Warfare and defence Books

Book SynopsisTrade Review"This book provides a very fresh approach to the ongoing insurgencies in Iraq and Afghanistan. The detailed analysis on the organizational aspects of the Iraqi insurgency offers valuable insights not only for ongoing armed movements, but also for broader issues surrounding violent groups." -- Lawrence E. Cline, Center for Civil Military Relations * the Naval Postgraduate School *"Experts on armed violence have noted the growing significance of network-organized insurgencies for some time, but until Chad Serena's important new book there was no comprehensive analysis of them integrating organizational theory and empirical research. His book is a path-breaking work that should be read by both scholars and practitioners." -- Steven Metz * US Army War College Strategic Studies Institute *"Chad Serena's book makes a major contribution to our understanding of the nuts and bolts of the Iraqi insurgency, at a time when the United States is actually encountering remnants of that insurgency in the form of ISIS. He pulls back the veil on the insurgency movement with the most systematic and methodologically clear treatment to date." -- Ross Harrison * Parameters: U.S. Army War College Quarterly *"This is a powerful and important book that offers an original and compelling interpretation of why the Iraqi insurgency failed but the Afghan insurgency has proven more resilient. The author finds the answer in the relative capacity of the two insurgencies to adapt to U.S. counter-insurgency strategy and tactics. Serena brilliantly explains how the initial strengths of the Iraqi insurgency subsequently became weaknesses that the US was able to exploit and how this has not happened in Afghanistan. The analysis is subtle and sophisticated, highlighting the strengths and weaknesses, paradoxes and contradictions, and dilemmas and tradeoffs that characterize network organizations. Overall this is a major contribution to the understanding of networked armed groups and how governments can neutralize them. Should be compulsory reading for scholars, military planners, and policy-makers." -- Phil Williams, Posvar Chair and Director of the Ridgway Center * University of Pittsburgh *"Does it take a network to defeat a network? This detailed case study of the insurgency in Iraq (and its comparison to Afghanistan) by Serena shows the reality is more complex. . . . This study, with a deep understanding of organizational theory and the practice of two major insurgencies, is both subtle and useful . . . Recommended." -- D. McIntosh * CHOICE *"Serena employs a blend of technical analysis, in his assessment of the inner workings of complex covert networks, and empirical examples, which he draws from the insurgencies in Iraq and Afghanistan. This approach is successful in providing insight into the nature of the organizational adaptation of the Iraqi insurgency as well as in laying a framework for the future study of similarly organized martial groups . . . Serena's technical descriptions of organizational inputs and outputs in the early chapters is insightful and provides an academic audience with a foundation for future study of covert martial networks similar to the Iraqi insurgency . . . It Takes More than a Network is a convincingly argued and well-written book that provides a good deal of insight into the essential functions and adaptive capability of martially oriented covert networks." -- Danny Garrett-Rempel * Journal of Military and Strategic Studies *"He meticulously breaks down the insurgency into its constituent elements in accordance with the theory—examining the inputs and outputs of an organization, its networked structures, ability to adapt and learn on the fly and other critical variables . . .The book is an interesting and conscientious attempt to apply network theory to a complex social and political phenomenon . . . [It] is a welcome addition to the literature on insurgency and most particularly on American's experiences during its irregular wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. It is a book for policy professionals, academics, and military officers alike in this issue area." -- Noa Milman * Middle East Journal *

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Book SynopsisThis book recounts and analyzes the history of one of the best-kept diplomatic and security secrets of the last half-century-the Open Skies Treaty: a treaty that allows the U.S., the Russian Federation, and over 30 other signatories to fly unarmed reconnaissance aircraft over one another's territory. First proposed by President Eisenhower in 1955, shelved by succeeding administrations, re-launched by President George H. W. Bush in 1989, and finally ratified in 2002, the Treaty has been one of the most important security instruments of the 21st century-with over 1,000 flights logged to date providing confidence for the governments, intelligence communities, and militaries of former and potential adversaries. Written by a professor and former diplomat who was deeply involved in the negotiations of the Open Skies Treaty from 1989 to 1995, this book is a meticulous work of political history that explores how Open Skies affected, and was affected by, the extraordinary times of its negotiaTrade Review"Open Skies will be of great value to anyone who deals with negotiations or agreements of an international nature. Author Peter Jones does an excellent job of supplying in-depth details and analyses of the two-year process of developing and ratifying the treat. At the same time, he fairly explains the contrasting viewpoints of the significant parties and how they were eventually overcome or resolved."—John S. Meiter, Air Force Research Institute"Peter Jones, an eminent political scientist and former Canadian Arms Control Negotiator, has written an absorbing book of scholarship covering the history of Open Skies from the time it was first proposed by President Eisenhower in 1955 to the present day . . . [T]he account is well written and comparatively easy to follow. The chronological structure, with wide-ranging notes and a good index, leads both experts and the less-informed comfortably through to the end."—Geoffrey Oxlee, Aerospace Magazine"In his Open Skies: Transparency, Confidence-Building, and the End of the Cold War, Peter Jones, a Canadian political scientist and former arms-control negotiator, takes a detailed look at the 1990–92 Open Skies negotiation. The result is an extremely well-researched and accurate book—a must-read for anyone who would like to know more about the sometimes fascinating technicalities of arms-control negotiation. "—Survival"Open Skies is a crash course on negotiations that de-mystifies the process and equips rookies and veterans alike to be much more effective negotiators. Every person assigned to a Geneva, Vienna, or New York delegation ought to read this book before reporting for their first day on the job. The book is so readable and the analysis so well done that it can be assigned for students at any level, allowing them walk a mile, indeed many miles, in Jones' uncomfortable shoes."—Amy E. Smithson, Senior Fellow, James Martin Center for Nonproliferation Studies"The Open Skies Treaty deserves more attention given that it has played a significant role in the past and can be even more vital in the future. In this important book, Peter Jones provides a great service by offering just what is needed to place the Treaty in historical context and to highlight the potential future role for aerial monitoring."