October 1973, by a joint Egyptian-Syrian attack on Israel, which threatened to drag the United States and the Soviet Union into a confrontation even though the superpowers had seemingly embraced the idea of détente. This conflict contributed significantly to the ensuing deterioration of US-Soviet relations.The standard explanation for why détente failed is that the Soviet Union, driven mainly by its Communist ideology, pursued a highly aggressive foreign policy during the 1970s. In the Middle East specifically, the conventional wisdom is that the Soviets play

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Book SynopsisIn 1951, General Omar Bradley declared publicly that war with China would involve the United States in the wrong war, at the wrong place, at the wrong time, and with the wrong enemy. Despite the stated intent of the U.S. to keep the Korean conflict from spreading, the debate on extending the war was far more intense and protracted than previous accounts of this period have suggested.Concentrating on the debate over expansion, Rosemary Foot reveals the strains it caused both within the U.S. bureaucracy and between America and its North Atlantic allies. She supplies important new information on the U.S. government''s appraisal of Sino-Soviet relations between 1950 and 1953, and makes clear that a high proportion of U.S. officials came to recognize the limited nature of Soviet support for China. Explaining why the Eisenhower administration nearly unleashed nuclear weapons on China in the spring of 1953, Foot demonstrates that the Korean war would very likely have grown inTrade ReviewFoot's understated and concise style may lead some readers to miss just how extensive and wise is her use of new archival materials and just how much she does to demolish the received wisdom on the Korean War. This book will remain a standard in the literature for many years to come. * The American Historical Review *Foot deserves high marks for her careful research, clear and restrained prose, and sensitivity to the nuances of the various arguments bandied about within the Truman and Eisenhower administrations. Her study sets a high standard for scholars who intend to follow her path. * Reviews in American History *A valuable, even exciting, study of decision making in a rapidly changing and complex environment. The book offers and provokes many challenging thoughts about the conduct of international affairs in general. * History *Readers will appreciate Foot's trenchant prose. The Wrong War advances new and perceptive interpretations that shatter traditional assumptions about the way the United States fought for an acceptable outcome in Korea. * Korean Studies *Foot has wrestled with a difficult objective in trying to prove that policymakers almost took an action that never in fact occurred. She does this cautiously and produces in the process an interesting new perspective on questions that received only simple answers in the past. The Wrong War is a significant step in the new scholarly reexamination of the Korean conflict. * Pacific Historical Review *Foot has written an important volume. Among her most provocative observations is that leaders in Washington came to understand during the Korean war that the Soviets' support of their Chinese allies was considerably less forthcoming than one might have expected in view of the Sino-Soviet Pact of 1950. Foot provides a careful and thoughtful account of the discussion within the Eisenhower administration on the question of whether the United States ought to resort to such an extreme tactic. * The Journal of American History *

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Book SynopsisThe Burden-Sharing Dilemma examines the conditions under which the United States is willing and able to pressure its allies to assume more responsibility for their own defense. The United States has a mixed track record of encouraging allied burden-sharingwhile it has succeeded or failed in some cases, it has declined to do so at all in others. This variation, Brian D. Blankenship argues, is because the United States tailors its burden-sharing pressure in accordance with two competing priorities: conserving its own resources and preserving influence in its alliances. Although burden-sharing enables great power patrons like the United States to lower alliance costs, it also empowers allies to resist patron influence. Blankenship identifies three factors that determine the severity of this burden-sharing dilemma and how it is managed: the latent military power of allies, the shared external threat environment, and the level of a patron''s resource constrain

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Book SynopsisBecause authoritarian regimes like North Korea can impose the costs of sanctions on their citizens, these regimes constitute "hard targets." Yet authoritarian regimes may also be immune—and even hostile—to economic inducements if such inducements imply reform and opening. This book captures the effects of sanctions and inducements on North Korea and provides a detailed reconstruction of the role of economic incentives in the bargaining around the country's nuclear program. Stephan Haggard and Marcus Noland draw on an array of evidence to show the reluctance of the North Korean leadership to weaken its grip on foreign economic activity. They argue that inducements have limited effect on the regime, and instead urge policymakers to think in terms of gradual strategies. Hard Target connects economic statecraft to the marketization process to understand North Korea and addresses a larger debate over the merits and demerits of "engagement" with adversaries.Trade Review"Hard Target makes an outstanding contribution to the study of the political economy of engagement with North Korea. Analytically rigorous, empirically rich, and far-reaching in its policy implications, this book is a must-read."—Chung-in Moon, Yonsei University"Following the money, Stephan Haggard and Marcus Noland have carefully crafted an innovative study of the evolving political economy of North Korea. They provide important insights about the effectiveness of sanctions and engagement strategies. Amid an increasing application of sanctions, Hard Target contributes much needed sophistication and nuance to over-simplified debates about dealing with North Korea."—John S. Park, Harvard University"Hard Target is an academic book in the most complimentary sense of the term....[It] is certainly a must-read for scholars and practitioners who claim some stake in the North Korea debate. Readers will appreciate Haggard and Noland's honest, but sobering assessment of the North Korean crisis and the results of sanctions and inducements."—Andrew I. Yeo, Pacific AffairsTable of Contents1. Introduction: The Political Economy of Engagement 2. The Political Economy of North Korea: The Paradigmatic Hard Target 3. North Korea's External Economic Relations, 1990–2016 4. Humanitarian Dilemmas: The Political Economy of Food 5. The Microeconomics of Engagement 6. Negotiating on Nuclear Weapons I: The Rise and Fall of the Six Party Talks (2001-2008) 7. Negotiating on Nuclear Weapons II: Permanent Crisis, 2009-2016 8. Conclusion: Whither North Korea? Whither Economic Statecraft?

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Book SynopsisIslam in the Balance: Ideational Threats in Arab Politics is an analysis of how ideas, or political ideology, can threaten states and how states react to ideational threats. It examines the threat perception and policies of two Arab Muslim majority states, Egypt and Saudi Arabia, in response to the rise and activities of two revolutionary "Islamic states," established in Iran (1979) and Sudan (1989). Using these comparative case studies, the book provides important insight about the role of religious ideology for the international and domestic politics of the Middle East and, in doing so, advances our understanding of how, why, and when ideology affects threat perception and state policy. Rubin makes clear that transnational ideologies may present a greater and more immediate national security threat than shifts in the military balance of power: first because ideology, or ideational power, triggers threat perception and affects state policy; second because states engage in ideational balancing in response to an ideological threat. The book has significant implications for international relations theory and engages important debates in comparative politics about authoritarianism and Islamic activism. Its findings about how an Islamist regime or state behaves will provide vital insight for policy creation by the US and its Middle East allies should another such regime or state emerge.Trade Review"Rubin's work engages and even bridges international relations theories from neoclassical realism to constructivism . . . Islam in the Balance is an excellent book. It adds to the small but growing literature on the international relations of the Middle East, introduces important new concepts that can be applied well beyond the case studies in the book, and is a well-written text that will be of great interest to scholars, policymakers, and the informed general public." -- Curtis R. Ryan * Political Science Quarterly *"This book adds to and extends the international relations (IR) theory literature on what could be colloquially described as wars of words . . . The chief merit of this book is that it helps to counterbalance and correct IR theories which subordinate ideas to material capabilities (military, economic, geo-strategic) or which exclude ideas altogether in favour of numerically quantifiable calculations of force. The book's fidelity to neo-classical realism adds to its persuasive power among the scholarly community most in need of convincing." -- Scott Morrison * Journal of Islamic Studies *"Overall, this is an interesting book as it focuses on a foreign policy dimension not usually given much attention, especially in 'realist' treatments of international relations . . . In sum, Islam in the Balance is interesting for the way it seeks to take ideas seriously in foreign policy. Those interested in foreign interactions between the governments of Iran, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and Sudan, especially in the ways that 'Islam' can form a component of such interactions, would find this book useful." -- Jeffrey Haynes * Middle East Journal *"Rubin presents a very concise and clearly defined theoretical framework, and the case studies provide a well-organized analysis tracing the evolution of Egyptian/Saudi-Iranian/Sudanese relations within the ideational security dilemma/balancing model . . . Recommended." -- C. H. Allen * CHOICE *"Why do Arab regimes so frequently find ideological movements beyond their borders so threatening? Islam in the Balance provides an innovative and thoughtful new argument for the centrality of ideas and ideology to the international relations of the Middle East. By examining the reactions of key Arab regimes to Iran's revolution, Sudan's Islamist coup, and the electoral success of the Muslim Brotherhood, Larry Rubin sheds new light on the relationship between ideas and power in Arab politics and advances our understanding of the non-material components of regional power politics." -- Marc Lynch * The George Washington University *"This groundbreaking book unites theoretical innovation with area-based insight. New concepts—ideational security dilemma and ideological balancing—are used to explain the dynamics of regional politics in the Middle East. It is essential reading for area specialists, along with political scientists and even a more general audience." -- Patrick James, Dornsife Dean's Professor, School of International Relations * University of Southern California *"Situated between realist and constructivist approaches, Rubin demonstrates that bringing Islam, and presumably other transnational ideologies, into the story can enrich explanations of foreign policy very significantly, in at least some cases. Accordingly, his insightful and original study will be of interest to students of interstate relations and foreign policy in general, as well as those interested in Middle East international relations." -- Mark Tessler * Perspectives on Politics *

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Book SynopsisOne of the gravest issues facing the global community today is the threat of nuclear war. As a growing number of nations gain nuclear capabilities, the odds of nuclear conflict increase. Yet nuclear deterrence strategies remain rooted in Cold War models that do not take into account regional conflict. Brokering Peace in Nuclear Environments offers an innovative theory of brokered bargaining to better understand and solve regional crises. As the world has moved away from the binational relationships that defined Cold War conflict while nuclear weapons have continued to proliferate, new types of nuclear threats have arisen. Moeed Yusuf proposes a unique approach to deterrence that takes these changing factors into account. Drawing on the history of conflict between India and Pakistan, Yusuf describes the potential for third-party intervention to avert nuclear war. This book lays out the ways regional powers behave and maneuver in response to the pressures of strong global powers. Moving beyond debates surrounding the widely accepted rational deterrence model, Yusuf offers an original perspective rooted in thoughtful analysis of recent regional nuclear conflicts. With depth and insight, Brokering Peace in Nuclear Environments urges the international community to rethink its approach to nuclear deterrence.Trade Review"This outstanding book serves as a sobering reminder of the dangers that crises between regional nuclear actors pose to global peace. One of the world's foremost experts on U.S. policy towards South Asia, Moeed Yusuf has produced powerful original scholarship that emphasizes the critical role the United States has played, and must continue to play, in managing these crises. An absolute must-read for policy makers." -- Stephen J. Hadley * former U.S. National Security Advisor *"Brokering Peace in Nuclear Environments expands our understanding of a new, dangerous frontier in international security: the bargaining and decision-making of regional nuclear rivals, in crises that play out under the purview of powerful third parties. Moeed Yusuf illuminates these dynamics in surprising ways, weaving together insights from theories of nuclear strategy and diplomacy, third-party conflict management, and unipolarity. The study gives us much to think about as we consider how similar nuclear crises in South Asia, and other regional contexts, could unfold and—one hopes—be resolved short of war." -- Timothy Crawford * Boston College *"In this important new book, Moeed Yusuf shows that the nuclear crises of today are multiplayer games and that the role of the third-party mediator may in fact be the most important. A truly valuable theoretical and empirical contribution." -- Vipin Narang * Massachusetts Institute of Technology *"This brilliant book raises important questions about the nuclear futures of the world. With the US edging towards one side in South Asia, and trying to get the Chinese to play a new role in South and East Asia, will the concept of brokered bargaining be pushed to the breaking point? Will China (or a subordinate state) be persuaded that force is useful or necessary? The book forces one to think afresh about these issues." -- Stephen P. Cohen, Senior Fellow Emeritus * Brookings Institution *"We tested the nuclear-weapons capability a score ago. We need to add value to the theoretical and strategic literature on the subject. That Yusuf is the first to do so is highly commendable. Interestingly, the work is also meant for the informed generalist. In addition to conceptual originality, Brokering Peace in Nuclear Environments also provides original, first-time information on the three crises Yusuf studies. That information, in and of itself, is crucial to understanding how decision-making plays out in the South Asian context." -- Ejaz Haider * Dawn *"The result is a highly original contribution to nuclear theory –- an area that has largely remained the preserve of Euro-American scholars in the past—as Yusuf presents his own model of 'brokered bargaining' to conceptualize crises in regional contexts." -- Wajahat Ali * Arab News *"Moeed Yusuf's riveting insights on the subject could not have come at a better time for practitioners and scholars. It gives a much-needed glance into the US playbook and how it is likely to be used in future crises in the South Asian theater. It is a rich addition to scholarship because it analyzes South Asian crises beyond the deterrence framework and concludes that crises behavior will be influenced by many other factors than nuclear and conventional deterrence." -- Syed Ali Zia Jaffery * Pakistan Politico *"Brokering Peace in Nuclear Environments offers a valuable analytical lens to students of nuclear politics in international relations by outlining the trilateral and multilateral dynamics in regional nuclear environments. Yusuf's prudent narration of the post-Cold War nuclearized canvas of South Asia and of the three Indo-Pak crises will positively engage readers from the region and outside." -- Tanvi Kulkarni * South Asian Voices *"Moeed Yusuf's book not only provides a comprehensive insight into the role effectively played by the US as a third party – an aspect which has been discussed by other writers as well, but it makes a successful attempt at theorising why and how presence and role of the US impacts crisis behaviour in a nuclear environment." -- Salma Malik * The Friday Times *"Moeed Yusuf's book, Brokering Peace in Nuclear Environments, is remarkable for two reasons. First, inheriting an academic discourse on international conflict that is accustomed to thinking in dyads, it reminds us that the real world is less simple, and brings into focus tripartite engagement, with additional actors having speaking parts. Second, it reconstructs three recent crisis events in quiet detail. This distillation, based in part on an impressive list of interviews, is useful especially to those interested in studying India-Pakistan relations with specific focus on nuclear policy and advocacy." -- Swarna Rajagopalan * H-Diplo, H-Net Reviews *"[T]his book carries immense value by bringing forth a crisis management "playbook" for third party powers and in incisively explaining the crisis behavior of regional powers. Its perceptive description of the three crises in South Asia carries great value for the scholars of strategic studies as well as policymakers grappling with crisis management in nuclearized environments." -- Saima Aman Sial * South Asian Voices *"I hope tomorrow's negotiators will read this book." -- Teresita C. Schaffer * South Asia Hand *"This is a timely book. [A] valuable contribution to an area that has received inadequate attention since the end of the Cold War."––Rajesh Basrur, International Affairs"This excellent book shows the critical role played by the United States and other third parties, including the United Kingdom and China, in de-escalating the first three nuclear crises since the May 1998 Indian and Pakistani nuclear tests....[A] major contribution to the literature on the elusive search for 'crisis stability' in Indo–Pakistani relations." -- Mario E. Carranza * The Nonproliferation Review *Table of ContentsContents and AbstractsIntroduction: Regional Nuclear Crises in a Unipolar World chapter abstractThe Introduction lays the groundwork for the rest of the book by introducing the need for a theory of nuclear crisis behavior centered on third-party mediation. Specifically, how does the presence of the unipole and stronger third parties alter the crisis behavior of regional nuclear powers situated within a unipolar world? And what implications does this have for crisis management, stability, and outcomes? The chapter introduces the puzzle and explains the book's empirical focus on South Asia by highlighting that India and Pakistan are the only regional nuclear powers to have experienced major crises since the end of the Cold War. The chapter also summarizes the key findings from the three case studies, the 1999 Kargil conflict, the 2001–2002 military standoff, and the 2008 Mumbai crisis, and confirms evidence in line with the proposed theory of brokered bargaining. 1Understanding Nuclear Crisis Behavior: A Survey of the Literature chapter abstractThis chapter surveys the literature on nuclear crises. It begins by summarizing the Cold War treatment of these episodes, highlighting the centrality of bilateral deterrence and models such as "brinkmanship" in creating expectations for nuclear crisis behavior. Even though third-party actors remained important as superpower allies during the Cold War, literature during this period suffered from a two-actor bias flowing from the global hegemony of the superpowers. Post–Cold War literature tends to account for regional nuclearization and unipolarity but in summarizing this body of work, the chapter identifies that there is still insufficient knowledge of the various factors at play in regional nuclear crises. 2Setting Up the Inquiry: An Introduction to Brokered Bargaining chapter abstractThis chapter introduces brokered bargaining as a three-actor model that explains patterns of state behavior in regional crises in a unipolar global setting. The chapter presents ten propositions that are posited to collectively shape crisis behavior of the United States and other strong states acting as third-party mediators and of regional rivals. Crisis behavior of regional rivals ought to be marked by a constant tension between their incentives to pursue their maximalist objectives and their compulsion not to defy the third party completely given its power to tilt the crisis decisively against them. The third party would seek to heighten the antagonists' sensitivity to its preference for de-escalation ahead of their ideal crisis outcomes. Brokered bargaining unpacks the processes and mechanisms that underpin this trilateral interaction. The last part of the chapter presents the methodology applied to the case studies in the next section of the book. 3The Kargil Crisis chapter abstractThis chapter examines the 1999 Kargil conflict between India and Pakistan, and establishes that what may otherwise be construed as a classic limited war where major conflict was avoided due to nuclear deterrence was in reality a display of brokered bargaining. This entailed the United States and other major powers ignoring Pakistan's effort to manipulate the risk of war and its pleas for support to help terminate the crisis while it was in possession of forcibly occupied territory in Indian Kashmir. They deemed Pakistan's unilateral withdrawal to be the most realistic and efficient way of ensuring crisis termination. India reacted militarily to Pakistan's provocation but kept its actions limited to retain international goodwill and get the third party to make efforts to ensure Pakistan's withdrawal. The chapter also analyzes the several risks of escalation introduced due to India's and Pakistan's misperceptions of the third party's outlook toward the crisis. 4The 2001–2002 Military Standoff chapter abstractThis chapter examines the 2001–2002 military standoff that kept India and Pakistan on the verge of war for ten months. Brokered bargaining characterized crisis behavior of the rivals and the U.S.-led third party. India threatened to use military force but pulled back at critical junctures as the United States acted as a guarantor of Pakistan's promises of curbing cross-border terrorism and raised India's costs of defying third-party demands to de-escalate. Pakistan promised retaliation against India and harmed the U.S. military campaign in Afghanistan by withdrawing forces from the Pakistan-Afghanistan border, but this "autonomous" behavior was trumped by its propensity to oblige the United States by accepting some responsibility for anti-India terrorism and acting tangibly against militants. The chapter also analyzes the several risks of escalation introduced by India's and Pakistan's misperceptions of the third party's leverage over the opponent. 5The Mumbai Crisis chapter abstractThis chapter examines the 2008 Mumbai crisis and shows that brokered bargaining characterized crisis behavior of the rivals and the U.S.-led third party. In a situation that could have boiled over given the spectacular nature of the terrorist attacks that triggered the crisis, India, Pakistan, and the United States exhibited an even greater sense of familiarity with the opportunities and limitations associated with the trilateral bargaining framework. Despite threatening military action at times, India relied almost exclusively on the United States to pursue its crisis objectives. Without boxing it in completely, the United States pressured Pakistan and forced it to take actions against terrorists believed to be linked to the attacks, and used this to pacify India. The centrality of the third-party strand of crisis management helps explain the prudence both sides exhibited in avoiding brinkmanship. 6Brokered Bargaining: Observations and Lessons for South Asia chapter abstractDrawing on the case studies, this chapter examines the applicability of brokered bargaining in South Asia's first decade of overt nuclearization and its implications for crisis stability. In each crisis, the concern about escalation forced the United States and other strong states to engage, largely unsolicited, and use a mix of rewards and threats with the regional rivals to achieve de-escalation. Both India and Pakistan eagerly engaged the third-party and oscillated between manipulating the risk of war and deferring to its preferences to gain its support. The process encompassing this dynamic interaction explained both the specific choices and the overall crisis behavior of the three actors. Escalation risks due to the "moral hazard problem," the "multiple-audience problem," and the peacetime policy choices of the antagonists and the United States were present. 7Beyond South Asia: Generalizing the Application of Brokered Bargaining chapter abstractThis chapter addresses the general applicability of brokered bargaining beyond South Asia, focusing on four prototypes of rivalries: between countries that are considered friends of the unipole (futuristic crisis scenarios involving Israel versus a nuclear Saudi Arabia, Turkey, or Egypt); between a friend and foe of the unipole (Israel versus a nuclear Iran); between a foe of the unipole and an ally with formally extended deterrence guarantees (Korean peninsula); and between a friend and a presumptive great power rival of the unipole (India versus China). The discussion establishes the similarities and differences of these prototypes with the South Asian cases. While each presents a somewhat distinct set of challenges for third-party actors, the fundamental crisis dynamic whereby the third party works to secure de-escalation without seeking to alienate either conflicting party completely and the antagonists feel compelled not to defy it outright remains valid in each case. 8Brokered Bargaining: Implications for Theory and Practice chapter abstractThis chapter reflects on the theoretical and practical implications of the book. It highlights the work's contribution to the otherwise undertheorized role of third parties in preventing war, its fresh perspectives on the optimism-pessimism debate on nuclear deterrence, and its attention to scholarship on nonnuclear subjects, primarily mediation, unipolarity theory, and sociological literature on "evaluation" by external audiences. The discussion highlights policy recommendations for decision makers in the United States, other third-party states, India, Pakistan, and other potential regional nuclear rivals. It stresses the need for a holistic U.S. policy approach to crises between regional nuclear powers.