—George P. Shultz, Distinguished Fellow, Hoover Institution, Stanford University and Former US Secretary of State"Open Skies is a meticulous account of one of the most complex multilateral arms control treaties ever negotiated. Dr. Jones skillfully describes the evolution of the Open Skies Treaty from its inception, highlighting the delicate interaction of the disparate stakeholders: diplomats, scientists, and military. An insightful and unique look into the negotiating dynamics at the end of the Cold War."—Diana Marvin, Bureau of Arms Control, Verification and Compliance, U.S. Department of State"The book offers a fascinating behind-the-scenes story of a NATO-Warsaw Pact negotiation just at the moment when the Soviet Union was coming apart. The bureaucratic players in both Moscow and Washington seemed unable or unwilling to recognize and act on the new set of facts, while their political masters were. As such, this book provides an invaluable case study in the linkage between national leaders and their experts; new insights into a turning point in history; a riveting portrait of multilateral diplomacy; and a suspenseful tale of how professionals interacted as the ground beneath their feet collapsed."—James Goodby, Annenberg Distinguished Visiting Fellow, Hoover Institution"Peter Jones's Open Skies: Transparency, Confidence-Building, and the End of the Cold War explores what is perhaps an underappreciated legacy of the Cold War: that the United States, Russia, and thirty-two other nations may fly over each other's territory to conduct reconnaissance thanks to the Open Skies Treaty, which was negotiated between 1989 and 1992....Those interested in this particular period in Cold War history as well as diplomatic historians seeking to understand the challenges of conflict resolution will find a largely nuanced and complex account that has continued relevance given the heightened tensions between the two nations."—Heather P. Venable, H-War, H-Net Reviews

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Book SynopsisDefense establishments and the armed forces they organize, train, equip, and deploy depend upon the security of capital and capital flows, mechanisms that have become increasingly globalized. Military capabilities are thus closely tied not only to the size of the economic base from which they are drawn, but also to the viability of global convertibility and exchange arrangements. Although the general public has a stake in these economic matters, the interests and interpretive understandings held by policy elites matter mostin particular those among the owners or managers of capital who focus on international finance and the international monetary regimes that sustain global commerce and their capital positions. In The Dollar and National Security, Paul Viotti explores the links between global capital flows, these policy elites, and national security. After establishing the historical link between currency, gold, and security, he continues the monetary-security story by examining the inTrade Review"Recommended." -- M. H. Lesser * CHOICE *"[Paul Viotti] writes an insightful book detailing the historical role and importance of the monetary component, of the economic instrument, and of national power in providing for national security . . . The book is unique in its subject matter and scholarship. It is superbly researched, persuasive, and thought-provoking." -- David A. Anderson * Military Review *"Paul Viotti has written a book that integrates economics of international money with the politics masterfully. His grasp of both theory and empirical details will make his readers aware of the complexities of the global monetary systems. The analysis leads to a powerful case for global cooperation in monetary matters and the challenges that must be overcome." -- Haider A. Khan, Professor of Economics, University of Denver, and former Senior Adviser * UNCTAD *"Given the limits of military power alone, this study by a noted scholar of the impact of international monetary policy on security deserves close attention. Prof. Viotti understands these issues deeply and explains them clearly for the benefit of non-specialists. His book is theoretically well-grounded and extensively documented for those wishing to go into greater depth. Highly recommended." -- John Allen Williams, Professor of Political Science * Loyola University Chicago *"Former Chairman of the Joints Chiefs of Staff, Admiral Mike Mullen, has stated, 'The most significant threat to our national security is our [national] debt.' In The Dollar and National Security: The Monetary Component of Hard Power Professor Paul Viotti responds to Admiral Mullen's observation by focusing on the nexus of economic and military power, a topic that has not received as much attention as it deserves in today's increasingly globalized world. I highly recommend this book by a respected, accomplished author and teacher for both undergraduate and graduate students." -- Dan Caldwell, Distinguished Professor * Pepperdine University *

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Book SynopsisPowerful countries like the United States regularly employ economic sanctions as a tool for promoting their foreign policy interests. Yet this foreign policy tool has an uninspiring track record of success, with economic sanctions achieving their goals less than a third of the time they are imposed. The costs of these failed sanctions policies can be significant for the states that impose them, their targets, and the other countries they affect. Explaining economic sanctions' high failure rate therefore constitutes a vital endeavor for academics and policy-makers alike. Busted Sanctions seeks to provide this explanation, and reveals that the primary cause of this failure is third-party spoilers, or sanctions busters, who undercut sanctioning efforts by providing their targets with extensive foreign aid or sanctions-busting trade. In quantitatively and qualitatively analyzing over 60 years of U.S. economic sanctions, Bryan Early reveals that both types of third-party sanctions busterTrade Review"Understanding the reasons why firms 'bust' sanctions is an important part of discerning why sanctions frequently fail. Backed up by solid empirical modeling and compelling case studies, the research presented in Busted Sanctions goes a long way toward helping us grasp both the causes and consequences of sanction busting." -- David Lektzian, Associate Professor of Political Science * Texas Tech University *"This work is truly novel. Bryan Early is the first scholar to address sanction busting in a rigorous, systematic fashion—by analyzing what motivates states to engage in sanction busting, what measures they use, what the consequences of that busting are and, ultimately, what can be done to counteract them." -- A. Cooper Drury, Professor and Chair, Department of Political Science * University of Missouri *"[R]ecent history shows that US policy makers often choose to use economic sanctions against adversaries, despite ample evidence pointing to their ineffectiveness. In this book, Early seeks to explain reasons for the frequent and porlonged use of sanctions and to identify the factors limiting their effectiveness . . . Recommended." -- E. L. Whalen"[I]t would be a grave mistake to take this thoughtful, penetrating, and supple book just as an argument against using sanctions as an instrument of foreign policy. It is in fact a primer filled with hard facts and harder lessons from past efforts - and mistakes - designed to show how this process can actually become more effective and productive of the intended result." -- Martin Rubin"This volume provides a valuable contribution to the literature on economic sanctions and will be of considerable interest to scholars and practitioners in international trade policy, international political economy, and international relations." -- Anton D. Lowenberg * Journal of Economic Literature *Table of ContentsContents and Abstracts1Introduction: Why Busted Sanctions Lead to Broken Sanctions Policies chapter abstractThis chapter offers an overview of why U.S. policy makers employ economic sanctions, the wide range of adverse effects that sanctions have, and the poor track record of success that sanctions have had. It explains how economic sanctions affect their targets and incentivize different types of responses from third-party states that vary from cooperating with them to actively undermining them. The chapter then summarizes the theory of sanctions busting, explaining why extensive sanctions busters emerge and how their sanctions-busting aid and trade impact the effectiveness of sanctioning efforts. The chapter then discusses the mixed-method research design that will be used to evaluate the theory of sanctions busting and describes the book's findings in brief. 2What Are Sanctions Busters? chapter abstractThis chapter explains how economic sanctions incentivize their targets to try to forge extensive commercial ties with small numbers of third-party states and to seek out the patronage of benefactors willing to provide them with extensive aid packages. It describes the role that sanctions busters can play in undermining sanctioning efforts via their aid and trade and explains why past approaches have been unable to systematically account for these effects. The chapter draws on the South African and North Korean sanctions episodes to illustrate the motives that appear to drive aid-based versus traded-based sanctions busting and presents distinct profiles for the types of states most likely to become aid-based sanctions busters and trade-based sanctions busters. 3Assessing the Consequences of Sanctions Busting chapter abstractThis chapter develops the theory of sanctions busting's explanation of how trade-based sanctions busters and target states' foreign aid flows influence the outcomes of sanctions episodes. It is hypothesized that sanctions imposed against states that have the support of trade-based sanctions busters are less likely to be successful. It is also hypothesized that target states' sensitivity to changes in their foreign aid flows means that sanctions will be less successful against states experiencing gains in their foreign aid flows and more successful against states experiencing declines in their foreign aid flows. These hypotheses are evaluated via a statistical analysis of ninety-six episodes of U.S.-imposed economic sanctions from 1950 through 2002. The results offer strong support for the hypotheses, indicating that trade-based sanctions busters and foreign aid flows each exert separate, potent effects on sanctions outcomes. 4For Profits or Politics? Why Third Parties Sanctions-Bust via Trade and Aid chapter abstractThis chapter develops the theory of sanctions busting's explanation for why third-party states become aid-based sanctions busters or trade-based sanctions busters in a given sanctions episode. It explains that trade-based sanctions busting is driven primarily by the commercial interests of third-party states to exploit the lucrative trading opportunities created by sanctions, whereas aid-based sanctions-busting is primarily motivated by third-party governments' political interests in preventing the sanctions against a target from succeeding. It is argued that third-party governments will prefer to employ trade-based sanctions busting if that option is feasible because that approach is profitable instead of costly. The chapter poses a suite of hypotheses to test the theory's predictions concerning which states will engage in aid-based and trade-based sanctions busting. 5Sanctions Busting for Profits: How the United Arab Emirates Busted the U.S. Sanctions against Iran chapter abstractThis chapter examines how and why trade-based sanctions-busting relationships are fostered. It evaluates the trade-based sanctions-busting relationship that formed between the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Iran after the United States sanctioned Iran in 1979. The chapter examines the formation and evolution of the sanctions-busting relationship during the period that preceded the military alliance the UAE formed with the United States (1979–1994) and period that followed the creation of their alliance (1995–2005). The analysis reveals insights into how the emirate of Dubai emerged as the leading venue for conducting sanctions-busting trade with Iran. The chapter also illustrates how even American firms used Dubai to circumvent the U.S. government's sanctions. Its postscript analyzes how recent changes in U.S. sanctions policies (2006–2013) have finally begun to succeed in curbing the sanctions busting taking place on Iran's behalf in the UAE and other countries. 6Assessing Which Third-Party States Become Trade-Based Sanctions Busters chapter abstractThis chapter conducts a statistical analysis of the factors associated with trade-based sanctions busting. It tests whether the hypothesized factors affecting trade profitability influence which third-party states become trade-based sanctions busters. It reexamines the same ninety-six episodes of U.S.-imposed sanctions evaluated in Chapter 3 but this time looks at which third-party states sanctions-busted on behalf of the target states. The results offer strong support for the sanctions-busting theory's hypotheses, indicating that cross-national differences in the factors affecting the profitability of trading with sanctioned states largely determine which third-party states become trade-based sanctions busters. The results indicate that countries with large, open economies that are proximate to and have preexisting commercial ties with target states are significantly more likely to engage in trade-based sanctions busting, as are countries allied with the United States and/or the target state. 7Sanctions Busting for Politics: Analyzing Cuba's Aid-Based Sanctions Busters chapter abstractThis chapter examines the role that aid-based sanctions busting has played in sustaining Cuba since the United States first sanctioned it in 1960 and why several countries have offered Cuba their patronage. It analyzes whether the aid-based sanctions-busting support that China and the Soviet Union offered to Cuba during the Cold War and that China and Venezuela offered it following the Cold War's conclusion were consistent with the sanctions-busting theory's hypothesized conditions. The evidence from these cases generally offers support for the theory, but the analysis of China case reveals that third-party states can occasionally employ both aid-based and trade-based sanctions-busting strategies. The narrative also presents detailed insights into the diplomatic efforts undertaken by U.S. policy makers to discourage trade-based sanctions busting on Cuba's behalf and those undertaken by Fidel Castro to woo the support of aid-based sanctions busters. 8Implications and Conclusions chapter abstractThis chapter offers a summary analysis of the overarching findings of the book and explores their implications for policy makers and the broader study of economic statecraft. It summarizes the overarching threat that sanctions busting poses to the effectiveness of sanctioning efforts and offers a number of recommendations about how policy makers can best respond to them. It is argued that while sanctions busters will continue to represent an endemic challenge to sanctioning efforts, they pose problems that can be anticipated and, in some cases, mitigated if properly understood. The chapter concludes by examining how future research can build on the insights garnered from the book.