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Book SynopsisWar is one of the most lucrative job markets for an increasingly global workforce. Most of the work on American bases, everything from manning guard towers to cleaning the latrines to more technical engineering and accounting jobs, has been outsourced to private firms that then contract out individual jobs, often to the lowest bidder. An "American" base in Afghanistan or Iraq will be staffed with workers from places like Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, the Philippines, Turkey, Bosnia, and Nepal: so-called "third-country nationals." Tens of thousands of these workers are now fixtures on American bases. Yet, in the plethora of records kept by the U.S. government, they are unseen and uncounted—their stories untold. Noah Coburn traces this unseen workforce across seven countries, following the workers' often zigzagging journey to war. He confronts the varied conditions third-country nationals encounter, ranging from near slavery to more mundane forms of exploitation. Visiting a British Imperial training camp in Nepal, U.S. bases in Afghanistan, a café in Tbilisi, offices in Ankara, and human traffickers in Delhi, Coburn seeks out a better understanding of the people who make up this unseen workforce, sharing powerful stories of hope and struggle. Part memoir, part travelogue, and part retelling of the war in Afghanistan through the eyes of workers, Under Contract unspools a complex global web of how modern wars are fought and supported, narrating war stories unlike any other. Coburn's experience forces readers to reckon with the moral questions of a hidden global war-force and the costs being shouldered by foreign nationals in our name. Trade Review"In his vivid and insightful first-person account, Noah Coburn expands the scope and impact of modern warfare by unveiling the lives of subcontractors often supplied by human trafficking networks and always trapped in a shameful maze of greed and exploitation. Under Contract puts a human face on crucial issues in the prolonged U.S. war in Afghanistan, exposing the grim underworld of migrant workers." -- Ann Hagedorn * author of The Invisible Soldiers: How America Outsourced Our Security *"In this highly readable and disturbing account of the American war effort in Afghanistan, Noah Coburn traces the complex transnational web that has snared individuals from various countries in the conflict. A Gurkha story as well as war story, Under Contract chronicles not valor and glory, but poverty, human trafficking, and institutional racism. It will prove a useful resource for anyone interested in international relations, migration, and conflict." -- Deepak Thapa * co-author of A Kingdom under Siege: Nepal's Maoist Insurgency, 1996 to 2004 *"With a vivid eye for detail, analytic lucidity, and compassion, Noah Coburn opens up a space between anthropology and investigative journalism. His journey to understand the human ripple effects of the war in Afghanistan takes him to Nepal, India, Turkey, the Republic of Georgia, and the U.K. in search of people who, often driven by economic desperation, worked for U.S. military contractors. A disturbing picture emerges: a world governed by massive inequalities and the brute realities of chance where some profit handsomely from war while others, dead or maimed for life, are treated as cheap, disposable, and conveniently invisible casualties of American intervention. An important account of a new neoliberal mode of warfare, vital reading for anyone interested in military affairs, Afghanistan, migration, and globalization." -- Hugh Gusterson * author of Drone: Remote Control Warfare *"An irreplaceable and beautifully written book. Under Contract is one of the richest and most straightforward ethnographic accounts of war yet written. In focusing on the long and difficult paths of the contractors of the latest Afghan war, Coburn is the first to truly demonstrate the transnational and profit-driven nature of most modern war." -- Catherine Lutz * Brown University *Table of ContentsContents and AbstractsPrologue: No Small War chapter abstractThis book begins with the political and economic changes brought to the area around Bagram Airbase in Afghanistan by the American invasion, comparing the author's experiences with those of a Nepali security guard who was imprisoned in Afghanistan for three years. It presents some of the less predictable consequences of the war, particularly for civilians working for the U.S. war effort. It looks at the wide range of actors who were part of the conflict in Afghanistan, from members of the NATO coalition to individual businessmen who were pulled in by the war economy, suggesting that far from a "small war," as most insurgencies are considered, the war in Afghanistan was truly a global affair. It concludes that understanding the consequences of the war in Afghanistan requires an anthropological approach and lays out the methods of the study that led to this book. 1Mercenaries, Contractors, and Other Hired Guns chapter abstractThis chapter recounts the experience of one Nepali security contractor in Afghanistan and the ways in which his experience, the money that he made, and the connections that he developed have reshaped his life. It looks at how this case is indicative of a wider trend by Western countries to outsource various aspects of war and international intervention. These practices, due largely to the secretive nature of private security firms, remain understudied and, as this chapter demonstrates, even attempting to do a census of such workers is nearly impossible. It also debunks the common myth that private security contractors are not put at the same risk that more typical military personnel are, suggesting that the wider nature of war has changed in ways that are not accounted for in most popular narratives. 2Nepalis at War chapter abstractThis chapter looks at the practice of recruitment of Nepalis into foreign militaries. The practice, which began under the East India Trade Company, eventually led hundreds of thousands of Nepalis to enlist in the British Imperial Army and, later, the Indian Army, the Singapore Police Force, and a range of other foreign bodies. This practice of relying on so-called Gurkha soldiers has shifted in recent years toward private security firms largely funded by the U.S. government. This neoliberal variation of earlier practices of labor migration has led to the commodification of the term Gurkha as these men and the symbols attached to them have been used to encourage orientalist appeals to the supposed martial nature of certain Nepali ethnic groups. 3One Blast, Many Lives chapter abstractThis chapter is the account of the 2013 suicide attack on a private security compound in Kabul through the experience of four Nepali guards who worked there. It looks at the difficulty of sorting out the details on an attack like this one, which was large enough to lead to several deaths, but since those killed were from non-Western countries, it garnered little media attention. Furthermore, the layers of contracting and subcontracting meant that the firm guarding and residing in the compound was not the same as the one that owned the compound, making liability and moral obligations difficult for those involved to sort out. The chapter explores how differently the attack affected the individuals we interviewed, with one being disabled for life with no future prospects, and another, with less severe injuries who used the compensation paid by his firm to start a new business. 4Costs and Compensation chapter abstractThis chapter looks at the various ways in which firms compensate those injured in attacks or other on-the-job injuries in conflict zones. In particular, it focuses on the U.S. Defense Base Act, which was set up to provide injured workers with compensation. While the wording of the law is expansive, many contractors from Nepal and other poor countries have struggled to take advantage of it, since they have limited legal knowledge and contracting companies often isolate them from the lawyers who could potentially help them file a claim. The chapter concludes by speculating about why attacks involving private security firms, particularly where there are non-Westerners killed, have been so easy to ignore and what this says about the current relationship between the media and the U.S. military. 5Manpower chapter abstractThis chapter looks at the process that Nepalis workers use to secure employment abroad. Usually they rely on a series of local brokers and, later, brokers in Kathmandu, who work with a labor firm to secure a contract and work permit abroad. The process has long been derided as corrupt, and most measures aimed at increasing transparency have, according to those going through the process, allowed officials and brokers to extract more bribes from potential migrants. It looks at the case of workers migrating to Afghanistan and how this practice, which was relatively limited following the initial U.S.-led invasion, rapidly expanded, attracting less reputable firms and leading to more bureaucracy. 6Two Hundred Years of Gurkhas chapter abstractThis chapter looks at the increase in employment of retired Gurkhas by international and American private security firms in the early years of the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. It looks particularly at the experience of two retired Gurkhas who worked at the U.S. embassy for a firm that was later charged with gross negligence. It traces how companies expanded the definition of what a "genuine" Gurkha was, first hiring from those who served in the British Army, then hiring those who had been in the Indian or Nepali armies, and eventually hiring those with no military training at all in order to save costs. It also looks at the experiences of these various groups upon returning to Nepal and the changes (or lack thereof) in their socioeconomic status. 7"Who Will Be a Gurkha?" chapter abstractThis chapter focuses on the ongoing practice of recruiting young Nepalis into the British army. It describes the selection process that choses 236 recruits from more than 6,000 applicants, and the rigorous physical tests and interviews that it includes. It looks at how the modern variation and the increased supply of young, unemployed Nepalis has given rise to an industry of training centers that charge for a variety of services. These centers rely on colonial myths about the promise of opportunities abroad, while misleading young Nepalis about the statistical improbability of success, leading many deep into debt and into the hands of manipulative brokers. 8Through the Colonial Looking Glass chapter abstractThis chapter looks at the ongoing practice of British military recruitment in Nepal and explores who this means for Britain's postcolonial relations with Nepal. It looks in particular at the Gurkha Welfare Scheme, which acts like a development organization, but instead of targeting the neediest communities, it focuses on those that tend to produce recruits for the British military. It explores the political campaign to award British citizenship to those serving in the British Army and asks what this means for young Nepalis who are successful in the selection process and those who fail, and the ways in which British practices continue to concentrate economic and political power in the hands of the Nepali elite. 9The Labor of War chapter abstractThis chapter compares and contrasts the experience of working at different companies in conflict zones, arguing that more than nationality, companies shaped the experience of war for various contractors. It looks at case studies from two of the largest contracting firms receiving U.S. funds in Afghanistan, DynCorp and Supreme, both of which hired private security contractors, but also Nepalis in a range of lesser positions, like mechanics and cooks. It tracks the hiring process of these companies and conditions that the workers experienced while in Afghanistan. Nepali workers at these companies judged them often not by using the language of Western human rights, but using more normative language that focused on day-to-day emotions, such as the perceived fairness of supervisors. 10A Protective Government? chapter abstractWas working in Afghanistan legal for Nepalis? This chapter looks at the deeply complex answer to this seemingly simple question. It examines the bureaucratic processes of securing work permits and the corruption associated with the process in both Kathmandu and Kabul. It looks at the ways in which the system was made purposely opaque, a process that helped brokers who facilitated the application for government documents and the officials who could slow down or speed up the process greatly. It explores the various ways countries supplying labor to Western countries at war have failed to protect their citizens and how donor countries have encouraged these practices. 11Of Roses and Revolutions chapter abstractThis chapter looks at the involvement of the Georgian military and Georgian civilian contractors in the U.S. wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. It describes the experiences of several Georgian contractors in Afghanistan. It argues that the distinction between the experience of Georgia and Nepal in the war in Afghanistan and Iraq was that the Georgian government used involvement in these conflicts primarily to strengthen their alliances with the United States and EU countries. After the disastrous war in South Ossetia, it became clear that Georgia's allies were more concerned about relations with Russia than ties with the fledgling democracy, but officials interviewed still felt that participation in the wars had strengthened more informal ties between the militaries and ultimately contributed to the increase in foreign assistance to the country. 12Economic Ottomans chapter abstractTurkey's experience of the war in Afghanistan was deeply shaped by the shared religion, cultural, and linguistic similarities. Based on interviewees with Turkish military personnel, this chapter looks at how Turkish strategy and objectives differed from those of its NATO allies. It argues that the long-term goal of the Erdoğan government to reassert influence in the region was part of Turkey's attempts to cultivate new allies and distance itself from the decreasing likelihood of EU membership. In Afghanistan, this meant that the Turkish military and diplomats had a longer time horizon for their involvement in the country. The chapter explores the resulting military cooperation and economic investment, while arguing that the close personnel ties of Turkish officers to their NATO counterparts continues to ensure strong relations. 13Turkish Engineers and Other Heroes of the Intervention chapter abstractTurkey's relatively high education standards and low cost of living meant that contracting companies in Afghanistan often looked to Turkey to provide engineers and other blue-collar workers. This chapter looks at the various contractors and Turkish businesspeople who took advantage of Turkey's position in the global economy, taking business deals that Europeans and Americans were likely to turn down. The chapter explores a case study of a Turkish designer and his life history from his early adventures abroad to his eventual extensive contracting for the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers in Afghanistan. 14Building an Empire? chapter abstractDespite the presence of numerous Turks working in Afghanistan, the Turkish government made little effort to regulate or even promote Turkish business there. The Turkish companies that succeeded in securing contracts from the U.S. military ranged from handling tens of millions of dollars a year to small family businesses. This chapter argues that it was often the largest of these that were able to undercut their competitors, establish contacts with Afghan companies, and dominate certain industries, such as the construction of U.S. bases. It also looks at some of the lesser-studied industries that support the war in Afghanistan and link together various companies and countries across the region, such as the network of freight forwarding companies that move cargo from Europe to Afghanistan. 15Detained chapter abstractThis chapter looks at the experiences of contractors who were detained by the Afghan authorities. It argues that in contrast to the importance of company of employment in other aspects of the contracting process, nationality most clearly shaped how contractors were treated by the Afghan government. The chapter studies the case of a Nepali laborer who was imprisoned for three years on false charges and was released only after being aided by a journalist. It contrasts this man's experience with the experience of an American and Turk who were also detained. 16Kidnapped chapter abstractThis chapter focuses on the experience of one Turkish contractor who was kidnapped by the Haqqani network with a group of other contractors while working in Afghanistan and taken into Pakistan, where he was held for a month before his release. It explores his background and how he came to be working on an isolated base near the Afghan-Pakistani border. The chapter looks how his treatment compared with a Russian contractor, kidnapped at the same moment, and how his religious identity as a fellow Muslim led to better treatment. The chapter examines the confusing attempts by the Turkish and Afghan governments to secure his release and the importance of good luck and self-preservation instincts during such incidents. 17Hom Bahadur chapter abstractFor workers in Afghanistan, visas and other forms of documentation were often the difference between liberty and confinement. This chapter is an in-depth case study of a Nepali contractor who, upon arriving in Afghanistan, was kidnapped and essentially held hostage for several months by an Afghan broker, with the aid of both a Nepali broker and the Afghan police. It was only through the kindness of other laborers, connected through social media, that the worker was eventually able to secure his release. The chapter looks at how brokers are able to take particular advantage of those workers who are poorest with few political and social connections. 18The Boredom of Being Trafficked chapter abstractThis chapter looks at the importance of New Delhi as a transit point for young Nepalis and other South Asians looking for work abroad. It explores the conditions that these young people endure while waiting for brokers to arrange visas, contracts, and other documentation for them. In particular, it studies how brokers promote certain narratives about the potential economic wealth of work abroad in order to keep these young people in limbo and encourage them not to speak with other laborers. Ambiguity becomes an effective economic strategy for these brokers. The chapter asks how assumptions about the involuntary nature of trafficking shape our views and policy on the concept. 19Accountants at Wars chapter abstractThe experiences of white-collar Indians contracting in conflict zones differed greatly from the experiences of poor laborers. This chapter expands the notion of labor migration and explores the importance of Indian administrators, particularly in the human resources and accounting offices of various contracting firms. These individuals often had better educations and connections than their other South Asian counterparts, and this gave them an agency that other contractors did not have. Through a series of case studies, this chapter explores the different experiences and security threats that these individuals faced, particularly in the form of targeting by Pakistani groups. 20Classes and Genders at War chapter abstractLabor migration is largely built on the narrative of economic promise abroad, but what happens when this promise does not materialize? This chapter looks at a series of case studies of Indian and Nepali contractors in Afghanistan to argue that while employment held the promise of upward mobility, instead it tended to solidify gender norms and economic divides. The hypermasculinized world of contracting allowed women to participate, but only in specific ways that further diminished their agency. The chapter also looks at how social media and other new technologies have allowed brokers to target and exploit poor workers. While the capitalist free market language of labor migration promises upward mobility, ultimately it enriched only the ruling class that controlled the mechanisms of migration. 21Returning Abroad chapter abstractIn the 2000s, the United Kingdom began granting citizenship to Nepalis who had served in the British army. This led to a growing population of Nepalis who settled in garrison towns in England, such as Aldershot. This chapter explores these communities, the effect of the war in Afghanistan, and the increasing pull of private security contracting that led many to leave the military. At the same time, this growing population has led to questions about Britain's place in a globalizing world and the legacy of colonialism. The chapter explores the contrast between the promise of a more globalized version of Britain that citizenship for Gurkhas provides, with the discrimination and nativist rhetoric that many Nepalis in the United Kingdom face. 22When You Can't Go Home chapter abstractFollowing the targeting of Iraqi and Afghan contractors who had worked as interpreters for the U.S. military, the U.S. government designed the Special Immigrant Visa program aimed at providing former contractors in danger with visas to settle in the United States. This chapter looks at the challenges that this program has faced and the bureaucracy it has created. It also looks at the lives of several Afghan interpreters who settled in the United States. These former contractors often face challenges far different from what they expected, living in poor, segregated neighborhoods in large American cities that they are ill equipped to navigate. 23Where the War Went chapter abstractAs the United States has increasingly subcontracted aspects of its wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, these practices have spread globally, with countries in the Persian Gulf, for example, increasingly relying on mercenaries to staff their militaries. This chapter looks at the potential repercussions of these aspects of the war in Afghanistan. As contracts end, the result is a demobilized army of former contractors willing to fight for anyone willing to give them a paycheck. The chapter case study is of a group of young Nepalis who ended up working as bodyguards in western Russia for a mafia boss. Particularly as new technology and the Internet marketplace make such transactions easier, this chapter asks what the future of warfare might be.

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Book SynopsisThe U.S. has indirectly intervened in international conflicts on a relatively large scale for decades. Yet little is known about the immediate usefulness or long-term effectiveness of contemporary proxy warfare. In cases when neither direct involvement nor total disengagement are viable, proxy warfare is often the best option, or, rather, the least bad option. Tyrone L. Groh describes the hazards and undesirable aspects of this strategy, as well as how to deploy it effectively. Proxy War explores the circumstances under which indirect warfare works best, how to evaluate it as a policy option, and the possible risks and rewards. Groh offers a fresh look at this strategy, using uncommon and understudied cases to test the concepts presented. These ten case studies investigate and illustrate the different types and uses of proxy war under varying conditions. What arises is a complete theoretical model of proxy warfare that can be applied to a wide range of situations. Proxy war is here to stay and will likely become more common as players on the international stage increasingly challenge U.S. dominance, making it more important than ever to understand how and when to deploy it.Trade Review"Proxy War offers an excellent assessment of one of today's most important, and least understood, forms of warfare. Tyrone Groh compellingly argues that proxy war is often essential and yet often falls short." -- Daniel Byman * Georgetown University *"The conceptual thinking Tyrone Groh offers on how to frame and understand this type of war is genuinely thought-provoking. This book offers a thorough analysis of the decision-making processes at multiple levels that lead to proxy wars occurring." -- Andrew Mumford * University of Nottingham *Table of ContentsContents and Abstracts1Introduction chapter abstractThis chapter introduces the book and focuses on the need for a pragmatic yet rigorous study on proxy war. The chapter explains how the term proxy war carries a lot of baggage and how its usefulness has been overblown, largely due to Cold War influences that continue to dominate the contemporary view of indirect interventions involving a third party to influence civil affairs abroad. This view is antiquated and dangerous. Using proxy war as a means of indirect intervention requires considering both the policy's utility—a short-term view that determines if a proxy can provide the ability to intervene—and the efficacy—a long-term view that evaluates the likelihood that supporting the chosen proxy can produce a desirable outcome. Proxy war offers an opportunity to help manage some of the uncertainty associated with indirect intervention, but is rarely a low-cost policy and it is never risk free. 2Sharpening the Definitions of Indirect Intervention and Proxy War chapter abstractIn this chapter, the book proposes four general categories that represent the barriers that lead states to choose indirect intervention: (1) the risk of escalation, (2) a lack of domestic support, (3) a lack of international support, and (4) a lack of capacity. Facing these restrictions, states must decide how much control they desire over the outcome when intervening indirectly. Further, the chapter suggests that proxy war is only one means of indirectly intervening in the affairs of another state and can be broken down into two general types: donated assistance and proxy war. Lastly, the chapter offers a new typology for proxy war (in it to win it, holding action, meddling, and feeding the chaos) and explains how the different types fit into a state's policy to intervene in the affairs of another state. 3The Evolution of Proxy War Since 1945 chapter abstractIn this chapter, the book explains how war has a way of confounding policy. Barriers influence a state's decision to intervene in the affairs of another state, but the nature and interpretation of those barriers change as the structure of the world order changes. The need for proxy intervention remains, but the conditions under which it operates have changed. Looking at the changes from a systemic perspective offers some interesting insights. To this end, this chapter asks three questions: (1) How does the order of the international system influence the use of proxy war? (2) How does a state's position in that order influence its use of proxy war? (3) How does a state's perception of the barriers affect the choice to engage in proxy war? Looking at these questions leads to a model that describes, and potentially predicts, the conditions under which a state will resort to proxy war. 4A Theory of Proxy War chapter abstractThis chapter presents a theory of how to conduct proxy war in a way that maximizes such a policy's utility and efficacy. Regardless of how well the proxy appears to fit the need, the reliance on another to pursue interests and objectives means that the intervening state must prepare for the additional costs and challenges associated with working through a third party. This chapter explores how certain conditions and methods lead to maximizing a proxy's utility and efficacy. Utility refers to the idea that a proxy can do what is needed—that it can perform the tasks necessary to carry out the intervention. Efficacy describes the proxy's ability to enable the intervening state to accomplish its desired objectives. Therefore, efficacy represents the long-term perspective. 5America's Proxy War in Laos chapter abstractThis chapter presents a case study for how the United States failed to persuade the Royal Lao Government to commit to counterinsurgency efforts against the communist Pathet Lao and therefore cultivated an indigenous proxy in the Hmong. International conditions did not support U.S. involvement at any level, yet the United States gained significant benefits from the arrangement with comparatively small costs. This case represents one of the rare instances when an intervening state supports a proxy that is essentially unaffiliated with the sitting government. Although the Hmong had already begun to band together to fight the North Vietnamese and Pathet Lao, it was not until the United States got involved that the Hmong became an influential factor in the Laotian conflict. 6South Africa's Proxy War in Angola chapter abstractThis chapter presents a case study for how South Africa used UNITA as a proxy to intervene in the tense civil war in Angola to protect itself from communist influence. Pretoria wanted to prevent the African National Congress from taking over South Africa by force and to minimize Soviet influence in the region. UNITA received relatively overt support, operated with a high degree of autonomy, and had highly divergent objectives. Although the international community rhetorically opposed South Africa's involvement in Angola, the actions of the United States and Western Europe reflected a more tacit approval. Domestically, South Africa's public was reluctantly supportive but only on the condition that the costs remain low. Considering that most states had already rhetorically condemned Pretoria's government and its foreign policy in southern Africa, it is interesting that states failed to raise the international costs of South Africa's indirect intervention in Angola. 7India's Proxy War in Sri Lanka chapter abstractThis chapter presents a case study for how India initially supported the LTTE (Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam) covertly to protect ethnic Tamils in Sri Lanka and then later had to overtly intervene to stop LTTE's operations during efforts to broker peace. For the duration of the conflict, India's support remained covert and plausibly deniable. Inside Sri Lanka, the character of the conflict was almost exclusively ethnic and involved the government in Colombo trying to prevent the emergence of an independent Tamil state. Internationally, the United States, the Soviet Union, and most other global powers, for the most part, remained sidelined. Domestically, India's government had to balance its foreign policy with concerns about its sympathetic Tamil population and the threat of several different secessionist movements inside its own borders. The India-LTTE case reflects history's most costly proxy war policy. 8Conclusion chapter abstractThis chapter summarizes the book's findings and concludes that the twenty-first century and its associated advances in information sharing, communication, and social media will not likely create a revolutionary change in the utility and efficacy of proxy war. In the cases of Russia, China, and the United States, intrastate conflicts on the periphery will once again become proxy war hotbeds. Indirect intervention will most likely follow a policy of donating assistance, meddling, or feeding the chaos in states near their competitors. Although a multipolar world order means that there are more states with global interests, the heightened competition in key regions mean that gains can be made in areas that are less strategic. Unfortunately, this probably means that Africa will experience an increase in civil wars propagated and supported by third-party intervention.

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Book SynopsisOne of the central pillars of US counterterrorism policy is that capturing or killing a terrorist group's leader is effective. Yet this pillar rests more on a foundation of faith than facts. In Leadership Decapitation, Jenna Jordan examines over a thousand instances of leadership targeting—involving groups such as Hamas, al Qaeda, Shining Path, and ISIS—to identify the successes, failures, and unintended consequences of this strategy. As Jordan demonstrates, group infrastructure, ideology, and popular support all play a role in determining how and why leadership decapitation succeeds or fails. Taking heed of these conditions is essential to an effective counterterrorism policy going forward.Trade Review"Jenna Jordan's outstanding analysis bucks the prevailing view that we can kill our way to the end of Islamist terrorism. She skillfully demonstrates how targeting hundreds of terrorist leaders can be a short-term tactic with deep strategic drawbacks. Ever wondered why, decades later, the United States is still fighting an interminable 'global war on terrorism'? Read this excellent book."—Audrey Kurth Cronin, American University"Jenna Jordan has written a superb book about the consequences of decapitating the leadership of terrorist organizations. She provides a neat theory and an abundance of evidence, which together make a compelling case that successful decapitation rarely harms the organization itself, and that includes the two groups the United States cares the most about: al-Qaeda and ISIS."—John J. Mearsheimer, R. Wendell Harrison Distinguished Service Professor of Political Science, University of Chicago"This timely book lends convincing and important evidence to the leadership decapitation debate. Jenna Jordan exposes the need for a comprehensive strategy if we are to successfully defeat terrorist organizations."—Ali Soufan, Chief Executive Officer of The Soufan Group, Founder of The Soufan Center, and former FBI supervisory special agent"Jordon's study will be important for those studying or involved in making political policy. Highly recommended."—D. McIntosh, CHOICE"Jordan's book is a major contribution to the literature, and she should be recognized for her valuable research and commitment to bringing empirical evidence to bear on such a hotly contested issue. She deftly illustrates that removing high-value targets is not a panacea and, as the central focus of her book, examines when decapitation works, when it does not, and what accounts for variation across cases."—Colin Clarke, War on the RocksTable of Contents1. Introduction 2. A Theory of Organizational Resilience 3. Hypotheses on Leadership Decapitation 4. Is Leadership Decapitation Effective? 5. Hamas: Bureaucracy, Social Services, and Local Support 6. The Shining Path: The Organization and Support of a Left-Wing Group 7. Al-Qaeda: Religious Ideology and Organizational Resilience 8. Conclusion

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Book SynopsisWhy do countries go to war over disputed lands? Why do they fight even when the territories in question are economically and strategically worthless? Drawing on critical approaches to international relations, political geography, international law, and social history, and based on a close examination of the Indian experience during the twentieth century, Itty Abraham addresses these important questions and offers a new conceptualization of foreign policy as a state territorializing practice. Identifying the contested process of decolonization as the root of contemporary Asian inter-state territorial conflicts, he explores the political implications of establishing a fixed territorial homeland as a necessary starting point for both international recognition and national identity—concluding that disputed lands are important because of their intimate identification with the legitimacy of the postcolonial nation-state, rather than because of their potential for economic gains or their place in historic grievances. By treating Indian diaspora policy and geopolitical practice as exemplars of foreign policy behavior, Abraham demonstrates how their intersection offers an entirely new way of understanding India's vexed relations with Pakistan and China. This approach offers a new and productive way of thinking about foreign policy and inter-state conflicts over territory in Asia—one that is non-U.S. and non-European focused—that has a number of implications for regional security and for foreign policy practices in the contemporary postcolonial world.Trade Review"Strikingly innovative . . . Abraham's rich and rewarding discussion on India's territoriality and foreign policy deserve a wider airing beyond the ivory tower." -- C. Raja Mohan * The Book Review *"How India Became Territorial is a long overdue account of the history of territorial sovereignty in India that explores how and why the territorial principle became the standard of national self-determination and the implication that this has had for India's domestic development and foreign policy. Others have explored these themes; however, Abraham usefully draws together literature from several disciplines to produce some interesting and novel insights." -- Priya Chacko * Economic and Political Weekly *"Abraham utilizes critical approaches to international relations to reconceptualize the ways in which 'territory' is thought of . . . To support his theory, Abraham expertly uses India as a case study, demonstrating how its foreign policy has been essentially a boundary-making enterprise. He offers a novel way to understand why territorial disputes with neighboring states, such as Pakistan, have been hard to resolve by focusing on issues such as national identity and statehood . . . This work is an important contribution to the field of international relations and foreign policy . . . Summing Up: Highly Recommended." -- A. Mazumdar * CHOICE *"In an intellectual space crowded with texts, Itty Abraham breaks new ground. He offers an elegant and insightful account of India's fraught boundaries and the stakes—both domestic and international—of struggles over them. At the same time he sheds new light on academic arguments in international relations and the very practical matter of what nation means in our international world." -- Craig Calhoun * Director of the London School of Economics and Political Science *"Through territorial disputes with neighboring states, the actions of its diaspora and the overall geopolitics of its foreign policy, 'India' has been an active participant in its own making. In this fluently argued book, Itty Abraham shows that a territorial claim lies at the heart of Indian nation-statehood but that its legitimacy like that of nation-statehood worldwide remains perpetually in question." -- John Agnew * UCLA, author of Globalization and Sovereignty *"This refreshingly original book has implications far beyond the important case of India. Drawing on post-colonial, feminist, and critical theory, Itty Abraham conceptualizes the international as an emergent space of struggle. In the process, he provides insights into both the nature of inter-state territorial disputes and of territoriality itself." -- Thomas Biersteker, Gasteyger Professor, The Graduate Institute * Geneva *"A remarkably rich, thought-provoking and controversial reinterpretation of Indian foreign policy with territory at the centre that will interest not just scholars of post-colonial Asia, but international relations more broadly." -- Ian Hall * Political Studies *"[A] deceptively slim but deeply insightful work...this is a strikingly original and richly multidisciplinary take on issues of national identity, conflict, and territory in India, Pakistan, and China. All the more remarkable, and much needed, given the very well-grooved narratives that dominate much of the extant literature on these issues." -- Sankaran Krishna * The Journal of Asian Studies *"This is an original, provocative and ambitious book...the interested general reader can only benefit from its perusal." -- Achin Vanaik * Biblio: A Review of Books *"As historians are aware, codes such as race, class, gender, masculinity, migration, fertility, religious belief and so on, have historically given or found expression in anxieties and contestations over space, territory and sovereignty. One of the strengths of How India Became Territorial lies in drawing renewed attention to these codes for post-colonial India. Historians familiar with the scholarship of the last decade or so on migration and citizenship in other parts of the world will recognise much about such codes and anxieties that were not,however, peculiar to India or post-colonial societies. They will also wonder to what extent lenses from IR, however historical, are capable of uncovering broader kinships between territorial histories of modern nation-states, including imperial nation-states. This monograph may encourage them to attempt to situate the discipline of IR itself in relation to unfolding meanings of territory for the nation-state between the nineteenth century and the present." -- G. Balachandran * Indian Economic and Social History Review *"[A]n absolute must-read not just for academics, but for anyone with an interest in Indian foreign policy, history and politics." -- Tridivesh Singh Maini * International Affairs *