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Book SynopsisTrade Review"Why do U.S. efforts to coerce weak states work only half the time? Why does a particular form of coercion called coercive diplomacy fail two thirds of the time? Why do the weak resist in the face of overwhelming U.S. power? In this fine study, Phil Haun develops a novel theory of asymmetric coercion and answers these important questions." -- Robert Art, Herter Professor of International Relations * Brandeis University *Table of ContentsContents and Abstracts1Introduction chapter abstractThis chapter introduces the question of why the United States so often fails to coerce weak states. Coercion is defined as the threat of force or restricted use of force to convince a target to comply with a challenger's demands. In asymmetric interstate conflict a powerful challenger chooses between accommodation, brute force or coercion. The chapter includes a table and summary statistics for the thirty asymmetric crises between the United States and weak states since World War II. The chapter considers conventional non-rational and rational explanations for coercion failure and introduces an alternative explanation based on a weak state's survival concerns. The chapter concludes by reflecting on why the United States would knowingly make coercive demands that threaten survival and offers an explanation based on the desire to lower the diplomatic and political costs of going to war. 2A Theory of Asymmetric Interstate Coercion chapter abstractThis chapter develops a theory of asymmetric interstate coercion. A coercive strategy includes compellent or deterrent demands, punishment or denial threats, and costly signals. The determinants of coercion success are measured, coercive diplomacy is considered where the use of force is only threatened, and the relationship between economic sanctions and coercion is discussed. A model of asymmetric coercion is developed where demands, threats and costly signals are determined by the powerful challenger and in response the weak target chooses whether to resist or concede. In equilibrium, a coercive strategy should only be adopted when the target is expected to concede. The coercion range depicts the set of successful coercive demands for which the challenger prefers coercion to accommodation or brute force and the target prefers concession to resistance. The chapter concludes by discussing rational and non-rational explanations for why coercion might still fail. 3Survival and Coercion Failure chapter abstractThis chapter considers why powerful states issue high level demands of weak states. Given a high probability of victory a powerful challenger must expect high level concessions to prefer coercion to brute force. When demands threaten the sovereignty of the weak state, however, it is likely to resist. The unitary actor assumption for the weak state is relaxed to also consider the survival concerns of its regime and regime leadership. Rationally, a powerful challenger should not coerce when demands threaten a target's survival. However, when the costs of coercion are low and when there is uncertainty whether the target will concede then it may make sense to coerce while preparing for war. Also, if the external costs for adopting a brute force strategy are high, then first having the United Nations Security Council issue coercive resolutions may decrease the diplomatic and political costs for later going to war. 4The United States vs. Iraq: The Gulf and Iraq Wars chapter abstractThis chapter considers two crises between the United States and Iraq. In the 1991 Gulf War and the 2003 Iraq War, the United States adopted coercive strategies which threatened the survival of Saddam's regime and the Iraqi state. These crises test the limits for what coercion can achieve and examine the tradeoffs between coercive and brute force strategies. In both crises, U.S. administrations chose coercive strategies they did not intend to have succeed in order to then implement the brute force strategies they preferred. These two crises thus provides insight into the key questions addressed by this book as to why the United States so often chooses coercion, why coercion so often fails as weak states resist, and, knowing this, why the U.S decision makers still prefer coercive strategies. 5The United States vs. Serbia: Bosnia and Kosovo chapter abstractThis chapter examines two crises of the US against the Bosnian Serbs and Serbia in 1992 and 1999, respectively. In both cases, coercive diplomacy failed but coercion ultimately succeeded. The first crisis arose over actions in the Bosnian Civil War from 1992 to 1995, whereby the United States finally coerced the Bosnian Serbs into accepting a peace agreement but could never compel them to give up territory until it had already been taken by force. The second crisis arose over Serbia's treatment of Kosovar Albanians and concluded when Serbia's President Slobodan Milosevic finally conceded Kosovo after a 78-day NATO air campaign. He conceded, however, only when the expected economic costs to Serbia from the air campaign outweighed the political value of maintaining control of Kosovo. This crisis is a rigorous test of the survival hypothesis as Serbia eventually conceded homeland territory while it still retained the means to resist. 6The United States vs. Libya: El Dorado Canyon, Pan Am Flight 103, and WMD chapter abstractThis chapter considers three cases between the United States and Libya from 1981 until 2003. Libya's support of international terrorism triggered a crisis for the United States, culminating in the El Dorado Canyon air raid in April 1986. Coercion ultimately failed because of the mismatch between demands and threats as an isolated Reagan administration could not maintain the credible threat of force. The second case commenced with the bombing of Pan Am Flight 103 over Lockerbie, Scotland in December 1988. It concluded with the extradition of two Libyan officials in 1999 to stand trial at The Hague. Another crisis commenced in September of 2002 when British Prime Minister Tony Blair, with the backing of George W. Bush, made overtures to Muammar Qaddafi to resume negotiations over Libya's WMD. The case concluded in December 2003 when Qaddafi abandoned Libya's nuclear, biological and chemical ambitions. 7Conclusion chapter abstractThis chapter summarizes the book's main argument that the United States, because of its power advantage, has an incentive to make large coercive demands of weak states that if conceded threaten the survival of the state, the regime or its leadership. Due to international norms to first seek negotiated settlements prior to war, the U.S. has an incentive to go to the UN and adopt a coercive strategy the U.S. does not believe will, or does not want to succeed, to obtain justification and support for a brute force war. Alternative explanations based on non-rational behavior, uncertainty, and commitment problems help to explain why crises arise and why coercive diplomacy fails, but does not provide insight into when coercion is likely to succeed or fail. The book concludes with implications for U.S. foreign policy.

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Book SynopsisPowerful countries like the United States regularly employ economic sanctions as a tool for promoting their foreign policy interests. Yet this foreign policy tool has an uninspiring track record of success, with economic sanctions achieving their goals less than a third of the time they are imposed. The costs of these failed sanctions policies can be significant for the states that impose them, their targets, and the other countries they affect. Explaining economic sanctions' high failure rate therefore constitutes a vital endeavor for academics and policy-makers alike. Busted Sanctions seeks to provide this explanation, and reveals that the primary cause of this failure is third-party spoilers, or sanctions busters, who undercut sanctioning efforts by providing their targets with extensive foreign aid or sanctions-busting trade. In quantitatively and qualitatively analyzing over 60 years of U.S. economic sanctions, Bryan Early reveals that both types of third-party sanctions busterTrade Review"Understanding the reasons why firms 'bust' sanctions is an important part of discerning why sanctions frequently fail. Backed up by solid empirical modeling and compelling case studies, the research presented in Busted Sanctions goes a long way toward helping us grasp both the causes and consequences of sanction busting." -- David Lektzian, Associate Professor of Political Science * Texas Tech University *"This work is truly novel. Bryan Early is the first scholar to address sanction busting in a rigorous, systematic fashion—by analyzing what motivates states to engage in sanction busting, what measures they use, what the consequences of that busting are and, ultimately, what can be done to counteract them." -- A. Cooper Drury, Professor and Chair, Department of Political Science * University of Missouri *"[R]ecent history shows that US policy makers often choose to use economic sanctions against adversaries, despite ample evidence pointing to their ineffectiveness. In this book, Early seeks to explain reasons for the frequent and porlonged use of sanctions and to identify the factors limiting their effectiveness . . . Recommended." -- E. L. Whalen"[I]t would be a grave mistake to take this thoughtful, penetrating, and supple book just as an argument against using sanctions as an instrument of foreign policy. It is in fact a primer filled with hard facts and harder lessons from past efforts - and mistakes - designed to show how this process can actually become more effective and productive of the intended result." -- Martin Rubin"This volume provides a valuable contribution to the literature on economic sanctions and will be of considerable interest to scholars and practitioners in international trade policy, international political economy, and international relations." -- Anton D. Lowenberg * Journal of Economic Literature *Table of ContentsContents and Abstracts1Introduction: Why Busted Sanctions Lead to Broken Sanctions Policies chapter abstractThis chapter offers an overview of why U.S. policy makers employ economic sanctions, the wide range of adverse effects that sanctions have, and the poor track record of success that sanctions have had. It explains how economic sanctions affect their targets and incentivize different types of responses from third-party states that vary from cooperating with them to actively undermining them. The chapter then summarizes the theory of sanctions busting, explaining why extensive sanctions busters emerge and how their sanctions-busting aid and trade impact the effectiveness of sanctioning efforts. The chapter then discusses the mixed-method research design that will be used to evaluate the theory of sanctions busting and describes the book's findings in brief. 2What Are Sanctions Busters? chapter abstractThis chapter explains how economic sanctions incentivize their targets to try to forge extensive commercial ties with small numbers of third-party states and to seek out the patronage of benefactors willing to provide them with extensive aid packages. It describes the role that sanctions busters can play in undermining sanctioning efforts via their aid and trade and explains why past approaches have been unable to systematically account for these effects. The chapter draws on the South African and North Korean sanctions episodes to illustrate the motives that appear to drive aid-based versus traded-based sanctions busting and presents distinct profiles for the types of states most likely to become aid-based sanctions busters and trade-based sanctions busters. 3Assessing the Consequences of Sanctions Busting chapter abstractThis chapter develops the theory of sanctions busting's explanation of how trade-based sanctions busters and target states' foreign aid flows influence the outcomes of sanctions episodes. It is hypothesized that sanctions imposed against states that have the support of trade-based sanctions busters are less likely to be successful. It is also hypothesized that target states' sensitivity to changes in their foreign aid flows means that sanctions will be less successful against states experiencing gains in their foreign aid flows and more successful against states experiencing declines in their foreign aid flows. These hypotheses are evaluated via a statistical analysis of ninety-six episodes of U.S.-imposed economic sanctions from 1950 through 2002. The results offer strong support for the hypotheses, indicating that trade-based sanctions busters and foreign aid flows each exert separate, potent effects on sanctions outcomes. 4For Profits or Politics? Why Third Parties Sanctions-Bust via Trade and Aid chapter abstractThis chapter develops the theory of sanctions busting's explanation for why third-party states become aid-based sanctions busters or trade-based sanctions busters in a given sanctions episode. It explains that trade-based sanctions busting is driven primarily by the commercial interests of third-party states to exploit the lucrative trading opportunities created by sanctions, whereas aid-based sanctions-busting is primarily motivated by third-party governments' political interests in preventing the sanctions against a target from succeeding. It is argued that third-party governments will prefer to employ trade-based sanctions busting if that option is feasible because that approach is profitable instead of costly. The chapter poses a suite of hypotheses to test the theory's predictions concerning which states will engage in aid-based and trade-based sanctions busting. 5Sanctions Busting for Profits: How the United Arab Emirates Busted the U.S. Sanctions against Iran chapter abstractThis chapter examines how and why trade-based sanctions-busting relationships are fostered. It evaluates the trade-based sanctions-busting relationship that formed between the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Iran after the United States sanctioned Iran in 1979. The chapter examines the formation and evolution of the sanctions-busting relationship during the period that preceded the military alliance the UAE formed with the United States (1979–1994) and period that followed the creation of their alliance (1995–2005). The analysis reveals insights into how the emirate of Dubai emerged as the leading venue for conducting sanctions-busting trade with Iran. The chapter also illustrates how even American firms used Dubai to circumvent the U.S. government's sanctions. Its postscript analyzes how recent changes in U.S. sanctions policies (2006–2013) have finally begun to succeed in curbing the sanctions busting taking place on Iran's behalf in the UAE and other countries. 6Assessing Which Third-Party States Become Trade-Based Sanctions Busters chapter abstractThis chapter conducts a statistical analysis of the factors associated with trade-based sanctions busting. It tests whether the hypothesized factors affecting trade profitability influence which third-party states become trade-based sanctions busters. It reexamines the same ninety-six episodes of U.S.-imposed sanctions evaluated in Chapter 3 but this time looks at which third-party states sanctions-busted on behalf of the target states. The results offer strong support for the sanctions-busting theory's hypotheses, indicating that cross-national differences in the factors affecting the profitability of trading with sanctioned states largely determine which third-party states become trade-based sanctions busters. The results indicate that countries with large, open economies that are proximate to and have preexisting commercial ties with target states are significantly more likely to engage in trade-based sanctions busting, as are countries allied with the United States and/or the target state. 7Sanctions Busting for Politics: Analyzing Cuba's Aid-Based Sanctions Busters chapter abstractThis chapter examines the role that aid-based sanctions busting has played in sustaining Cuba since the United States first sanctioned it in 1960 and why several countries have offered Cuba their patronage. It analyzes whether the aid-based sanctions-busting support that China and the Soviet Union offered to Cuba during the Cold War and that China and Venezuela offered it following the Cold War's conclusion were consistent with the sanctions-busting theory's hypothesized conditions. The evidence from these cases generally offers support for the theory, but the analysis of China case reveals that third-party states can occasionally employ both aid-based and trade-based sanctions-busting strategies. The narrative also presents detailed insights into the diplomatic efforts undertaken by U.S. policy makers to discourage trade-based sanctions busting on Cuba's behalf and those undertaken by Fidel Castro to woo the support of aid-based sanctions busters. 8Implications and Conclusions chapter abstractThis chapter offers a summary analysis of the overarching findings of the book and explores their implications for policy makers and the broader study of economic statecraft. It summarizes the overarching threat that sanctions busting poses to the effectiveness of sanctioning efforts and offers a number of recommendations about how policy makers can best respond to them. It is argued that while sanctions busters will continue to represent an endemic challenge to sanctioning efforts, they pose problems that can be anticipated and, in some cases, mitigated if properly understood. The chapter concludes by examining how future research can build on the insights garnered from the book.