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Book SynopsisOne of the gravest issues facing the global community today is the threat of nuclear war. As a growing number of nations gain nuclear capabilities, the odds of nuclear conflict increase. Yet nuclear deterrence strategies remain rooted in Cold War models that do not take into account regional conflict. Brokering Peace in Nuclear Environments offers an innovative theory of brokered bargaining to better understand and solve regional crises. As the world has moved away from the binational relationships that defined Cold War conflict while nuclear weapons have continued to proliferate, new types of nuclear threats have arisen. Moeed Yusuf proposes a unique approach to deterrence that takes these changing factors into account. Drawing on the history of conflict between India and Pakistan, Yusuf describes the potential for third-party intervention to avert nuclear war. This book lays out the ways regional powers behave and maneuver in response to the pressures of strong global powers. Moving beyond debates surrounding the widely accepted rational deterrence model, Yusuf offers an original perspective rooted in thoughtful analysis of recent regional nuclear conflicts. With depth and insight, Brokering Peace in Nuclear Environments urges the international community to rethink its approach to nuclear deterrence.Trade Review"This outstanding book serves as a sobering reminder of the dangers that crises between regional nuclear actors pose to global peace. One of the world's foremost experts on U.S. policy towards South Asia, Moeed Yusuf has produced powerful original scholarship that emphasizes the critical role the United States has played, and must continue to play, in managing these crises. An absolute must-read for policy makers." -- Stephen J. Hadley * former U.S. National Security Advisor *"Brokering Peace in Nuclear Environments expands our understanding of a new, dangerous frontier in international security: the bargaining and decision-making of regional nuclear rivals, in crises that play out under the purview of powerful third parties. Moeed Yusuf illuminates these dynamics in surprising ways, weaving together insights from theories of nuclear strategy and diplomacy, third-party conflict management, and unipolarity. The study gives us much to think about as we consider how similar nuclear crises in South Asia, and other regional contexts, could unfold and—one hopes—be resolved short of war." -- Timothy Crawford * Boston College *"In this important new book, Moeed Yusuf shows that the nuclear crises of today are multiplayer games and that the role of the third-party mediator may in fact be the most important. A truly valuable theoretical and empirical contribution." -- Vipin Narang * Massachusetts Institute of Technology *"This brilliant book raises important questions about the nuclear futures of the world. With the US edging towards one side in South Asia, and trying to get the Chinese to play a new role in South and East Asia, will the concept of brokered bargaining be pushed to the breaking point? Will China (or a subordinate state) be persuaded that force is useful or necessary? The book forces one to think afresh about these issues." -- Stephen P. Cohen, Senior Fellow Emeritus * Brookings Institution *"We tested the nuclear-weapons capability a score ago. We need to add value to the theoretical and strategic literature on the subject. That Yusuf is the first to do so is highly commendable. Interestingly, the work is also meant for the informed generalist. In addition to conceptual originality, Brokering Peace in Nuclear Environments also provides original, first-time information on the three crises Yusuf studies. That information, in and of itself, is crucial to understanding how decision-making plays out in the South Asian context." -- Ejaz Haider * Dawn *"The result is a highly original contribution to nuclear theory –- an area that has largely remained the preserve of Euro-American scholars in the past—as Yusuf presents his own model of 'brokered bargaining' to conceptualize crises in regional contexts." -- Wajahat Ali * Arab News *"Moeed Yusuf's riveting insights on the subject could not have come at a better time for practitioners and scholars. It gives a much-needed glance into the US playbook and how it is likely to be used in future crises in the South Asian theater. It is a rich addition to scholarship because it analyzes South Asian crises beyond the deterrence framework and concludes that crises behavior will be influenced by many other factors than nuclear and conventional deterrence." -- Syed Ali Zia Jaffery * Pakistan Politico *"Brokering Peace in Nuclear Environments offers a valuable analytical lens to students of nuclear politics in international relations by outlining the trilateral and multilateral dynamics in regional nuclear environments. Yusuf's prudent narration of the post-Cold War nuclearized canvas of South Asia and of the three Indo-Pak crises will positively engage readers from the region and outside." -- Tanvi Kulkarni * South Asian Voices *"Moeed Yusuf's book not only provides a comprehensive insight into the role effectively played by the US as a third party – an aspect which has been discussed by other writers as well, but it makes a successful attempt at theorising why and how presence and role of the US impacts crisis behaviour in a nuclear environment." -- Salma Malik * The Friday Times *"Moeed Yusuf's book, Brokering Peace in Nuclear Environments, is remarkable for two reasons. First, inheriting an academic discourse on international conflict that is accustomed to thinking in dyads, it reminds us that the real world is less simple, and brings into focus tripartite engagement, with additional actors having speaking parts. Second, it reconstructs three recent crisis events in quiet detail. This distillation, based in part on an impressive list of interviews, is useful especially to those interested in studying India-Pakistan relations with specific focus on nuclear policy and advocacy." -- Swarna Rajagopalan * H-Diplo, H-Net Reviews *"[T]his book carries immense value by bringing forth a crisis management "playbook" for third party powers and in incisively explaining the crisis behavior of regional powers. Its perceptive description of the three crises in South Asia carries great value for the scholars of strategic studies as well as policymakers grappling with crisis management in nuclearized environments." -- Saima Aman Sial * South Asian Voices *"I hope tomorrow's negotiators will read this book." -- Teresita C. Schaffer * South Asia Hand *"This is a timely book. [A] valuable contribution to an area that has received inadequate attention since the end of the Cold War."––Rajesh Basrur, International Affairs"This excellent book shows the critical role played by the United States and other third parties, including the United Kingdom and China, in de-escalating the first three nuclear crises since the May 1998 Indian and Pakistani nuclear tests....[A] major contribution to the literature on the elusive search for 'crisis stability' in Indo–Pakistani relations." -- Mario E. Carranza * The Nonproliferation Review *Table of ContentsContents and AbstractsIntroduction: Regional Nuclear Crises in a Unipolar World chapter abstractThe Introduction lays the groundwork for the rest of the book by introducing the need for a theory of nuclear crisis behavior centered on third-party mediation. Specifically, how does the presence of the unipole and stronger third parties alter the crisis behavior of regional nuclear powers situated within a unipolar world? And what implications does this have for crisis management, stability, and outcomes? The chapter introduces the puzzle and explains the book's empirical focus on South Asia by highlighting that India and Pakistan are the only regional nuclear powers to have experienced major crises since the end of the Cold War. The chapter also summarizes the key findings from the three case studies, the 1999 Kargil conflict, the 2001–2002 military standoff, and the 2008 Mumbai crisis, and confirms evidence in line with the proposed theory of brokered bargaining. 1Understanding Nuclear Crisis Behavior: A Survey of the Literature chapter abstractThis chapter surveys the literature on nuclear crises. It begins by summarizing the Cold War treatment of these episodes, highlighting the centrality of bilateral deterrence and models such as "brinkmanship" in creating expectations for nuclear crisis behavior. Even though third-party actors remained important as superpower allies during the Cold War, literature during this period suffered from a two-actor bias flowing from the global hegemony of the superpowers. Post–Cold War literature tends to account for regional nuclearization and unipolarity but in summarizing this body of work, the chapter identifies that there is still insufficient knowledge of the various factors at play in regional nuclear crises. 2Setting Up the Inquiry: An Introduction to Brokered Bargaining chapter abstractThis chapter introduces brokered bargaining as a three-actor model that explains patterns of state behavior in regional crises in a unipolar global setting. The chapter presents ten propositions that are posited to collectively shape crisis behavior of the United States and other strong states acting as third-party mediators and of regional rivals. Crisis behavior of regional rivals ought to be marked by a constant tension between their incentives to pursue their maximalist objectives and their compulsion not to defy the third party completely given its power to tilt the crisis decisively against them. The third party would seek to heighten the antagonists' sensitivity to its preference for de-escalation ahead of their ideal crisis outcomes. Brokered bargaining unpacks the processes and mechanisms that underpin this trilateral interaction. The last part of the chapter presents the methodology applied to the case studies in the next section of the book. 3The Kargil Crisis chapter abstractThis chapter examines the 1999 Kargil conflict between India and Pakistan, and establishes that what may otherwise be construed as a classic limited war where major conflict was avoided due to nuclear deterrence was in reality a display of brokered bargaining. This entailed the United States and other major powers ignoring Pakistan's effort to manipulate the risk of war and its pleas for support to help terminate the crisis while it was in possession of forcibly occupied territory in Indian Kashmir. They deemed Pakistan's unilateral withdrawal to be the most realistic and efficient way of ensuring crisis termination. India reacted militarily to Pakistan's provocation but kept its actions limited to retain international goodwill and get the third party to make efforts to ensure Pakistan's withdrawal. The chapter also analyzes the several risks of escalation introduced due to India's and Pakistan's misperceptions of the third party's outlook toward the crisis. 4The 2001–2002 Military Standoff chapter abstractThis chapter examines the 2001–2002 military standoff that kept India and Pakistan on the verge of war for ten months. Brokered bargaining characterized crisis behavior of the rivals and the U.S.-led third party. India threatened to use military force but pulled back at critical junctures as the United States acted as a guarantor of Pakistan's promises of curbing cross-border terrorism and raised India's costs of defying third-party demands to de-escalate. Pakistan promised retaliation against India and harmed the U.S. military campaign in Afghanistan by withdrawing forces from the Pakistan-Afghanistan border, but this "autonomous" behavior was trumped by its propensity to oblige the United States by accepting some responsibility for anti-India terrorism and acting tangibly against militants. The chapter also analyzes the several risks of escalation introduced by India's and Pakistan's misperceptions of the third party's leverage over the opponent. 5The Mumbai Crisis chapter abstractThis chapter examines the 2008 Mumbai crisis and shows that brokered bargaining characterized crisis behavior of the rivals and the U.S.-led third party. In a situation that could have boiled over given the spectacular nature of the terrorist attacks that triggered the crisis, India, Pakistan, and the United States exhibited an even greater sense of familiarity with the opportunities and limitations associated with the trilateral bargaining framework. Despite threatening military action at times, India relied almost exclusively on the United States to pursue its crisis objectives. Without boxing it in completely, the United States pressured Pakistan and forced it to take actions against terrorists believed to be linked to the attacks, and used this to pacify India. The centrality of the third-party strand of crisis management helps explain the prudence both sides exhibited in avoiding brinkmanship. 6Brokered Bargaining: Observations and Lessons for South Asia chapter abstractDrawing on the case studies, this chapter examines the applicability of brokered bargaining in South Asia's first decade of overt nuclearization and its implications for crisis stability. In each crisis, the concern about escalation forced the United States and other strong states to engage, largely unsolicited, and use a mix of rewards and threats with the regional rivals to achieve de-escalation. Both India and Pakistan eagerly engaged the third-party and oscillated between manipulating the risk of war and deferring to its preferences to gain its support. The process encompassing this dynamic interaction explained both the specific choices and the overall crisis behavior of the three actors. Escalation risks due to the "moral hazard problem," the "multiple-audience problem," and the peacetime policy choices of the antagonists and the United States were present. 7Beyond South Asia: Generalizing the Application of Brokered Bargaining chapter abstractThis chapter addresses the general applicability of brokered bargaining beyond South Asia, focusing on four prototypes of rivalries: between countries that are considered friends of the unipole (futuristic crisis scenarios involving Israel versus a nuclear Saudi Arabia, Turkey, or Egypt); between a friend and foe of the unipole (Israel versus a nuclear Iran); between a foe of the unipole and an ally with formally extended deterrence guarantees (Korean peninsula); and between a friend and a presumptive great power rival of the unipole (India versus China). The discussion establishes the similarities and differences of these prototypes with the South Asian cases. While each presents a somewhat distinct set of challenges for third-party actors, the fundamental crisis dynamic whereby the third party works to secure de-escalation without seeking to alienate either conflicting party completely and the antagonists feel compelled not to defy it outright remains valid in each case. 8Brokered Bargaining: Implications for Theory and Practice chapter abstractThis chapter reflects on the theoretical and practical implications of the book. It highlights the work's contribution to the otherwise undertheorized role of third parties in preventing war, its fresh perspectives on the optimism-pessimism debate on nuclear deterrence, and its attention to scholarship on nonnuclear subjects, primarily mediation, unipolarity theory, and sociological literature on "evaluation" by external audiences. The discussion highlights policy recommendations for decision makers in the United States, other third-party states, India, Pakistan, and other potential regional nuclear rivals. It stresses the need for a holistic U.S. policy approach to crises between regional nuclear powers.

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Book SynopsisBecause authoritarian regimes like North Korea can impose the costs of sanctions on their citizens, these regimes constitute "hard targets." Yet authoritarian regimes may also be immune—and even hostile—to economic inducements if such inducements imply reform and opening. This book captures the effects of sanctions and inducements on North Korea and provides a detailed reconstruction of the role of economic incentives in the bargaining around the country's nuclear program. Stephan Haggard and Marcus Noland draw on an array of evidence to show the reluctance of the North Korean leadership to weaken its grip on foreign economic activity. They argue that inducements have limited effect on the regime, and instead urge policymakers to think in terms of gradual strategies. Hard Target connects economic statecraft to the marketization process to understand North Korea and addresses a larger debate over the merits and demerits of "engagement" with adversaries.Trade Review"Hard Target makes an outstanding contribution to the study of the political economy of engagement with North Korea. Analytically rigorous, empirically rich, and far-reaching in its policy implications, this book is a must-read."—Chung-in Moon, Yonsei University"Following the money, Stephan Haggard and Marcus Noland have carefully crafted an innovative study of the evolving political economy of North Korea. They provide important insights about the effectiveness of sanctions and engagement strategies. Amid an increasing application of sanctions, Hard Target contributes much needed sophistication and nuance to over-simplified debates about dealing with North Korea."—John S. Park, Harvard University"Hard Target is an academic book in the most complimentary sense of the term....[It] is certainly a must-read for scholars and practitioners who claim some stake in the North Korea debate. Readers will appreciate Haggard and Noland's honest, but sobering assessment of the North Korean crisis and the results of sanctions and inducements."—Andrew I. Yeo, Pacific AffairsTable of Contents1. Introduction: The Political Economy of Engagement 2. The Political Economy of North Korea: The Paradigmatic Hard Target 3. North Korea's External Economic Relations, 1990–2016 4. Humanitarian Dilemmas: The Political Economy of Food 5. The Microeconomics of Engagement 6. Negotiating on Nuclear Weapons I: The Rise and Fall of the Six Party Talks (2001-2008) 7. Negotiating on Nuclear Weapons II: Permanent Crisis, 2009-2016 8. Conclusion: Whither North Korea? Whither Economic Statecraft?

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Book SynopsisThis book asks why, in the wake of the Cold War, Japan suddenly reversed years of steadfast opposition to security cooperation with its neighbors. Long isolated and opposed to multilateral agreements, Japan proposed East Asia's first multilateral security forum in the early 1990s, emerging as a regional leader. Overcoming Isolationism explores what led to this surprising about-face and offers a corrective to the misperception that Japan's security strategy is reactive to US pressure and unresponsive to its neighbors. Paul Midford draws on newly released official documents and extensive interviews to reveal a quarter century of Japanese leadership in promoting regional security cooperation. He demonstrates that Japan has a much more nuanced relationship with its neighbors and has played a more significant leadership role in shaping East Asian security than has previously been recognized.Trade Review"A tour de force of Japanese foreign policy studies, for both English- and Japanese-language scholarship. Overcoming Isolationism is cutting-edge thinking that raises the standard of scholarship for us all."—Tsuyoshi Kawasaki, Simon Fraser University"By explaining how and why Japan pursued a proactive multilateral strategy in the Asia-Pacific region after the end of the Cold War, Paul Midford effectively corrects the country's reputation as a reactive state that defers to the United States regarding security policy. This book is essential for understanding this overlooked success story of Japanese foreign policy."—Mike Mochizuki, George Washington University"In this magnum opus culminating almost 20 years of interview and archival research, Midford provides a compelling account of Japan's evolving regional security roles both in historical detail and with crisp policy relevance for a broader audience."—Dr. Andrew Oros, Washington College"In Overcoming Isolationism, Paul Midford explains why Japan suddenly charged ahead of a more cautious US government to advocate regional security forums, and how Tokyo won unexpected support for its new vision from across the region—and eventually from the United States."—Michael J. Green, Pacific Affairs"With its core centered on the Nakayama proposal, Overcoming Isolationism adds to our understanding of the internal dimensions of policymaking in Japan, showing the chaos of policy responses, the slow burn of ideas, and the expression of proposals through particular intellectual and political personalities."—Julie Gilson, Journal of Japanese Studies"Overcoming Isolationism convincingly makes the acase that the assurance imperative as a driver and outcome of RSM has been overlooked. This book's particular strength is in the empirical richness of the chapters, supported by deep and careful research in both English and Japanese as well as interviews with many of the important figures involved in pushing forward Japan's RSM agenda. Paul Midford provides an excellent example for researchers interested in demonstrating how policy entrepreneurs both inside and outside government can influence a nation's diplomatic trajectory."—Corey Wallace, Monumenta NipponicaTable of Contents1. Understanding Why States Pursue Regional Security Multilateralism 2. Japan and Its Regional Security Isolationism During the Cold War 3. Rethinking Regional Security Isolationism and Multilateralism 4. The Making of the Nakayama Proposal 5. Delivering and Defending the Nakayama Proposal 6. The Miyazawa Initiatives and Japan's Leadership in Creating the ASEAN Regional Forum 7. Japan and Regional Security Multilateralism, 1994–2000 8. Japan and Widening Regional Security Multilateralism

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Book SynopsisTerritorial disputes are one of the main sources of tension in Northeast Asia. Escalation in such conflicts often stems from a widely shared public perception that the territory in question is of the utmost importance to the nation. While that's frequently not true in economic, military, or political terms, citizens' groups and other domestic actors throughout the region have mounted sustained campaigns to protect or recover disputed islands. Quite often, these campaigns have wide-ranging domestic and international consequences. Why and how do territorial disputes that at one point mattered little, become salient? Focusing on non-state actors rather than political elites, Alexander Bukh explains how and why apparently inconsequential territories become central to national discourse in Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan. These Islands Are Ours challenges the conventional wisdom that disputes-related campaigns originate in the desire to protect national territory and traces their roots to times of crisis in the respective societies. This book gives us a new way to understand the nature of territorial disputes and how they inform national identities by exploring the processes of their social construction, and amplification.Trade Review"In this refreshing book, Alexander Bukh marshals an impressive range of evidence and marries it to a theoretically nuanced approach to say something new and original. These Islands Are Ours will appeal to a wide audience that wishes to understand the micro-level processes by which the competing narratives and identities around these disputes are constructed." -- Hugo Dobson * University of Sheffield *"In this valuable contribution to our understanding of territorial disputes in Asia, Alexander Bukh does an admirable job of drawing attention to the internal dynamics in Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan. This book will be of interest to IR and Asia specialists seeking to understand how 'national identity entrepreneurs' in domestic politics shape societal narratives of territorial disputes, and how also the shifting patterns of their entrepreneurship can be consequential in taking on and eliciting responses from the state in times of deep flux and beyond." -- Saadia M. Pekkanen * University of Washington *"Bukh creatively employs a constructivist perspective....He excellently demonstrates how critical junctures and post–WW II reforms enabled greater civic action focused on the injustice of the loss of territory. Highly recommended." -- C. W. Herrick * CHOICE *"Bukh's layering of evidence—whether newspaper articles, interviews, or other media—supports a 'thick description' of the shifting but ultimately meaningful construction of national narratives about identity and territory in Northeast Asia. It is a valuable contribution to the study of international relations in Asia, especially for showing how narratives about territorial disputes are semiotically deployed, interpreted, and transformed." -- Ian Parker * Pacific Affairs *"For students with an interest in exploring new methods in East Asian area studies, These Islands is an example of interpretive research that cites a rich tapestry of sources, such as pamphlets, prefectural and government reports, petitions, newspapers, educational material, postcards, advertisements, and stamps... The book makes a valuable contribution to East Asian international relations." -- Nidhi Prasad * Journal of Asian Studies *"These Islands Are Ours is an important contribution to both the literature on territoriality and territorial conflict and our understanding of Northeast Asian Territorial disputes...It is [the] interaction of domestic and international politics—those two- (or three-) level games—that scholars of territoriality should turn to next. These Islands Are Ours leads the way." -- Boaz Atzili * Political Science Quarterly *Table of ContentsContents and AbstractsIntroduction chapter abstractThis chapter sets up the context, and introduces the object of this study and its main arguments. It introduces the main analytical premises of this study and the notions of national identity entrepreneurship and critical juncture. After outlining the methodology of this study, it concludes by providing an overview of the empirical chapters and the main arguments. 1Japan's "Northern Territories" chapter abstractThis chapter explores national identity entrepreneurship related to Japan's territories occupied by the Soviet Union in the waning days of WWII and focuses on the origins and transformations in the "Japan's inherent territory" narrative. Originating in the critical juncture created by the defeat, the Soviet occupation, and the domestic reforms, the "inherent territory" framing of the occupied islands was initially utilized by the grassroots movement as part of an attempt to draw attention to the economic plight of those that suffered from the Soviet occupation. In the early 1950s, Hokkaido Prefecture embraced the irredentist cause as a means of political struggle with Tokyo. From the late 1960s, as a result of Tokyo's appropriation of the "Northern Territories" and cooptation of the grassroots organizations, the narrative has changed significantly. From legitimation strategy, the "inherent territory" has gradually transformed into an end in itself, a symbol of injustice inflicted upon the nation. 2Shimane Prefecture's Quest for Takeshima chapter abstractThis chapter traces the emergence and transformation of the Takeshima- related campaign in Japan's Shimane Prefecture from the early postwar days until the passage of the "Takeshima Day" ordinance in 2005. Originating in the critical juncture of the defeat and subsequent reforms, Shimane Prefecture's Takeshima- related campaign was initially driven by purely economic concerns. From the mid-1960s on,wards however, as a result of the central government's discrepancy in its policies related to the Northern Territories and Takeshima, related policies, the campaign started to attain a certain ideational character, with "Takeshima" becoming a symbol of injustice inflicted upon the prefecture by Tokyo. Koizumi's intraparty and fiscal reforms of the early 2000s created the structural impetus for escalation in the Takeshima- related campaign, establishing the conditions for the passage of the "Takeshima Day" ordinance. 3The "Protect Dokdo" Movement in South Korea chapter abstractHaving its roots in the democratization movement, the "Protect Dokdo" movement in South Korea was shaped by the post-1987 socio-political and economic developments which that culminated in the 1997 financial crisis. The "Protect Dokdo" movement was a response to this critical juncture, a discursive attempt to re-create Korean national subjectivity by replicating but also modifying the national identity construct of the democratization movement. The eEmbracement of the Dokdo cause by the central government from 2005 onwards, impacted influenced both the movement's structure and its narrative. From the symbol of the Korean nation juxtaposed with the perceived symbiosis of the domestic ruling elites and Japan, "Dokdo" transformed into a symbol of the Korean "'self'" juxtaposed solely with the Japanese "other." 4Taiwan's "Protect the Diaoyutai" Baodiao Movement chapter abstractLocated in the nexus of two critical junctures—the "long 1960s" in the US United States and the collapse of nationalist mythology of the Kuomintang government—the Taiwanese movement for the protection of the Diaoyutai iIslands promoted a new narrative on Chinese national identity. The symbolism ascribed to the disputed islands was rather diverse, but the dominant, left-leaning part of the movement used the disputed islands to reproduce the Kuomintang- created narrative on national humiliation, while replacing the Republic of China with the People's Republic of China as the center of Chinese national subjectivity. In post-democratization Taiwan, this narrative gained a new political meaning, becoming an integral part of the legitimation strategy deployed by pro-unification political forces. Conclusion chapter abstractThis chapter summarizes the findings of this book. It draws a number of conclusions regarding the factors that spur the emergence of territorial disputes-–related national identity entrepreneurship, and analyzes the factors that account for the difference in the social reception of the narratives in the respective societies. It also outlines the implications of these case studies for our understanding of the social construction of a disputed territory and for the broader constructivist International Relations literature on national identity.