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Book SynopsisTrade Review"Kawato draws on 12 case studies to determine the past and future policy impacts of protests against U.S. military bases in Asia. Analyzing major demonstrations from 1945 to the present, he outlines the conditions under which protest is most and least likely to succeed in influencing base policy." -- Survival"Murders, rapes, deadly accidents, environmental destruction and land seizures by U.S. forces based in Asian countries for more than half a century have fueled the protest movements this book describes and evaluates for their effectiveness. Yuko Kawato provides a thorough, yet concise history of U.S. military bases in Japan, South Korea, and the Philippines, and a cogent analysis of how the governments of these countries and the U.S. respond to organized protests over the problems they cause." -- Steve Rabson, Professor Emeritus of East Asian Studies * Brown University *"A novel, far-reaching, and important comparative assessment of Asian opposition to U.S. forward deployment policies across the post-war period. Contains concrete and useful suggestions for American policy response as well." -- Kent Calder, Director, Reischauer Center for East Asian Studies * SAIS/Johns Hopkins University *Table of ContentsContents and AbstractsIntroduction chapter abstractThis chapter presents the theoretical arguments about when, how, and how much protests influence U.S. military base policy. First, the chapter explains what base politics is and who the main actors are. Second, it introduces protesters' arguments against base policies which refer to antiwar, antimilitarism, sovereignty, human rights, antinuclear, and environmental norms. Third, the chapter discusses the causal processes through which protests influence policy. 1) Policy change through persuasion is more likely when normative arguments do not contradict policy-makers' knowledge and beliefs, and when policy-makers think protest organizations are credible. Enabling domestic institutions are necessary for persuasion to translate into policy change. 2) When protesters fail to persuade policy-makers but generate incentives for policy change, policy-makers compromise and change policy in a limited way. 3) When policy-makers decide against policy change, they can offer symbolic concessions to protests. 1Response to Protests in Okinawa Under the U.S. Administration, 1945–1972 chapter abstractThis chapter examines two cases of protest against U.S. military base policy in Okinawa. First, it presents the American response to protests in the 1950s. The United States administered Okinawa since the end of World War II and implemented a land policy that facilitated the establishment of military bases. Local residents opposed the policy that included compensation which they believed was grossly inadequate and forcible land expropriation if they refused to sign leases. The second case is from between the early 1960s and Okinawa's reversion to Japan in 1972. Protesters demanded a reversion to Japan without American military bases. In both cases, protesters' arguments—referring to human rights, sovereignty, antiwar, antimilitarism, and antinuclear norms—failed to persuade policy-makers. The first case did not lead to policy change but policy-makers decided to make symbolic concessions. The second case resulted in a limited policy change through compromise. 2Response to Protests in Okinawa, 1995–1996 and 2009–2010 chapter abstractThis chapter first examines the protests in the mid-1990s which demanded a revision of the Status of Forces Agreement and a reduction of U.S. bases. Protesters' arguments failed to persuade policy-makers, but protesters generated incentives for a limited policy change within a context in which Tokyo and Washington tried to strengthen their alliance. Second, the chapter explains the policy outcome on the relocation of Futenma Air Station in 2010. Protesters' normative arguments, in addition to other types of arguments from local and national politicians, persuaded Prime Minister Hatoyama Yukio that Futenma should be relocated to another prefecture or abroad. Protesters referred to antiwar, antimilitarism, and environmental norms, and complained that Okinawa already had more bases than other prefectures. However, due to bureaucratic resistance, Hatoyama was unable to change the plan to relocate Futenma to Henoko in northern Okinawa. The United States also refused to change the existing plan. 3Response to Protests in South Korea, 2000–2007 chapter abstractThis chapter examines five cases. Protests led to a revision of the Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) in 2001 on criminal custody and environmental protection. Seoul and Washington enabled the transfer of the custody of American suspects to Korea after indictment, but with conditions. The governments did not change environmental policy on base but included environmental provisions in the SOFA as a symbolic concession to protesters. In 2002–2003, protesters demanded Korean jurisdiction over cases involving U.S. military personnel on duty. The governments offered a SOFA implementation agreement as a symbolic concession. The chapter then explains land expropriation in Pyeongtaek for base expansion despite large protests. Persuasion failed and the governments proceeded with the planned expansion. Finally, the chapter analyses the U.S. military's renewed effort to prevent military personnel's involvement in prostitution. 4Response to Protests in the Philippines, 1964–1965 and 1972–1979 chapter abstractThis chapter analyzes two protests against the Military Bases Agreement (MBA) in the Philippines. In 1964–1965, protesters demanded that the Philippines be granted expanded rights to exercise criminal jurisdiction in order to protect its sovereignty. In the late 1960s and the 1970s, protesters asked for a closure of military bases. Under the dictatorship of Ferdinand Marcos, whom the United States supported to maintain military bases, protesters asked for base closure by referring to democracy, sovereignty, human rights, and antinuclear norms. Persuasion failed in both cases. In 1965 Philippine and American policy-makers offered a limited policy change to defuse Philippine domestic pressures while ensuring American military effectiveness. In 1979 domestic opposition to the MBA did not lead to policy change, but policy-makers offered symbolic concessions to cultivate a nationalist image for Marcos. 5Persuasion and the Closure of U.S. Military Bases in the Philippines, 1991 chapter abstractThis chapter discusses the Philippine Senate's decision in 1991 to close all U.S. military bases in the country. The Military Bases Agreement between the United States and the Philippines was expiring, and this gave the Philippines a unique opportunity to consider whether it would continue to host U.S. military bases or not. American and Philippine negotiators created a treaty to extend the American military presence, but a 12–11 vote in the Philippine Senate defeated the treaty. Two senators voted against the treaty for non-normative reasons. Normative arguments against military bases—which emphasized sovereignty, democracy, human rights, and antinuclear norms—persuaded the ten remaining senators who voted against the treaty. People whom these senators considered credible persuaded them. Domestic institutions including the 1987 Philippine constitution and antinuclear legislation made possible the translation of the senators' persuasion into the policy outcome. Conclusion chapter abstractThe Conclusion summarizes the findings and offers recommendations to policy-makers and activists. Recommendations to policy-makers include: 1) do not wait until large protests break out to respond to local grievances about the American military presence; 2) develop a greater partnership with local governments; 3) continue to reduce the U.S. military footprint in host states; and 4) engage in a better public relations effort. Recommendations to activists include: 1) because persuasion takes time, focus on public education to mold future leaders' attitudes toward base policies; 2) prioritize the mobilization of large protests to pressure policy-makers to change policy, over lobbying policy-makers to persuade them; 3) work with organizations that policy-makers perceive as credible; and 4) encourage host states to improve domestic laws and practices that are relevant to base policy. The chapter also proposes some issues for further research.

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Book SynopsisTrade Review"This powerful and comprehensive look at security in the Arabian Gulf and the US role in creating and sustaining it should be mandatory reading for policy makers. Geoffrey Gresh has written an up-to-the-minute account of how our key friends in the region view their security not only in the Gulf, but the world. Superb!" -- Admiral James Stavridis, USN (Ret) * former NATO Supreme Allied Commander and Dean of The Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University *"This book is not just a comprehensive history of the military-strategic relationship between the U.S. and Gulf Cooperation Council countries (GCC) but also a complex analysis of internal and external factors (such as regime survival and state-society relations) that influence the conduct of the GCC towards the American military presence in the Gulf. A welcome addition to security studies broadly defined and which takes the local level seriously." -- Fawaz A. Gerges, Emirates Chair of Contemporary Middle Eastern Studies * London School of Economics *"Geoffrey Gresh's book, Gulf Security and the U.S. Military, comes at a crucial time when the Middle East is roiling. U.S. bases have served the interests of those in and out of the Gulf. They are affected by domestic politics as much as they are affected by regional politics. Going back to the establishment of U.S. bases in Bahrain, Saudi Arabia and Oman and bringing the reader up to date Gresh gives the reader a vital perspective through which to analyze the U.S. role in the Gulf in these turbulent times. This is essential reading for those interested in US policy in the Gulf, regional and energy politics." -- Lenore G. Martin, Professor and Chair Department of Political Science and International Studies, Emmanuel College and Associate, Center for Middle Eastern Studies * Harvard University *"Overall, the analysis provided in the book is extremely valuable to US policy makers and officers in charge of American bases in those regions, as they will find important insights and inspirations from Gresh's book. The lessons from this book can also be of great interest to policy advisors concerned with how the United States today can help countries in the Gulf regions to enhance their national security facing the severe threats from the rise of Islamic State (ISIS) and to reduce the risk of increasing internal security threats for those countries." -- Junyuan Rao * Naval Historical Foundation *"In Gulf Security and the US Military, Geoffrey F. Gresh makes an important contribution to studies of American overseas military basing policy and US security assistance; he also adds to an increasingly rich literature on the strategic significance of the Persian Gulf to America's global security . . . Geoffrey Gresh's new book is an excellent start to what is certain to be an important and long-running national security debate." -- Russ Burgos * Parameters: U.S. Army War College Quarterly *"I do not know of any book that goes into this level of detail about the specific events in the long process by which the US replaced the British as the primary external power in the Gulf. It provides a piece to the puzzle vital for understanding the hot-and-cold strategic duets the United States has played with Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Oman, and other allies in the region." -- Peter Dombrowski, Professor of Strategy * the US Naval War College *"[The book] provides useful lessons learned for those involved with current and future negotiations with any Gulf nation. Every USAF colonel and above who thinks he or she may be involved in such decisions should read this book. It is an essential primer, written in such a way as to be scholarly, yet comprehensible . . . The insight into all that has gone into the 'base life' one will experience and perhaps off-base privileges is certainly worth the effort and time to read this book." -- Wayne L. Shaw * Air Force Research Institute *"[T]he dearth of studies highlighting the history and politics of US basing in the Middle East, and the Gulf Coast region in particular, remains surprising given the great strategic importance of this area. Geoffrey Gresh's Gulf Security and the US Military: Regime Survival and the Politics of Basing is therefore a welcome addition to the literature. To my knowledge, it is the first in-depth account of base politics devoted to this region . . . Scholars, policymakers, and general readers will have much to learn from this fine book." -- Andrew Yeo * H-Diplo, H-Net Reviews *Table of ContentsContents and AbstractsIntroduction: Gulf national security and the politics of Basing chapter abstractThis chapter provides a theoretical and strategic overview of the U.S. military basing presence in the Gulf from the Second World War to the present. It lays a framework for examining the history of the U.S. military in the Gulf by placing the book within the larger base politics literature, in addition to providing a broad overview on the global evolution of U.S. military basing following the Second World War. Base politics and basing access for military forces is one of the oldest enduring features of international relations among nations and empires. The central question posed here is when and why did base politicization occur in Gulf Arab host nations. External and internal security dynamics linked to a host regime's survival are the main drivers influencing Gulf Cooperation Council nations either to accept or expel the U.S. military from local bases. 1Oil and War chapter abstractThis chapter sets the stage for how the United States came to establish its first military base in the region, while placing the Gulf in its larger strategic and global context. As the United States became more entangled in the Second World War, the U.S. military grew adamant about securing base installations to support its war efforts. Additionally, the U.S. military needed easy access to the valuable oil resources of the Gulf to buoy its operations abroad. Political pressure from U.S. oil companies operating in the Gulf also helped convince the U.S. government to pursue a more active regional strategy to safeguard significant U.S. investments and other regional assets. The first establishment of a base at Dhahran would be crucial at the end of the war to assist with postwar construction efforts in Europe and Pacific Asia. 2Negotiating a Foothold chapter abstractThis chapter explores the origins of the U.S. military's complex relationship with the Gulf Arab monarchies, especially with the Saud royal family, following the Second World War. A more permanent U.S. military basing presence was never an inevitable conclusion and depended upon a combination of shifting national security dynamics and U.S. military and economic aid packages. This chapter examines the key domestic opposition groups influenced by pan-Arab nationalism that threatened the monarchy versus external security factors, including threats emanating from the Hashemite Kingdom and a rising Soviet Union. Though pan-Arab nationalism played a certain role in stimulating domestic instability in Saudi Arabia, three separate regional factors played a more influential role in determining the Saud monarchy's decision to permit the continued U.S. military basing presence: Hashemite threats to invade the kingdom, the ongoing Buraimi Oasis crisis between Great Britain and the Trucial Shaykhdoms, and the Suez Canal crisis. 3Regime Survival and the U.S. Military chapter abstractThis chapter examines the events that led to the eventual basing termination and expulsion of the U.S. military from its Saudi bases in 1962. With fewer external security concerns by the early 1960s, the Saud monarchy turned its attention to domestic politics and rising concerns regarding Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser's influence over pan-Arab national groups in the kingdom. By the end of the 1950s and early 1960s, domestic security concerns grew to a new high as the U.S. military's presence exacerbated attacks on the legitimacy of a monarchy under mounting domestic pressure. Opposition groups portrayed the United States as an imperial occupying force, helping erode the power and damage the image of the monarchy domestically. The Saud monarchy appeared concerned about its survival and its association with the U.S. military and terminated its long-term basing contract in the spring of 1962. 4A Light Footprint in Bahrain chapter abstractAfter declaring independence in 1971, Bahrain signed a basing agreement with the United States, prompted by external security fears associated with Iran's desire to annex the tiny island nation. But when the Yom Kippur War broke out in 1973 with the U.S. supporting Israel in the war, Bahrainis violently voiced their outrage over the U.S. naval presence. In late 1973, the Bahraini government announced that the U.S. naval basing agreement would be terminated. The U.S. lost its homeport at Jufair, but it was able to negotiate the maintenance of a light footprint including the presence of an administrative support unit for U.S. naval regional logistics. This chapter examines both the domestic security challenges faced by the Khalifas during this period and the politics involved in the homeport expulsion. 5Sultan Qaboos and Operation Eagle Claw chapter abstractThis chapter examines Oman's relations with the U.S. military after the 1979 U.S. expulsion from Iran. Oman acts as a valuable historical case study that illuminates important lessons learned about what can work when negotiating for basing access with a host nation under heightened domestic pressure. Oman's Sultan Qaboos had long faced internal opposition that stemmed from the Dhofar rebellion of the 1960s and early 1970s. His fears were exacerbated when it became known that, unbeknownst to Sultan Qaboos, President Carter had violated Omani sovereignty in executing a secret rescue mission, codenamed Eagle Claw, to free U.S. hostages held captive by Iranian revolutionaries in Tehran at the U.S. Embassy. After lengthy negotiations and the subsequent increase in U.S. military and economic aid incentives, including promises of a less visible and low-profile military, the U.S. was able to maintain its military basing access in Oman. 6A Saudi Sandstorm: Rivalry, Revolution, and terrorism chapter abstractThis chapter studies the process that led to the Saudi decision to reestablish a U.S. military basing presence in 1990. Though Saudi Arabia maintained its partnership with the U.S. military throughout the 1970s and 1980s, the U.S. was not given control of local bases after 1962 until the First Gulf War. The external threat posed by Iraq was the main driver behind convincing the Saud monarchy to allow a U.S. military basing presence. From 1990 to 2003, the kingdom confronted major domestic security challenges, including several terrorist attacks motivated by the U.S. military basing presence, but it was not until Saddam Hussein was finally removed in 2003 that the U.S. military was asked to terminate its basing presence. Iran also posed less of a threat to the kingdom since U.S. military bases surrounded Iran on both its eastern and western borders, including in Kuwait, Qatar, Bahrain, Afghanistan, and Kyrgyzstan. Conclusion: The GCC Today and Lessons learned for the U.S. Military chapter abstractThe conclusion assesses the current and future U.S. military Gulf presence following its Saudi departure, as well as the present challenges ushered in by regional violence since 2011. The U.S. military maintains a significant presence across the Arabian Peninsula but it must now confront a new and emerging dynamic where most GCC countries have begun to diversify their political, military, economic, technological, and security partnerships with countries other than the United States. Many GCC nations have turned in recent years to the East to emerging powers such as China, Russia, and India to assist with their national security and economic needs. Nonetheless, understanding the dynamics of base politicization in a host nation remains important today and studying base politics more broadly helps explain when and why basing access may go awry for future policymakers and scholars of the region.