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Book SynopsisLearning the Lessons of Modern War uses the study of the recent past to illuminate the future. More specifically, it examines the lessons of recent wars as a way of understanding continuity and change in the character and conduct of war. The volume brings together contributions from a group of well-known scholars and practitioners from across the world to examine the conduct of recent wars in Iraq, Afghanistan, the Middle East, South America, and Asia. The book's first section consists of chapters that explore the value of a contemporary approach to history and reflect on the value of learning lessons from the past. Its second section focuses on the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. Chapters on Iraq discuss the lessons of the Iraq War, the British perspective on the conflict, and the war as seen through the lens of Saddam Hussein's military. Chapters on Afghanistan discuss counterinsurgency operations during the war, Britain's experience in Afghanistan, raising and training Afghan forces, and U.S. interagency performance. The book's third section examines the lessons of wars involving Russia, Israel, Sri Lanka, the Philippines, Georgia, and Colombia. It concludes by exploring overarching themes associated with the conduct of recent wars. Containing a foreword by former National Security Advisor Lieutenant General H.R. McMaster, Learning the Lessons of Modern War is an indispensable resource for international relations and security studies scholars, policymakers, and military professionals. Trade Review"A famous old military saying suggests that 'amateurs talk about tactics, armchair generals study strategy, but professionals study logistics.' Studying lessons from modern warfare, the volume Learning the Lessons of Modern War, edited by Thomas G. Mahnken, challenges its readers to add a fourth component to this old saying, suggesting that counterinsurgency experts need to study politics." -- Ori Swed * Contemporary Sociology *

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Book SynopsisLearning the Lessons of Modern War uses the study of the recent past to illuminate the future. More specifically, it examines the lessons of recent wars as a way of understanding continuity and change in the character and conduct of war. The volume brings together contributions from a group of well-known scholars and practitioners from across the world to examine the conduct of recent wars in Iraq, Afghanistan, the Middle East, South America, and Asia. The book's first section consists of chapters that explore the value of a contemporary approach to history and reflect on the value of learning lessons from the past. Its second section focuses on the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. Chapters on Iraq discuss the lessons of the Iraq War, the British perspective on the conflict, and the war as seen through the lens of Saddam Hussein's military. Chapters on Afghanistan discuss counterinsurgency operations during the war, Britain's experience in Afghanistan, raising and training Afghan forces, and U.S. interagency performance. The book's third section examines the lessons of wars involving Russia, Israel, Sri Lanka, the Philippines, Georgia, and Colombia. It concludes by exploring overarching themes associated with the conduct of recent wars. Containing a foreword by former National Security Advisor Lieutenant General H.R. McMaster, Learning the Lessons of Modern War is an indispensable resource for international relations and security studies scholars, policymakers, and military professionals. Trade Review"A famous old military saying suggests that 'amateurs talk about tactics, armchair generals study strategy, but professionals study logistics.' Studying lessons from modern warfare, the volume Learning the Lessons of Modern War, edited by Thomas G. Mahnken, challenges its readers to add a fourth component to this old saying, suggesting that counterinsurgency experts need to study politics." -- Ori Swed * Contemporary Sociology *

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Book SynopsisUnderstanding Global Migration offers scholars a groundbreaking account of emerging migration states around the globe, especially in the Global South. Leading scholars of migration have collaborated to provide a birds-eye view of migration interdependence. Understanding Global Migration proposes a new typology of migration states, identifying multiple ideal types beyond the classical liberal type. Much of the world's migration has been to countries in Asia, Africa, the Middle East, and South America. The authors assembled here account for diverse histories of colonialism, development, and identity in shaping migration policy. This book provides a truly global look at the dilemmas of migration governance: Will migration be destabilizing, or will it lead to greater openness and human development? The answer depends on the capacity of states to manage migration, especially their willingness to respect the rights of the ever-growing portion of the world's population that is on the move.Trade Review"All nations today must balance tradeoffs between markets, rights, security, and culture to manage the international mobility of people successfully. Understanding Global Migration gathers together leading scholars to explain how these tradeoffs differ from nation to nation and why getting the balance right is essential for maintaining peace and prosperity."—Douglas S. Massey, Princeton University"The contributors to Understanding Global Migration have been at the forefront of expanding our understanding of the role migration plays in the international system. This is a welcome addition to the field of migration studies."—Terri E. Givens, McGill University"Written by leading scholars in the field, this book provides a huge breakthrough. It is unique in providing a genuinely global view of how states—liberal and illiberal, Western and non-Western—deal with migration. Understanding Global Migration is essential reading for anyone desiring a fundamental understanding of migration politics."—Hein de Haas, Amsterdam University"This multidisciplinary collection of essays broadens the analysis of migration from the handful of cases that dominate popular discussion and scholarly literature—typically to do with migration to Europe from the Middle East and Africa and migration to the United States from Latin America. It adopts a global perspective, describing how countries in both the global North and the global South deal with migration."—Barry Eichengreen, Foreign Affairs"[James] Hollifield and Neil Foley have brought together prominent migration scholars who contribute their expertise on various countries and regions.... This book will undoubtedly receive a wide audience because of its ambition and the incisive analyses of migration policy on a global scale."—Jeannette Money, International Affairs"Theoretically rich chapters are matched by accessible empirical data. The authors are delightfully candid in evaluating migration governance and holes in understanding. Highly recommended."—R. A. Harper, CHOICE"[Understanding Global Migration] promises to generate a vibrant discussion which will engage scholars of migration for generations to come. The rich details of individual cases coupled with an accessible theoretical framework makes this co-edited volume a uniquely valuable resource for political scientists and IR specialists, whose agenda Tsourapas perceptively notes, has been long neglected. But it is an indispensable read for all students of migration and human mobility, as well as for those interested in the nature of the state in a global order."—Gallya Lahav, Perspectives on PoliticsTable of Contents1. "Migration Interdependence and the State" —James F. Hollifield and Neil Foley 2. "The Southern African Migration System" —Audie Klotz 3. "Illiberal Migration Governance in the Arab Gulf" —Hélène Thiollet 4. "The Illiberal Paradox and the Politics of Migration in the Middle East" —Gerasimos Tsourapas 5. "Migration and Development in North and West Africa" —Yves Charbit 6. "The Developmental Migration State in East Asia" —Erin Aeran Chung 7. "International Migration and Development in Southeast Asia, 1990–2010" —Charles Hirschman 8. "The Indian Migration State" —Kamal Sadiq 9. "The Development of the US Migration State: Nativism, Liberalism, and Durable Structures of Exclusion" —Daniel Tichenor 10. "Who Belongs? Politics of Immigration, Nativism, and Illiberal Democracy in Postwar America" —Neil Foley 11. "Canada: The Quintessential Migration State?" —Phil Triadafilopoulos and Zack Taylor 12. "Migration and Economic Development: North American Experience" —Philip L. Martin 13. "International Migration and Refugee Movements in Latin America" —Miryam Hazán 14. "The Migration State in South America" —Charles P. Gomes 15. "Migration Governance in Turkey" —Fiona Adamson 16. "Beyond the Migration State: Western Europe since World War II" —Leo Lucassen 17. "Migration and the Liberal Paradox in Europe" —James F. Hollifield 18. "How Immigrants Fare in European Labor Markets" —Pieter Bevelander 19. "The European Union: Shaping Migration Governance in Europe and Beyond" —Andrew Geddes

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Book SynopsisPeople everywhere are more dependent than ever on foreign migrants, products, and ideas—and more xenophobic. Intolerance and hate-based violence is on the rise in countries from Hungary to South Africa, threatening global security. With Interdependent Yet Intolerant, Robert Mandel explains why we live in an unexpectedly and increasingly hateful world, why existing policies have done little to help, and what needs to be done. Through an in-depth analysis of case studies from twelve diverse countries that have experienced violence between native citizens and foreign migrants, Mandel finds that the interdependence of the current liberal international order does not breed mutual understanding between groups through increased contact, but rather, under specific conditions, stimulates boomerang effects in the exact opposite direction. And the very policy measures intended to decrease violence—from heightened border enforcement intended to minimize instability, to intergovernmental payoffs to other countries to keep foreigners away, as in the EU—only inflame intolerance and promote global insecurity. Providing practical policy recommendations for managing identity-based violence in an age of mass migration and globalization, Interdependent Yet Intolerant calls on societies around the world to rethink their predominant notions of national identity and control. Trade Review"In today's increasingly identity-based political environment, eminent political scientist Robert Mandel's Interdependent Yet Intolerant is a valuable contribution to understanding attitudes and policies toward migrants and native citizens, a topic of growing importance throughout the world. Highly recommended."—Dan Caldwell, Pepperdine University"Robert Mandel's timely and compelling Interdependent Yet Intolerant is a significant contribution to the scholarly discourse on immigration and intolerance. Mandel treats emotionally charged topics with deftness, in-depth analysis, and balance. His case studies are tied to his analytical perspective and recommendations to cope with mass migration across national boundaries."—Michael C. LeMay, California State University, San BernardinoTable of ContentsIntroduction 1. Intensifying Global Interdependence 2. Deepening Native-Foreigner Intolerance 3. Intolerance-Based Violence and Global Insecurity 4. Intolerance-Based Violence Cases 5. Intolerance-Based Violence Findings 6. Managing Intolerance-Based Violence Conclusion

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Book SynopsisPeople everywhere are more dependent than ever on foreign migrants, products, and ideas—and more xenophobic. Intolerance and hate-based violence is on the rise in countries from Hungary to South Africa, threatening global security. With Interdependent Yet Intolerant, Robert Mandel explains why we live in an unexpectedly and increasingly hateful world, why existing policies have done little to help, and what needs to be done. Through an in-depth analysis of case studies from twelve diverse countries that have experienced violence between native citizens and foreign migrants, Mandel finds that the interdependence of the current liberal international order does not breed mutual understanding between groups through increased contact, but rather, under specific conditions, stimulates boomerang effects in the exact opposite direction. And the very policy measures intended to decrease violence—from heightened border enforcement intended to minimize instability, to intergovernmental payoffs to other countries to keep foreigners away, as in the EU—only inflame intolerance and promote global insecurity. Providing practical policy recommendations for managing identity-based violence in an age of mass migration and globalization, Interdependent Yet Intolerant calls on societies around the world to rethink their predominant notions of national identity and control. Trade Review"In today's increasingly identity-based political environment, eminent political scientist Robert Mandel's Interdependent Yet Intolerant is a valuable contribution to understanding attitudes and policies toward migrants and native citizens, a topic of growing importance throughout the world. Highly recommended."—Dan Caldwell, Pepperdine University"Robert Mandel's timely and compelling Interdependent Yet Intolerant is a significant contribution to the scholarly discourse on immigration and intolerance. Mandel treats emotionally charged topics with deftness, in-depth analysis, and balance. His case studies are tied to his analytical perspective and recommendations to cope with mass migration across national boundaries."—Michael C. LeMay, California State University, San BernardinoTable of ContentsIntroduction 1. Intensifying Global Interdependence 2. Deepening Native-Foreigner Intolerance 3. Intolerance-Based Violence and Global Insecurity 4. Intolerance-Based Violence Cases 5. Intolerance-Based Violence Findings 6. Managing Intolerance-Based Violence Conclusion

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Book SynopsisThe U.S. government's prime enemy in the War on Terror is not a shadowy mastermind dispatching suicide bombers. It is the informed American citizen. With Manufacturing Militarism, Christopher J. Coyne and Abigail R. Hall detail how military propaganda has targeted Americans since 9/11. From the darkened cinema to the football field to the airport screening line, the U.S. government has purposefully inflated the actual threat of terrorism and the necessity of a proactive military response. This biased, incomplete, and misleading information contributes to a broader culture of fear and militarism that, far from keeping Americans safe, ultimately threatens the foundations of a free society. Applying a political economic approach to the incentives created by a democratic system with a massive national security state, Coyne and Hall delve into case studies from the War on Terror to show how propaganda operates in a democracy. As they vigilantly watch their carry-ons scanned at the airport despite nonexistent threats, or absorb glowing representations of the military from films, Americans are subject to propaganda that, Coyne and Hall argue, erodes government by citizen consent.Trade Review"Immersed in militarism since birth, Americans have a choice: the blue pill of aggression and self-righteousness disguised as fostering democracy and freedom, or the red pill of truth. Coyne and Hall offer us the red pill and a path to freeing ourselves from the military machine. Take it, America, and put a stop to military glorification and endless war."—William J. Astore, Lieutenant Colonel, USAF (Ret.)"Rich with maddening examples, Manufacturing Militarism demonstrates that the US government constantly emits lies and half-truths meant to shore up public support for endless wars against an endless stream of enemies, real and imaginary. And Coyne and Hall show us what to do about it. Read this book: Democracy is hanging in the balance."—Roger Koppl, Syracuse University"This book brilliantly analyzes one of the deepest problems of American democracy: the role of mass media in reinforcing government propaganda that promotes war, intervention and militarism. From Washington to Hollywood, from Iraq to American sports stadiums, the order of the day is inflating threats, inventing enemies, and fanning the flames of fear and xenophobia. Manufacturing Militarism explains why the world that Americans see is so different from the world that actually exists."—Stephen Kinzer, Watson Institute, Brown University, author of Poisoner in Chief"In Manufacturing Militarism Christopher Coyne and Abigail Hall offer both a vital rejoinder to uncritical American exceptionalism and this dirty secret: democracies, too, peddle in propaganda. Blending analyses of recent history, politics, and culture, they chronicle a narrative game long rigged—the U.S. government's ceaseless post-9/11 campaign to sell wars we don't need, that people don't otherwise want. Their disturbing conclusions ring as collective alarm-bells for a republic in its long night of peril."—Maj. (Ret.) Danny Sjursen, Center for International Policy, author of Patriotic Dissent and Ghostriders of Baghdad"Manufacturing Militarism is a timely and far-reaching study of the role state-sponsored propaganda has played and continues to play in 21st-century American life. Coyne and Hall show how, since 9/11, successive administrations held back relevant information and deliberately misled journalists and the public, damaging America's democracy, national security and international reputation."—David C. Unger, Johns Hopkins University SAIS Europe, author of The Emergency State"You can't handle the truth! At least that's what your government thinks. Manufacturing Militarism shows how democratic governments utilize their monopoly on classified information to propagandize their citizens in order to enable government actions that benefit the politically elite at the expense of average citizens. Coyne and Hall superbly illustrate how we have been propagandized by the U.S. government throughout the war."—Benjamin Powell, Free Market Institute, Texas Tech University"In Manufacturing Militarism, Christopher Coyne and Abigail Hall document the pernicious effects of the government's control and dissemination of information. They describe the 'threat inflation' that characterizes government propaganda, facilitating citizen compliance and shifting power away from citizens and to the political elite who control public policy. More than just a tool that enables government policymakers to enact policies they prefer, Coyne and Hall make a persuasive case that government propaganda is a real threat to a free society."—Randall Holcombe, Professor of Economics, Florida State University"Manufacturing Militarism: U.S. Government Propaganda in the War on Terror... should be read by everyone who seeks to more fully understand the extent to which militaristic propaganda has pervaded seemingly every aspect of our society."—Zachary Yost, Mises Wire"In Manufacturing Militarism: U.S. Government Propaganda in the War on Terror,Christopher J. Coyne and Abigail R. Hall provide an unusual, interesting, broadly persuasive, and welcome approach to explaining the manufacture and deployment of militarism in America.... The book's message is powerful and simple. It is evidence-based and well-reasoned. It is a work of serious scholarship. It condemns concentrated power in a few hands to propagandise and mislead the people to get behind wars of aggression, and pay the costs in blood and treasure. It says the American state is dangerous. It says the people must be vigilant, informed, and courageous."—Inderjeet Parmar, The WireTable of Contents1. "Propaganda: Its Meaning, Operation, and Limits" 2. "The Political Economy of Government Propaganda" 3. "Selling the Invasion of Iraq" 4. "The Post-Invasion Propaganda Pitch" 5. "Paid Patriotism: Propaganda Takes the Field" 6. "Flying the Propagandized Skies" 7. "Propaganda Goes to Hollywood" 8. "The Power of the Propagandized"

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Book SynopsisIn From Mandate to Blueprint, Thomas Fingar offers a guide for new federal government appointees faced with the complex task of rebuilding institutions and transitioning to a new administration. Synthesizing his own experience implementing the most comprehensive reforms to the national security establishment since 1947, Fingar provides crucial guidance to newly appointed officials. When Fingar was appointed the first Deputy Director of National Intelligence for Analysis in 2005, he discovered the challenges of establishing a new federal agency and implementing sweeping reforms of intelligence procedure and performance. The mandate required prompt action but provided no guidance on how to achieve required and desirable changes. Fingar describes how he defined and prioritized the tasks involved in building and staffing a new organization, integrating and improving the work of sixteen agencies, and contending with pressure from powerful players. For appointees without the luxury of taking command of fully staffed and well-functioning federal agencies, From Mandate to Blueprint is an informed and practical guide for the challenges ahead.Trade Review"From Mandate to Blueprint should be required reading for all policy makers. The thought process and attention to detail that Tom Fingar provides are directly applicable to all aspects of policy making, not just intelligence reform. The tools are the same: people, mission, priorities, and end state. A must-read."—Richard Armitage, former Deputy Secretary of State"There is no better time for this thoughtful, essential book to instruct government servants on what to know and do, through Tom Fingar's trenchant examples from fixing US intelligence. From Mandate to Blueprint is a must-read for old hands and newbies in public service."—Thomas R. Pickering, former Under Secretary of State and Ambassador to the UN, Russia, India and Israel"From Mandate to Blueprint provides timely insight into the challenges facing new federal appointees. Drawing on decades of experience in bureaucratic structures, Tom Fingar shares lessons learned in the aftermath of 9/11. This book should become a valuable reference work for the intelligence community."—Charles S. Robb, co-chair of the WMD Commission"The smooth running of government has been under siege for some time. A new team gives us the opportunity to halt and change direction. With From Mandate to Blueprint, Tom Fingar takes lessons he learned from intelligence reform and broadens them for today."—General Michael V. Hayden (Ret.), former Director, CIA and NSATable of ContentsIntroduction: From Mandate to Blueprint Intelligence Reform: Unique Opportunity or Fool's Errand? Sliding Toward an Offer I Couldn't Refuse Blank White Board and Ticking Clock Building a Team and Building Support Translating Ideas into Actions Organizing Themes and Goals Think Big, Start Small, Fail Cheap, Fix Fast Taking Stock Training and Tradecraft Transforming the PDB into a Community Product Management of the Analysis Mission Transforming Analysis Roads Not Taken Reflections and Lessons Lessons for New Appointees

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Book SynopsisThe definitive guide to the history of nuclear arms control by a wise eavesdropper and masterful storyteller, Michael Krepon. The greatest unacknowledged diplomatic achievement of the Cold War was the absence of mushroom clouds. Deterrence alone was too dangerous to succeed; it needed arms control to prevent nuclear warfare. So, U.S. and Soviet leaders ventured into the unknown to devise guardrails for nuclear arms control and to treat the Bomb differently than other weapons. Against the odds, they succeeded. Nuclear weapons have not been used in warfare for three quarters of a century. This book is the first in-depth history of how the nuclear peace was won by complementing deterrence with reassurance, and then jeopardized by discarding arms control after the Cold War ended. Winning and Losing the Nuclear Peace tells a remarkable story of high-wire acts of diplomacy, close calls, dogged persistence, and extraordinary success. Michael Krepon brings to life the pitched battles between arms controllers and advocates of nuclear deterrence, the ironic twists and unexpected outcomes from Truman to Trump. What began with a ban on atmospheric testing and a nonproliferation treaty reached its apogee with treaties that mandated deep cuts and corralled "loose nukes" after the Soviet Union imploded. After the Cold War ended, much of this diplomatic accomplishment was cast aside in favor of freedom of action. The nuclear peace is now imperiled by no less than four nuclear-armed rivalries. Arms control needs to be revived and reimagined for Russia and China to prevent nuclear warfare. New guardrails have to be erected. Winning and Losing the Nuclear Peace is an engaging account of how the practice of arms control was built from scratch, how it was torn down, and how it can be rebuilt.Trade Review"Michael Krepon, a child of the Cold War, dedicated his career to the effort to reduce the risk of a nuclear Armageddon. Winning and Losing the Nuclear Peace is the culmination of his career. This chronicle of the leaders in Washington and Moscow who negotiated agreements to avert nuclear danger is powerful and wise."—Strobe Talbott, Former Deputy Secretary of State"Until now, there has been no comprehensive history of nuclear arms control; Michael Krepon's masterful Winning and Losing the Nuclear Peace fills that ICBM-size hole in the field. A must-read to understand our past efforts to tame the nuclear arms race, so that we can pursue them successfully again."—Vipin Narang, Massachusetts Institute of Technology"Winning and Losing the Nuclear Peace makes a uniquely important contribution to arms control literature. It is exceptionally well-written and clear, providing valuable insights into how we have managed to avoid a nuclear war these past 75 years, and how to continue that avoidance despite the collapse of treaties."—William J. Perry, Former Secretary of Defense"Krepon's refreshingly realist message is that the world is stuck in the nuclear age: the idea of abolishing nuclear weapons and the notion of finding war-winning strategies for their use are both forms of escapism."—Lawrence D. Freedman, Foreign Affairs"Michael Krepon's book Winning and Losing the Nuclear Peace: The Rise, Demise, and Revival of Arms Control comes at the perfect time... The book makes three important contributions. First, it should become the definitive text on the topic of arms control and the volume of choice for university courses on arms control, deterrence, and nuclear policy more broadly... Second, in telling such a detailed history, Krepon, albeit indirectly, provides a playbook for understanding when, why, and how arms control has succeeded in the past. This is a timely contribution. Finally, Krepon's vision for the future of arms control is an ambitious one that may face practical challenges but should inspire scholars to engage with the first principles of arms control."—Heather Williams, Arms Control Today"Krepon expertly stitches together a comprehensive historical account of arms control. As the title suggests, Krepon's scholarly endeavour traces the ebbs and flows of the US arms control journey. Using his knack for storytelling, the author brings to the fore how, in the United States, individual grit and political will trumped systemic reticence to embrace arms control."—Rabia Akhtar, International Affairs"Offer[ing] thoughtful arguments about the format and purpose of arms control in the past, present and future...Krepon's magisterial account emphasises the hard work and political vision that even a modest approach to arms control entails. Future generations of arms-controllers will find rich insights in this important book." –Målfrid Braut-Hegghammer, Survival"Winning and Losing the Nuclear Peaceis a magisterial assessment of the entire eight decades of diplomatic history of nuclear arms control and its symbiotic relationship with deterrence. Michael Krepon covers both East-West negotiations and non-proliferation efforts world-wide, focusing on the people who made nuclear arms control and those who opposed them – their motives, tactics, the interactions among them, their successes and failures, as well as the political environments in which they operated. The book is written in an engaging prose making the subject accessible not just to experts, but also to general audiences and students. It is likely to remain the standard reference for many years"—American Academy of Diplomacy"Arms control is what states make of it. The criteria for its success or failure are often underspecified, leaving it open to an unnecessarily broad range of criticism. Krepon's magisterial account emphasises the hard work and political vision that even a modest approach to arms control entails. Future generations of arms-controllers will find rich insights in this important book."—Målfrid Braut-Hegghammer, The Survival Editor's Blog"Winning and Losing the Nuclear Peace is... a passing of the baton from one of the elder statesmen of American arms control – a baton wrapped in marching orders for a new generation of analysts and advocates."—Paul Esau, Canadian Military HistoryTable of ContentsIntroduction 1. A Prehistory of Nuclear Arms Control 2. Eisenhower's Halting Steps 3. Kennedy, Johnson, and Early Successes 4. Johnson and the Quest for Strategic Arms Control 5. Nixon, Kissinger, and the SALT I Accords 6. Nixon Falls and SALT II Stalls 7. Ford, Kissinger, and the Death of Détente 8. Carter, SALT II, and the Reckoning 9. Reagan's Roller Coaster Ride 10. Breakthrough 11. George H.W. Bush at Peak Performance 12. Consolidating Gains 13. Stalling Out 14. Shedding Treaties 15. Reality Overtakes Hope 16. Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin 17. Reaffirming Norms, Reducing Numbers

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Book SynopsisAs China and the U.S. increasingly compete for power in key areas of U.S. influence, great power conflict looms. Yet few studies have looked to the Middle East and Africa, regions of major political, economic, and military importance for both China and the U.S., to theorize how China competes in a changing world system. China's Rise in the Global South examines China's behavior as a rising power in two key Global South regions, the Middle East and sub-Saharan Africa. Dawn C. Murphy, drawing on extensive fieldwork and hundreds of interviews, compares and analyzes thirty years of China's interactions with these regions across a range of functional areas: political, economic, foreign aid, and military. From the Belt and Road initiative to the founding of new cooperation forums and special envoys, China's Rise in the Global South offers an in-depth look at China's foreign policy approach to the countries it considers its partners in South-South cooperation. Intervening in the emerging debate between liberals and realists about China's future as a great power, Murphy contends that China is constructing an alternate international order to interact with these regions, and this book provides policymakers and scholars of international relations with the tools to analyze it.Trade Review"China's Rise in the Global South is a must read for anyone interested in truths and myths about China's growing global influence and U.S.–China strategic competition. Judicious and deeply researched, this book is an invaluable resource."—Thomas J. Christensen, Columbia University"Dawn C. Murphy offers a rich, nuanced empirical treatment of China's relations with the Middle East and sub-Saharan Africa. China's Rise in the Global South is especially valuable for those interested in China's Middle Eastern policy since it fills a major gap in the scholarly literature on China's regional relations."—Rosemary Foot, Oxford University"China's Rise in the Global South is a very welcome addition to the literature on China's rise in the developing world. Dawn C. Murphy offers a clear and astute assessment of China's Middle East strategy."—Jon B. Alterman, Center for Strategic and International Studies"China's Rise in the Global South will be welcomed by scholars and students alike for its timely insights and empirical content. Dawn C. Murphy contributes to understanding China's role in Africa and the Middle East, from economic operations to military growth and beyond."—Chris Alden, London School of Economics"There has been a significant gap in the studies of China's foreign policy beyond the Asia Pacific region. Murphy's excellent book fills this intellectual gap by focusing on China's rise in the Global South... More in-depth investigations and research will be encouraged by Murphy's book, which is a valuable addition to the scholarly literature and policy analysis on China's rise in the developing world." –Kai He, The Developing Economies"China's Rise in the Global South provides an amazingly granular description of China's presence in and relations with Africa and the Middle East. All the readers, from the novice to the veteran China-and-Africa/Middle East watcher, will enjoy the comprehensiveness of Murphy's work, which is solidly grounded in the analysis of written sources in various languages as well as numerous interviews conducted in China and several countries in Africa and the Middle East."—Andrea Ghiselli, Journal of Chinese Political Science"The text [of China's Rise in the Global South] is richly and densely comparative in studying China's behaviour in the two regions it relies upon most for its external energy and key minerals, and contains many useful facts and much elucidating analysis."—Lauren A. Johnston, The China Quarterly"Dawn Murphy... recently published a fascinating book which offers alternative readings of China's strategy in the Global South which helps to bridge many of these debates and make sense of what is—and isn't—going on. She suggests that China is indeed promoting an alternative international order—but that this promotion looks very different across different parts of the world, and only challenges the existing American-led order in certain areas, in certain ways."—Marc Lynch, Abu Aardvark's MENA Academy"Murphy's discussion of how China uses the regular regional forums it organizes is excellent, as is her analysis of the relationships China has forged in military cooperation, foreign aid, and trade."—Nicolas van de Walle, Foreign Affairs"Professor Murphy has significantly advanced scholarship on post-Cold War Chinese foreign relations with this well-conceived and well-executed assessment of Chinese foreign relations with the Middle East, North Africa, and Sub-Saharan Africa."—Robert Sutter, Political Science Quarterly"China's Rise in the Global South is a solid contribution to the academic literature on China's engagement with Africa and the Middle East.... [T]he breadth of Murphy's work and its attention to politics and security offered this reader much welcome respite from the never-ending flow of ever-narrower (and duller) studies on economic topics in Sino-African relations."—Joshua Eisenman, Pacific AffairsTable of Contents1. Introduction 2. Analytical Approach 3. What Does China Want in the Middle East and Sub-Saharan Africa? 4. Competing with Cooperation Forums? China-Arab States Cooperation Forum and Forum on China-Africa Cooperation 5. A Responsible Power? How China Portrays Itself as a Great Power through Special Envoys for the Middle East, Syria, and Africa 6. Competing for Influence? Economic Relations 7. Making Friends and Building Influence? Political Relations 8. Cooperating for Peace and Security? Military Relations 9. Belt and Road and China's Relations with the Middle East and Sub-Saharan Africa 10. Conclusion

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Book SynopsisThe technology controlling United States nuclear weapons predates the Internet. Updating the technology for the digital era is necessary, but it comes with the risk that anything digital can be hacked. Moreover, using new systems for both nuclear and non-nuclear operations will lead to levels of nuclear risk hardly imagined before. This book is the first to confront these risks comprehensively. With Cyber Threats and Nuclear Weapons, Herbert Lin provides a clear-eyed breakdown of the cyber risks to the U.S. nuclear enterprise. Featuring a series of scenarios that clarify the intersection of cyber and nuclear risk, this book guides readers through a little-understood element of the risk profile that government decision-makers should be anticipating. What might have happened if the Cuban Missile Crisis took place in the age of Twitter, with unvetted information swirling around? What if an adversary announced that malware had compromised nuclear systems, clouding the confidence of nuclear decision-makers? Cyber Threats and Nuclear Weapons, the first book to consider cyber risks across the entire nuclear enterprise, concludes with crucial advice on how government can manage the tensions between new nuclear capabilities and increasing cyber risk. This is an invaluable handbook for those ready to confront the unique challenges of cyber nuclear risk.Trade Review"Perhaps the only thing more frightening than nuclear weapons is the thought of those weapons being connected to modern software systems. Herbert Lin, an expert in both realms, has written a sobering, enlightening book that should be required reading for all those thinking about the security of these weapons in the internet age."—Jim Waldo, Former Distinguished Engineer, Sun Labs"Herbert Lin is one of this country's leading experts on nuclear and cyber issues. In this important book, he provides a careful but chilling analysis of the risks we face in efforts to modernize the nuclear enterprise. Cyber Threats and Nuclear Weapons should be read carefully in Washington." —Joseph S. Nye, Jr, Harvard University"In this wide-ranging and well-crafted book, Herbert Lin wisely encapsulates his careful analysis in a series of easy-to-digest observations, with the policy imperatives that flow from them. The result is a guide for policy makers as they cope with the hair-raising prospect of nuclear modernization amidst increasing cyber risk."—Rose Gottemoeller, Former Deputy Secretary General of NATO"Lin's purpose in writing this excellent book is to acknowledge the new and sobering reality that computerization makes nuclear weapons much less secure than readers might assume. Highly recommended."—J. A. Stever, CHOICE June 2022"an informative read for novices and experts alike."—Melissa K. Griffith, Survival: Global Politics and StrategyTable of Contents1. Introduction and Background 2. The Cyber-Nuclear Connection 3. The U.S. Nuclear Enterprise 4. Cybersecurity Lessons for Nuclear Modernization 5. Cyber Risks in Selected Nuclear Scenarios 6. Designing the Cyber-Nuclear Future: Observations and Imperatives 7. Moving Forward

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Book SynopsisFrom a globally renowned expert on Russian military strategy and national security, The Russian Way of Deterrence investigates Russia's approach to coercion (both deterrence and compellence), comparing and contrasting it with the Western conceptualization of this strategy. Strategic deterrence, or what Dmitry (Dima) Adamsky calls deterrence à la Russe, is one of the main tools of Russian statecraft. Adamsky deftly describes the genealogy of the Russian approach to coercion and highlights the cultural, ideational, and historical factors that have shaped it in the nuclear, conventional, and informational domains. Drawing on extensive research on Russian strategic culture, Adamsky highlights several empirical and theoretical peculiarities of the Russian coercion strategy, including how this strategy relates to the war in Ukraine. Exploring the evolution of strategic deterrence, along with its sources and prospective avenues of development, Adamsky provides a comprehensive intellectual history that makes it possible to understand the deep mechanics of this Russian stratagem, the current and prospective patterns of the Kremlin's coercive conduct, and the implications for policymakers on both sides of the Atlantic.Trade Review"With a sophisticated understanding of strategic culture and an encyclopedic review of recent military thinking by Russian authors, Dmitry (Dima) Adamsky presents a creative and convincing new argument about Russian deterrence strategy. This is a must-read for anyone in academia or the policy world who wants to know how Russia thinks about war."—Kimberly Marten, Barnard College, Columbia University"It is one thing to say, 'they don't think the way we do.' It is quite another to explore in depth how and why that is so—which is why The Russian Way of Deterrence is so profoundly important. A landmark work, invaluable today, and of enduring importance as a study of strategic culture."—Eliot Cohen, Johns Hopkins SAIS"Only Dmitry (Dima) Adamsky could have written this book, which brings together his knowledge of strategic culture, the evolution of modern Russian military thinking, and a deep knowledge of Russian military organizations. It comes at a time when it is needed."—Stephen Peter Rosen, Harvard University"In this rich and provocative book, Dmitry (Dima) Adamsky explores the distinctive approach to deterrence and coercion that has emerged in Russia since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Drawing on extensive research and careful analysis, Adamsky assesses the relevance of that new approach for understanding Russia's war against Ukraine."—David Holloway, Stanford University"A magisterial study, revealing the evolution of the theory and practice of deterrence within the Russian strategic community. In this insightful account, Dmitry (Dima) Adamsky excels in synthesizing the Russian approach to deterrence, and coercion, through the lens of strategic culture literature."—Michael Kofman, Center for Naval Analyses (CNA)"[A] timely and enlightening book.... [Adamsky] presents a rich analysis of Russian strategic culture focused on Russia's unique approach to coercion, which differs significantly from that of the West. This, he argues, is a product of Russia's history, culture and ideational influences."—Angela Stent, SurvivalTable of ContentsAcknowledgments Introduction 1. Strategic Culture and Deterrence Scholarship 2. Genealogy of Deterrence à la Russe 3. Cultural Sources of Deterrence à la Russe 4. Critical Examination and Culmination Point 5. War in Ukraine and Avenues of Future Research Conclusion Notes Bibliography Index

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Book SynopsisEnacting the Security Community illuminates the central role of discourse in the making of security communities through a case study of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Despite decades of discussion, scholars of political science and international relations have long struggled to identify what kind of security community ASEAN is striving to become. Talk about security, Stéphanie Martel argues in this innovative study, is more than empty rhetoric. It is precisely through discourse that ASEAN is brought into being as a security community. Martel analyzes the epic narratives that state and non-state actors tell about ASEAN's journey to becoming a security community, featuring a colorful cast of heroes and monsters. Chapters address a wide spectrum of current regional security concerns, from the South China Sea disputes to the Rohingya crisis, and nontraditional challenges like natural disasters and pandemics. Through fieldwork and in-depth interviews with practitioners, Martel provides clear evidence that discourse is key to sustaining regional organizations like ASEAN. Enacting the Security Community is an incisive contribution to debates among scholars and practitioners about security communities as well as the role of discourse in the study of world politics, and essential reading for students of Southeast Asian international relations, politics, and security.Trade Review"The field of ASEAN studies has long suffered from the dearth of good scholarship written from critical social perspectives. This excellent effort by Stéphanie Martel goes a long way to rectify that situation. A must-read for all students of international affairs!"—See Seng Tan, President/CEO of International Students Inc. and Research Advisor, S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies"Methodologically robust and comprehensive, Enacting the Security Community offers a sharp and insightful examination of enduring questions about regionalism, governance, and global order. Stéphanie Martel has crafted a compelling and rich contribution to scholarship that deserves to be read widely."—Laura Shepherd, University of Sydney"This book is essential reading for scholars and practitioners seeking to comprehend the complex geometry of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). ... Martel demonstrates a commanding knowledge and depth of understanding of current and historical debates on ASEAN. Moreover, the author showcases how these debates connect to wider areas of interest in International Relations."—Catherine Jones, International Affairs"Martel's focus on discourse shifts the questions usually addressed in the literature on ASEAN as a security community from whether it is one or on the path to becoming one, to how ASEAN uses the language of security community making and the inconsistencies in this discourse. This is what I appreciate the most about the book, and why this is such an important contribution to the literature."—Alan Collins, Perspectives on Politics"For an institution such as ASEAN, subject to long-standing critique of its ineffectuality, the apparent lack of progress made on the security dilemmas facing South-East Asia and its member states suggests to many that it is struggling to assume a role in regional security governance. InEnacting the Security Community: ASEAN's Never-ending Story, Stéphanie Martel offers an alternative perspective, arguing that the much-derided process of consensus-building and dialogue in ASEAN governance acts as an instrument of discursive power that constitutes its self-identity as a security community.... Turning to theory development, Martel leverages the case of ASEAN to explore broader questions on what it means to form security communities and the processes involved in bringing one into existence."—Bradley Murray, International Journal of Asian Studies"Stéphanie Martel's Enacting the Security Community: ASEAN's Never-ending Story contributes to advancing this scholarly momentum by providing a new perspective on a security community in a non-Western region, Southeast Asia.... Given the author's insights on the evolution of the past and contemporary discourses on ASEAN, the book is requisite reading for those who are interested in ASEAN and security communities."—Kei Koga, Pacific AffairsTable of Contents1. A Cautionary Tale: Discourse in the Making of a Security Community 2. "It's Alive!": Security Community–Building as Practice 3. Ghosts of the Past, Present, and Future: ASEAN's Approach to Regional Security 4. The Bogeymen are Coming: From Transnational Crime to "Non-traditional Security" 5. Here There Be Dragons: Managing Interstate Conflict in the Asia-Pacific Region 6. Sirens Are Calling: The "People-Centered" Security Community 7. To Hell and Back: ASEAN's Continuing Odyssey

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Book SynopsisThe United States integrated counterterrorism mandates into its aid flows in the West Bank and Gaza Strip during the early years of the global war on terror. Some two decades later, this securitized model of aid has become normalized across donor intervention in Palestine. Elastic Empire traces how foreign aid, on which much of the Palestinian population is dependent, has multiplied the sites and means through which Palestinian life is regulated, surveilled, and policed—this book tells the story of how aid has also become war. Drawing on extensive research conducted in Palestine, Elastic Empire offers a novel accounting of the US security state. The US war chronicled here is not one of tanks, grenades, and guns, but a quieter one waged through the interlacing of aid and law. It emerges in the infrastructures of daily life—in a greenhouse and library, in the collection of personal information and mapping of land plots, in the halls of municipal councils and in local elections—and indelibly transfigures lives. Situated in a landscape where the lines between humanitarianism and the global war on terror are increasingly blurred, Elastic Empire reveals the shape-shifting nature of contemporary imperial formations, their realignments and reformulations, their haunted sites, and their obscured but intimate forms.Trade Review"Elastic Empire is an utterly brilliant piece of research. Lisa Bhungalia fluently and beautifully uses theoretical elaborations of plasticity and malleability of empire to show the interconnections between the aid industry and settler colonial and imperial violence."—Laleh Khalili, author of Time in the Shadows: Confinement in Counterinsurgencies"Into the well-studied terrain of contemporary Palestine and Israel, Lisa Bhungalia has produced a book of stunning originality. Through wide-ranging and incisive analysis, she explains how ever more highly securitized models of foreign aid adversely affect Palestinians. Aid, she argues, is war by other means."—Lisa Hajjar, author of The War in Court: Inside the Long Fight against Torture"Elastic Empire offers a riveting portrait of the quiet administration of violence. Lisa Bhungalia maps US shadow wars carried out through the daily work of aid and state terror in Palestine. This is essential reading for anyone interested in the intimacies of US empire and the topological tentacles of counterterrorism law."—Alison Mountz, author of The Death of Asylum: Hidden Geographies of the Enforcement ArchipelagoTable of ContentsIntroduction 1. War Through Law 2. Elastic Sovereignty 3. Work of the List 4. Afterlives and Reverberations 5. Asphyxiatory Violence Conclusion

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Book SynopsisThe postwar period saw increased interest in the idea of relatively easy-to-manufacture but devastatingly lethal radiological munitions whose use would not discriminate between civilian and military targets. Death Dust explores the largely unknown history of the development of radiological weapons (RW)—weapons designed to disperse radioactive material without a nuclear detonation—through a series of comparative case studies across the United States, the Soviet Union, the United Kingdom, Iraq, and Egypt. The authors illuminate the historical drivers of and impediments to radiological weapons innovation. They also examine how new, dire geopolitical events—such as the war in Ukraine—could encourage other states to pursue RW and analyze the impact of the spread of such weapons on nuclear deterrence and the nonproliferation regime. Death Dust presents practical, necessary steps to reduce the likelihood of a resurgence of interest in and pursuit of radiological weapons by state actors.Trade Review"In this meticulously researched history of states pursuing the dirty bomb, the authors show how countries like the US, Russia, and the UK concluded that it is a weapon of mass disruption, not mass destruction, and not worth pursuing. They present excellent suggestions how to keep it that way. A great read."—Siegfried S. Hecker, author of Hinge Points: An Inside Look at North Korea's Nuclear Program"Sherlock Holmes solved a mystery by focusing on what didn't happen: a dog that didn't bark. The authors of this rigorously researched volume similarly explain why a widely expected event didn't happen—why several countries developed and tested radiological weapons but never deployed or used them, even though they are relatively cheap, easy to make, and assumed to have devastating effects. Their meticulous and highly readable analysis not only sheds light on a long-dormant mystery of the nuclear age, it also provides valuable insights into whether and under what circumstances states may again pursue radiological weapons and offers practical recommendations for mitigating the dangers of their possible future development. With evidence that interest in radiation dispersal as a weapon of war may be returning—for example, Russia's Poseidon "super torpedo"—Death Dust is especially timely and should be read by nuclear policymakers as well as members of the general public concerned about the nuclear threat."—Robert Einhorn, Brookings Institution, former Assistant Secretary of State for Nonproliferation"This exceptional account of the development of radiological weapons—'death dust'—is powerful and comprehensive. The authors reveal the history of such weapons programs around the world. Their analysis of Russian threats to use radiological weapons in Ukraine is a reminder that this danger lives on."—Rose Gottemoeller, Stanford University, former Under Secretary for Arms Control and International SecurityTable of ContentsIntroduction 1. The United States 2. The Soviet Union 3. The United Kingdom 4. Egypt 5. Iraq Conclusion: Patterns across Cases and Prospects for the Future

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Book SynopsisAs China and the U.S. increasingly compete for power in key areas of U.S. influence, great power conflict looms. Yet few studies have looked to the Middle East and Africa, regions of major political, economic, and military importance for both China and the U.S., to theorize how China competes in a changing world system. China's Rise in the Global South examines China's behavior as a rising power in two key Global South regions, the Middle East and sub-Saharan Africa. Dawn C. Murphy, drawing on extensive fieldwork and hundreds of interviews, compares and analyzes thirty years of China's interactions with these regions across a range of functional areas: political, economic, foreign aid, and military. From the Belt and Road initiative to the founding of new cooperation forums and special envoys, China's Rise in the Global South offers an in-depth look at China's foreign policy approach to the countries it considers its partners in South-South cooperation. Intervening in the emerging debate between liberals and realists about China's future as a great power, Murphy contends that China is constructing an alternate international order to interact with these regions, and this book provides policymakers and scholars of international relations with the tools to analyze it.Trade Review"China's Rise in the Global South is a must read for anyone interested in truths and myths about China's growing global influence and U.S.–China strategic competition. Judicious and deeply researched, this book is an invaluable resource."—Thomas J. Christensen, Columbia University"Dawn C. Murphy offers a rich, nuanced empirical treatment of China's relations with the Middle East and sub-Saharan Africa. China's Rise in the Global South is especially valuable for those interested in China's Middle Eastern policy since it fills a major gap in the scholarly literature on China's regional relations."—Rosemary Foot, Oxford University"China's Rise in the Global South is a very welcome addition to the literature on China's rise in the developing world. Dawn C. Murphy offers a clear and astute assessment of China's Middle East strategy."—Jon B. Alterman, Center for Strategic and International Studies"China's Rise in the Global South will be welcomed by scholars and students alike for its timely insights and empirical content. Dawn C. Murphy contributes to understanding China's role in Africa and the Middle East, from economic operations to military growth and beyond."—Chris Alden, London School of Economics"There has been a significant gap in the studies of China's foreign policy beyond the Asia Pacific region. Murphy's excellent book fills this intellectual gap by focusing on China's rise in the Global South... More in-depth investigations and research will be encouraged by Murphy's book, which is a valuable addition to the scholarly literature and policy analysis on China's rise in the developing world." –Kai He, The Developing Economies"China's Rise in the Global South provides an amazingly granular description of China's presence in and relations with Africa and the Middle East. All the readers, from the novice to the veteran China-and-Africa/Middle East watcher, will enjoy the comprehensiveness of Murphy's work, which is solidly grounded in the analysis of written sources in various languages as well as numerous interviews conducted in China and several countries in Africa and the Middle East."—Andrea Ghiselli, Journal of Chinese Political Science"The text [of China's Rise in the Global South] is richly and densely comparative in studying China's behaviour in the two regions it relies upon most for its external energy and key minerals, and contains many useful facts and much elucidating analysis."—Lauren A. Johnston, The China Quarterly"Dawn Murphy... recently published a fascinating book which offers alternative readings of China's strategy in the Global South which helps to bridge many of these debates and make sense of what is—and isn't—going on. She suggests that China is indeed promoting an alternative international order—but that this promotion looks very different across different parts of the world, and only challenges the existing American-led order in certain areas, in certain ways."—Marc Lynch, Abu Aardvark's MENA Academy"Murphy's discussion of how China uses the regular regional forums it organizes is excellent, as is her analysis of the relationships China has forged in military cooperation, foreign aid, and trade."—Nicolas van de Walle, Foreign Affairs"Professor Murphy has significantly advanced scholarship on post-Cold War Chinese foreign relations with this well-conceived and well-executed assessment of Chinese foreign relations with the Middle East, North Africa, and Sub-Saharan Africa."—Robert Sutter, Political Science Quarterly"China's Rise in the Global South is a solid contribution to the academic literature on China's engagement with Africa and the Middle East.... [T]he breadth of Murphy's work and its attention to politics and security offered this reader much welcome respite from the never-ending flow of ever-narrower (and duller) studies on economic topics in Sino-African relations."—Joshua Eisenman, Pacific AffairsTable of Contents1. Introduction 2. Analytical Approach 3. What Does China Want in the Middle East and Sub-Saharan Africa? 4. Competing with Cooperation Forums? China-Arab States Cooperation Forum and Forum on China-Africa Cooperation 5. A Responsible Power? How China Portrays Itself as a Great Power through Special Envoys for the Middle East, Syria, and Africa 6. Competing for Influence? Economic Relations 7. Making Friends and Building Influence? Political Relations 8. Cooperating for Peace and Security? Military Relations 9. Belt and Road and China's Relations with the Middle East and Sub-Saharan Africa 10. Conclusion

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Book SynopsisWill tomorrow's wars be dominated by autonomous drones, land robots and warriors wired into a cybernetic network which can read their thoughts? Will war be fought with greater or lesser humanity? Will it be played out in cyberspace and further afield in Low Earth Orbit? Or will it be fought more intensely still in the sprawling cities of the developing world, the grim black holes of social exclusion on our increasingly unequal planet? Will the Great Powers reinvent conflict between themselves or is war destined to become much 'smaller' both in terms of its actors and the beliefs for which they will be willing to kill? In this illuminating new book Christopher Coker takes us on an incredible journey into the future of warfare. Focusing on contemporary trends that are changing the nature and dynamics of armed conflict, he shows how conflict will continue to evolve in ways that are unlikely to render our century any less bloody than the last. With insights from philosophy, cutting-edge scientific research and popular culture, Future War is a compelling and thought-provoking meditation on the shape of war to come.Trade Review"Over the past decade, Christopher Coker has staked a strong claim to being one of the world's foremost thinkers on the cultural representation of future military conflict. His latest book, Future War is a stimulating interdisciplinary meditation on what may lie ahead in the way humanity conceives of armed conflict across a connected globe. Coker tells us that the problem we face is less one of long-term forecasting but rather the necessity to cultivate long-sightedness in a manner that helps us to shape the future of war before we have to experience it. Blending literature, moral philosophy, history, science and popular culture we embark upon an intellectual journey that embraces ideas from Clausewitz, Schopenhauer, Star Trek, and Ender's Game. Most students of future war are instrumentalists but Coker reminds us of the vital importance of an existential understanding of humanity's second oldest profession."Michael Evans, Australian Defence College "Christopher Coker's Future War is powerfully elegant and breathtakingly erudite, as much at home in history and the classics as in science fiction and futurism. It is intellectually challenging, always challenging, sketching a future of Big Data where war will no longer be the monopoly of the state. When Coker balances the factors driving war against those constraining it, he recognizes that its end is not yet in sight. Even so, there is a glimmer of optimism and hope in his analysis--the future, as points out, is not a destiny, but a choice."Steven Metz, Strategic Studies Institute, Pennsylvania "The big military powers have the luxury of dedicated experts on the future of warfare. Smaller powers have strategic defence reviews. Christopher Coker is one of Britain's major thinkers about humanity and warfare. His work is a crucial resource for anyone with the unenviable task of thinking practically about our collective defence, especially since in Future Wars he rescues the subject from technological fantasists."Michael Burleigh, author of Small Wars, Faraway Places: Global Insurrection and the Making of the Modern WorldTable of ContentsPreface: Who owns the Future? Chapter 1: Future-Gazing Chapter 2: Future Past Chapter 3: The Rise of the Machines Chapter 4: The Moral Maze Chapter 5: Killing Zone Chapter 6: Beyond 2035

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Book SynopsisAlliance politics is a regular headline grabber. When a possible military crisis involving Russia, North Korea, or China rears its head, leaders and citizens alike raise concerns over the willingness of US allies to stand together. As rival powers have tightened their security cooperation, the United States has stepped up demands that its allies increase their defense spending and contribute more to military operations in the Middle East and elsewhere. The prospect of former President Donald Trump unilaterally ending alliances alarmed longstanding partners, even as NATO was welcoming new members into its ranks. Military Alliances in the Twenty-First Century is the first book to explore fully the politics that shape these security arrangements – from their initial formation through the various challenges that test them and, sometimes, lead to their demise. Across six thematic chapters, Alexander Lanoszka challenges conventional wisdom that has dominated our understanding of how military alliances have operated historically and into the present. Although military alliances today may seem uniquely hobbled by their internal difficulties, Lanoszka argues that they are in fact, by their very nature, prone to dysfunction.Trade Review"Elegant, engaging, and important. Alexander Lanoszka provides a masterclass on the origins and workings of modern military alliances. This is essential reading for today’s debates on international relations and the future of American grand strategy."G. John Ikenberry, Princeton University "Alliances are a foundational building block of the international order, but academics and practitioners have slighted the study of alliance management. Alexander Lanoszka provides a remedy with a scintillating tour d’horizon of the promise and perils of alliances in the twenty-first century."Eric S. Edelman, Former Under-Secretary of Defense for Policy "This book is a must-read for anyone interested in the dynamics and politics of military alliances. It offers both a concise, coherent, and insightful synthesis of existing scholarship as well as cogent, original arguments on classic questions of alliance politics."Brian Blankenship, University of Miami "In this excellent book, Lanoszka reviews, refreshes and challenges the scholarly debates on alliance politics. This is a book for both the student and scholar: for those seeking to understand alliances, and those whose understanding needs to be further refined."Iain D. Henry, Australian National UniversityTable of ContentsTables and Figure Acknowledgments Introduction 1: Formation 2. Entrapment 3. Abandonment 4. Burden-sharing 5. Warfare 6. Termination Conclusion References Index

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Book SynopsisUncovering the class conflicts, geopolitical dynamics, and aggressive capitalism propelling the militarization of the internet Global surveillance, computational propaganda, online espionage, virtual recruiting, massive data breaches, hacked nuclear centrifuges and power grids—concerns about cyberwar have been mounting, rising to a fever pitch after the alleged Russian hacking of the U.S. presidential election and the Cambridge Analytica scandal. Although cyberwar is widely discussed, few accounts undertake a deep, critical view of its roots and consequences. Analyzing the new militarization of the internet, Cyberwar and Revolution argues that digital warfare is not a bug in the logic of global capitalism but rather a feature of its chaotic, disorderly unconscious. Urgently confronting the concept of cyberwar through the lens of both Marxist critical theory and psychoanalysis, Nick Dyer-Witheford and Svitlana Matviyenko provide a wide-ranging examination of the class conflicts and geopolitical dynamics propelling war across digital networks.Investigating the subjectivities that cyberwar mobilizes, exploits, and bewilders, and revealing how it permeates the fabric of everyday life and implicates us all in its design, this book also highlights the critical importance of the emergent resistance to this digital militarism—hacktivism, digital worker dissent, and off-the-grid activism—for effecting different, better futures.Trade Review"Engaging, imaginative, and thorough, Cyberwar and Revolution tracks the emergence of cyberwar as expressions and fantasies that reveal the unconscious violent hostility of contemporary capitalism." —Benjamin Noys, author of Malign Velocities: Accelerationism and Capitalism "Sweeping in scope, precise with details, and penetrating in its theoretical analysis, Cyberwar and Revolution is a superbly crafted account. Nick Dyer-Witherford and Svitlana Matviyenko attend to the specificities of tactics and technologies in light of geopolitical hierarchies and shifting configurations around imperialism and capitalism that animate the direction and impact of cyberwar across the globe. Erudite and yet riveting, Cyberwar and Revolution could not be more timely and urgent." —Gabriella Coleman, author of Hacker, Hoaxer, Whistleblower, Spy: The Many Faces of Anonymous "As information networks become more pervasive, the criss-crossing lines they draw make it harder to know what is inside and what is outside. Is this a state of perpetual war, ubiquitous revolution, and violence without ends (only means)? In such a theater, who is really a civilian? Cyberwar and Revolution provides a chilling account of what is at stake for the further militarization of data and an emphatic vision for a far less dangerous alternative." —Benjamin H. Bratton, University of California, San DiegoTable of ContentsContentsIntroduction: You May Not Be Interested in Cyber-War …1. The Geopolitical and Class Relations of Cyber-War2. Cyber-War’s Subjects3. What Is to Be Done?AcknowledgmentsNotesBibliographyIndex

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Book SynopsisUncovering the class conflicts, geopolitical dynamics, and aggressive capitalism propelling the militarization of the internet Global surveillance, computational propaganda, online espionage, virtual recruiting, massive data breaches, hacked nuclear centrifuges and power grids—concerns about cyberwar have been mounting, rising to a fever pitch after the alleged Russian hacking of the U.S. presidential election and the Cambridge Analytica scandal. Although cyberwar is widely discussed, few accounts undertake a deep, critical view of its roots and consequences. Analyzing the new militarization of the internet, Cyberwar and Revolution argues that digital warfare is not a bug in the logic of global capitalism but rather a feature of its chaotic, disorderly unconscious. Urgently confronting the concept of cyberwar through the lens of both Marxist critical theory and psychoanalysis, Nick Dyer-Witheford and Svitlana Matviyenko provide a wide-ranging examination of the class conflicts and geopolitical dynamics propelling war across digital networks.Investigating the subjectivities that cyberwar mobilizes, exploits, and bewilders, and revealing how it permeates the fabric of everyday life and implicates us all in its design, this book also highlights the critical importance of the emergent resistance to this digital militarism—hacktivism, digital worker dissent, and off-the-grid activism—for effecting different, better futures.Trade Review"Engaging, imaginative, and thorough, Cyberwar and Revolution tracks the emergence of cyberwar as expressions and fantasies that reveal the unconscious violent hostility of contemporary capitalism." —Benjamin Noys, author of Malign Velocities: Accelerationism and Capitalism "Sweeping in scope, precise with details, and penetrating in its theoretical analysis, Cyberwar and Revolution is a superbly crafted account. Nick Dyer-Witherford and Svitlana Matviyenko attend to the specificities of tactics and technologies in light of geopolitical hierarchies and shifting configurations around imperialism and capitalism that animate the direction and impact of cyberwar across the globe. Erudite and yet riveting, Cyberwar and Revolution could not be more timely and urgent." —Gabriella Coleman, author of Hacker, Hoaxer, Whistleblower, Spy: The Many Faces of Anonymous "As information networks become more pervasive, the criss-crossing lines they draw make it harder to know what is inside and what is outside. Is this a state of perpetual war, ubiquitous revolution, and violence without ends (only means)? In such a theater, who is really a civilian? Cyberwar and Revolution provides a chilling account of what is at stake for the further militarization of data and an emphatic vision for a far less dangerous alternative." —Benjamin H. Bratton, University of California, San DiegoTable of ContentsContentsIntroduction: You May Not Be Interested in Cyber-War …1. The Geopolitical and Class Relations of Cyber-War2. Cyber-War’s Subjects3. What Is to Be Done?AcknowledgmentsNotesBibliographyIndex

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Book SynopsisA timely, politically savvy examination of how impossible disasters shape the very real possibilities of our worldWhy would the normally buttoned-down national security state imagine lurid future scenarios like a zombie apocalypse? In Training for Catastrophe, author Lindsay Thomas shows how our security regime reimagines plausibility to focus on unlikely and even unreal events rather than probable ones. With an in-depth focus on preparedness (a pivotal, emergent national security paradigm since 9/11) she explores how fiction shapes national security.Thomas finds fiction at work in unexpected settings, from policy documents and workplace training manuals to comics and video games. Through these texts—as well as plenty of science fiction—she examines the philosophy of preparedness, interrogating the roots of why it asks us to treat explicitly fictional events as real. Thomas connects this philosophical underpinning to how preparedness plays out in contemporary politics, emphasizing how it uses aesthetic elements like realism, genre, character, and plot to train people both to regard some disasters as normal and to ignore others.Training for Catastrophe makes an important case for how these documents elicit consent and compliance. Thomas draws from a huge archive of texts—including a Centers for Disease Control comic about a zombie apocalypse, the work of Audre Lorde, and the political thrillers of former national security advisor Richard Clarke—to ask difficult questions about the uses and values of fiction. A major statement on how national security intrudes into questions of art and life, Training for Catastrophe is a timely intervention into how we confront disasters.Trade Review "Training for Catastrophe reveals how science fictional narratives habitually assume that, no matter what happens, the further expansion of the security state in the name of ‘preparedness’ and safety is the first, last, and only possible response to crisis. Lindsay Thomas calls on us to think outside the fantasies of total surveillance and maximum control that dominate contemporary visions of the future—and the apocalypse will never be the same."—Gerry Canavan, president, Science Fiction Research Association "In Training for Catastrophe, Lindsay Thomas chronicles how the national security state uses fiction to shape public perception about risk, security, preparedness, and the future and with what consequences. This timely and important work shows how preparedness documents at once produce a false sense of security and reproduce the inequities of structural racism. It is a must read for the contemporary moment."—Priscilla Wald, author of Contagious: Cultures, Carriers, and the Outbreak Narrative "This book would benefit any cross-disciplinary analysis within the humanities, as it skillfully interweaves political science and media, cultural, and literary studies."—Critical Studies on Terrorism "Thomas’s writing is clear, and she deftly weaves together scholarship from the fields of literary and security studies."—Modern Fiction Studies Table of ContentsContentsIntroduction: Prepare Yourself1. Training in an Empiricist Epistemology of Fiction2. Realism: Consenting to the Possibilistic Logic of Preparedness3. Thinking Generically: The Professional Management of Disaster4. Character: The Resilience of the Hero5. Looking for the Plot: Counterterrorism and the Hermeneutics of SuspicionEpilogue: The Uses of FictionAcknowledgmentsNotes Index

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Book SynopsisA timely, politically savvy examination of how impossible disasters shape the very real possibilities of our worldWhy would the normally buttoned-down national security state imagine lurid future scenarios like a zombie apocalypse? In Training for Catastrophe, author Lindsay Thomas shows how our security regime reimagines plausibility to focus on unlikely and even unreal events rather than probable ones. With an in-depth focus on preparedness (a pivotal, emergent national security paradigm since 9/11) she explores how fiction shapes national security.Thomas finds fiction at work in unexpected settings, from policy documents and workplace training manuals to comics and video games. Through these texts—as well as plenty of science fiction—she examines the philosophy of preparedness, interrogating the roots of why it asks us to treat explicitly fictional events as real. Thomas connects this philosophical underpinning to how preparedness plays out in contemporary politics, emphasizing how it uses aesthetic elements like realism, genre, character, and plot to train people both to regard some disasters as normal and to ignore others.Training for Catastrophe makes an important case for how these documents elicit consent and compliance. Thomas draws from a huge archive of texts—including a Centers for Disease Control comic about a zombie apocalypse, the work of Audre Lorde, and the political thrillers of former national security advisor Richard Clarke—to ask difficult questions about the uses and values of fiction. A major statement on how national security intrudes into questions of art and life, Training for Catastrophe is a timely intervention into how we confront disasters.Trade Review "Training for Catastrophe reveals how science fictional narratives habitually assume that, no matter what happens, the further expansion of the security state in the name of ‘preparedness’ and safety is the first, last, and only possible response to crisis. Lindsay Thomas calls on us to think outside the fantasies of total surveillance and maximum control that dominate contemporary visions of the future—and the apocalypse will never be the same."—Gerry Canavan, president, Science Fiction Research Association "In Training for Catastrophe, Lindsay Thomas chronicles how the national security state uses fiction to shape public perception about risk, security, preparedness, and the future and with what consequences. This timely and important work shows how preparedness documents at once produce a false sense of security and reproduce the inequities of structural racism. It is a must read for the contemporary moment."—Priscilla Wald, author of Contagious: Cultures, Carriers, and the Outbreak Narrative "This book would benefit any cross-disciplinary analysis within the humanities, as it skillfully interweaves political science and media, cultural, and literary studies."—Critical Studies on Terrorism "Thomas’s writing is clear, and she deftly weaves together scholarship from the fields of literary and security studies."—Modern Fiction Studies Table of ContentsContentsIntroduction: Prepare Yourself1. Training in an Empiricist Epistemology of Fiction2. Realism: Consenting to the Possibilistic Logic of Preparedness3. Thinking Generically: The Professional Management of Disaster4. Character: The Resilience of the Hero5. Looking for the Plot: Counterterrorism and the Hermeneutics of SuspicionEpilogue: The Uses of FictionAcknowledgmentsNotes Index

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Book SynopsisInvestigating insecurity as the predominant logic of life in the present moment Challenging several key concepts of the twenty-first century, including precarity, securitization, and resilience, this collection explores the concept of insecurity as a predominant logic governing recent cultural, economic, political, and social life in the West. The essays illuminate how attempts to make human and nonhuman systems secure and resilient end up having the opposite effect, making insecurity the default state of life today.Unique in its wide disciplinary breadth and variety of topics and methodological approaches—from intellectual history and cultural critique to case studies, qualitative ethnography, and personal narrative—Insecurity is written predominantly from the viewpoint of the United States. The contributors’ analyses include the securitization of nongovernmental aid to Palestine, Bangladeshi climate refugees, and the privatization of U.S. military forces; the history of the concept of insecurity and the securitization of finance; racialized urban development in Augusta, Georgia; Amazon’s Mechanical Turk and the consequences of the Marie Kondo method; and the intricate politics of sexual harassment in the U.S. academy.Contributors: Neel Ahuja, U of California, Santa Cruz; Aneesh Aneesh, U of Wisconsin, Milwaukee; Lisa Bhungalia, Kent State U; Jennifer Doyle, U of California, Riverside; Annie McClanahan, U of California, Irvine; Andrea Miller, Florida Atlantic U; Mark Neocleous, Brunel U London; A. Naomi Paik, U of Illinois, Chicago; Maureen Ryan, U of South Carolina; Saskia Sassen, Columbia U.Table of ContentsIntroductionRichard Grusin1. Securitati Perpetuae: Death, Fear, and the History of InsecurityMark Neocleous2. Microwork, Automation, and the Insecurity of Contemporary LaborAnnie McClanahan3. Deadly Entanglements: U.S. Imperialism and Perils of Privatizing SecurityA. Naomi Paik4. Governing Suspects: Race, Preemption, and Economies of Threat in American WarfareLisa Bhungalia5. Figuring the Climate Refugee: From Insecurity to Adaptation in Representations of Bangladeshi Environmental MigrationNeel Ahuja6. Cyber-Insecurities and Racialized Threat in the Embattled Urban EcosystemAndrea Miller7. The Burnout Generation Tidies Up: On the Insecurity of AdultingMaureen Ryan8. Rogue Capabilities and Invisible Violence: A Conversation between Saskia Sassen and Aneesh AneeshSaskia Sassen and Aneesh Aneesh9. Letting GoJennifer DoyleContributorsIndex

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Book SynopsisInvestigating insecurity as the predominant logic of life in the present moment Challenging several key concepts of the twenty-first century, including precarity, securitization, and resilience, this collection explores the concept of insecurity as a predominant logic governing recent cultural, economic, political, and social life in the West. The essays illuminate how attempts to make human and nonhuman systems secure and resilient end up having the opposite effect, making insecurity the default state of life today.Unique in its wide disciplinary breadth and variety of topics and methodological approaches—from intellectual history and cultural critique to case studies, qualitative ethnography, and personal narrative—Insecurity is written predominantly from the viewpoint of the United States. The contributors’ analyses include the securitization of nongovernmental aid to Palestine, Bangladeshi climate refugees, and the privatization of U.S. military forces; the history of the concept of insecurity and the securitization of finance; racialized urban development in Augusta, Georgia; Amazon’s Mechanical Turk and the consequences of the Marie Kondo method; and the intricate politics of sexual harassment in the U.S. academy.Contributors: Neel Ahuja, U of California, Santa Cruz; Aneesh Aneesh, U of Wisconsin, Milwaukee; Lisa Bhungalia, Kent State U; Jennifer Doyle, U of California, Riverside; Annie McClanahan, U of California, Irvine; Andrea Miller, Florida Atlantic U; Mark Neocleous, Brunel U London; A. Naomi Paik, U of Illinois, Chicago; Maureen Ryan, U of South Carolina; Saskia Sassen, Columbia U.Table of ContentsIntroductionRichard Grusin1. Securitati Perpetuae: Death, Fear, and the History of InsecurityMark Neocleous2. Microwork, Automation, and the Insecurity of Contemporary LaborAnnie McClanahan3. Deadly Entanglements: U.S. Imperialism and Perils of Privatizing SecurityA. Naomi Paik4. Governing Suspects: Race, Preemption, and Economies of Threat in American WarfareLisa Bhungalia5. Figuring the Climate Refugee: From Insecurity to Adaptation in Representations of Bangladeshi Environmental MigrationNeel Ahuja6. Cyber-Insecurities and Racialized Threat in the Embattled Urban EcosystemAndrea Miller7. The Burnout Generation Tidies Up: On the Insecurity of AdultingMaureen Ryan8. Rogue Capabilities and Invisible Violence: A Conversation between Saskia Sassen and Aneesh AneeshSaskia Sassen and Aneesh Aneesh9. Letting GoJennifer DoyleContributorsIndex

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Book SynopsisKnown as ‘the land of fire’, Azerbaijan’s politics are materially and ideologically shaped by energy. In the country, energy security emerges as a mix of coercion and control, requiring widespread military and law enforcement deployment. This book examines the extensive network of security professionals and the wide range of practices that have spread in Azerbaijan’s energy sector. It unpacks the interactions of state, supra‐state, and private security organizations and argues that energy security has enabled and normalized a coercive way of exercising power. This study shows that oppressive energy security practices lead to multiple forms of abuse and poor energy policies.Table of ContentsIntroduction An Analysis of Actually Existing Energy Securitizations Energy Securitization in the Land of Fire Everyday Practices of Energy Security in Azerbaijan Beyond the National Borders: NATO and Energy Security in Azerbaijan Energy Securitization and the Private Sector: The case of BP Energy (In)securitization: Abusive Security Practices and Poor Energy Choices Conclusion

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Book SynopsisIn a world that has returned to great power rivalry, understanding the grand strategy of these powers is crucial. This book introduces ten key terms for analysing grand strategy and shows how the world’s great powers – the United States, China, Russia and the European Union (EU) – shape their strategic decisions today. Outlining the steps needed for a less confrontational grand strategy and a more peaceful and stable world order, this lively and accessible introduction shows how the choices made in each of these ten areas will determine the course of world politics in the first half of the 21st century.Trade Review“This is a timely analysis that – crucially – also manages to feel both very real for the time it is written and future-proof in terms of the insights it includes and the lessons it uncovers… a great contribution to the global debates around the current and future dynamics of great power politics.” The Progressive Post“Elegant and sophisticated” Journal of Common Market StudiesTable of ContentsIntroduction: No Peace from Corona – Why Grand Strategy and Great Powers Remain Important 1. Simple: But Not Easy 2. Competitive: The Other Players Have a Strategy Too 3. Rational: Reason Trumps Ideology, Religion, and Emotion 4. Allied: One Needs Allies but Cannot Always Choose Them 5. Comprehensive: There Is No Hard, Soft or Smart Power – Just Power 6. Creative: An Art as Well as a Science 7. Agile: Taking Decisions, Acting, and Taking New Decisions 8. Courageous: Dare to Go in, Dare to Get out, Dare to Stay out 9. Dirty: No Great Power Can Keep its Hands Clean 10. Proactive: A Strategy for Action Conclusion: Power to Engage

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Book SynopsisThe defeat of Donald Trump in November 2020 followed by the attack on the US Congress on 6th January 2021 represented a tipping point moment in the history of the American republic. Divided at home and facing a world sceptical of American claims to be the ‘indispensable nation’ in world politics, it is clear that the next few years will be decisive ones for the United States. But how did the US, which was riding high only 30 years ago, arrive at this critical point? And will it lead to the fall of what many would claim has been one of the most successful empires of modern times? In this volume, Michael Cox, a leading scholar of American foreign policy, outlines the ways in which five very different American Presidents – Clinton, Bush, Obama, Trump and now Biden – have addressed the complex legacies left them by their predecessors while dealing with the longer-term problems of running an empire under increasing stress. In so doing, he sets out a framework for thinking critically about US foreign policy since the end of the Cold War without ever losing sight of the biggest question of all: can America continue to shape world affairs or is it now facing long-term decline?Trade Review“With great power comes great responsibility, but as Michael Cox deftly shows in this persuasive account of US foreign policy since the end of the Cold War, only when a country’s leaders can turn that power into judicious policy. In an era when American power has outstripped national will, Cox’s balanced assessment of the foreign policy missteps, miscalculations, and lapses it has wrought makes for essential reading. Scholars and students alike will benefit from these penetrating essays on what ails the American colossus.” Peter Trubowitz, Phelan US Centre at LSE“Written in an easy, conversational style that would make it an ideal introduction for college students, […] Cox’s study also deserves an audience beyond academia.” Financial Times“An illuminating survey of post-Cold War American foreign policy that will be of great use to students and professors alike.” International AffairsTable of ContentsIntroduction: The Rise of an Empire Part I – Clinton: Liberal Leviathan 1. From Geopolitics to Geo-Economics 2. The Wilsonian Moment? Promoting Democracy 3. Failed Crusade? The United States and Post-Communist Russia Part II – Bush Jnr: Empire in an Age of Terror 4. American Power after the Towers 5. Empire, Imperialism and the Bush Doctrine Part III – Obama: Towards a Post-American World? 6. Navigating the Rapids 7. Stresses across the Atlantic 8. Axis of Opposition: China, Russia and the West Part IV – Trump: Turbulence in the Age of Populism 9. Populism, Trump and the Crisis of Globalization 10. Trump’s World: The Legacy Part V – Biden: Is America Back? 11. After the Deluge or Whither the Empire?

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