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Book SynopsisThis book examines the experiences of a range of countries in the conflict in Afghanistan, with particular focus on the demands of operating within a diverse coalition of states. After laying out the challenges of the Afghan conflict in terms of objectives, strategy, and mission, case studies of 15 coalition memberseach written by a country expertdiscuss each country's motivation for joining the coalition and explore the impact of more than 10 years of combat on each country's military, domestic government, and populace. The book dissects the changes in the coalition over the decade, driven by both external factorssuch as the Bonn Conferences of 2001 and 2011, the contiguous Iraq War, and politics and economics at homeand internal factors such as command structures, interoperability, emerging technologies, the surge, the introduction of counterinsurgency doctrine, Green on Blue attacks, escalating civilian casualties, and the impact of the Provincial Reconstruction Teams and NGOs. InTrade Review"I consider this to be an extremely important book, helpful to both the general reader and to specialists in other areas. It is the rare book that assesses US policy in three conflict-torn countries, and provides copious background, context, historical review, and lessons learned. Highly recommended."—Dan Caldwell, Pepperdine University"Coalition challenges in Afghanistan is a brilliant exposition of the heart of global security challenges in the 21st century. The center of gravity of the coalition in Afghanistan is the coalition of 50 nations—this book helps us understand the complexity of maintaining such a structure in the rigors of combat."—Admiral James Stavridis, USN (Ret), Supreme Allied Commander at NATO 2009-2013 and Dean at The Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University"Gale A. Mattox and Stephen M. Grenier have brought together an outstanding group of scholars to evaluate the varied contributions of the full range of nations that fought in Afghanistan. This volume fills an important gap in our understanding of America's longest war."—Thomas G. Mahnken, Jerome E. Levy Chair of Economic Geography and National Security, U.S. Naval War College"With their edited volume, Coalition Challenges in Afghanistan, Gale Mattox and Stephen Grenier have made a valuable contribution to the growing literature on the Afghan campaign—and its disappointments This book is written as a valedictory analysis of Afghanistan and as such it succeeds admirably. Yet the true significance of the collection may lie in the fact that while the West has apparently chosen to end a war by withdrawing conventional combat troops, the struggle continues to this day."—Anthony King, International AffairsTable of ContentsContents and Abstracts1Introduction: Framing the War in Afghanistan chapter abstractThis chapter outlines the motivations that influenced a country's decision to join the coalition's campaign to stabilize Afghanistan. In addition, the chapter assesses the coalition's performance since 2001 by examining how well each country employed its military, diplomatic, or economic capabilities. Whether it was to demonstrate solidarity with the US or to avenge the deaths of their citizens during the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, several countries joined the coalition to defeat al Qaeda and bring Osama bin Laden to justice. Contributing nations conducted a wide-range of air, ground, and naval combat operations while others focused on delivering a distinctive capability that addressed a specific operational gap. When the interests of contributing members did not align, the coalition often failed to achieve its political and military objectives. 2Afghanistan: The Reluctant Partner, Building a State in a Time of War chapter abstractThis chapter examines the role of the Afghan state in the country's war effort. Kabul is often treated as a non-entity – a set of institutions acted upon by outsiders. The Afghan government is often seen by international actors as no more than traditional networks of patronage, yet there is also an elusive Afghan state attempting to exert itself. The conflicts inside the Afghan government are many-layered and opaque. Outcomes in Afghanistan are products of the interaction of these competing influences. International actors undermined state-building efforts in favor of parochial war aims, and traditional networks have subverted governance through corruption and modernization efforts has often flouted the culture and will of rural Afghans, focusing disproportionately on desires of the urban citizenry. 3Warlords and the Coalition in Afghanistan chapter abstractThis chapter focuses on the relationships between ISAF contributing nations and Afghan warlords between 2001 and 2014. It shows how the latter have instrumentalized the cross-cutting agendas of the former to maximize their autonomy and shape the state-building process. It focuses on two typical warlords, General Dostum, the Uzbek leader of Northern Afghanistan, and Ismail Khan, the self-proclaimed "Amir of Western Afghanistan," and their ability to adapt to new environments, shape shift, and eventually survive, both physically and politically. It explains how these non-state armed actors have developed their own kind of diplomacy and taken advantage of the heterogeneity of the international community to resist Kabul's homogenizing pressure and remain relevant after 2001. Overall, this chapter demonstrates how warlords keep wielding influence in the midst of a state-building project that promotes the construction of bureaucratic institutions. 4United States: Examining America's Longest War chapter abstractThis chapter argues that the United States military, through a series of intentional and unintentional actions, hindered the creation of an effective Afghan National Army (ANA). The absence of an effective ANA was a key reason the security situation steadily deteriorated, eventually becoming so dire that in 2009, Secretary of Defense Robert Gates relieved General David McKiernan, the commander of all US and coalition troops in Afghanistan, and President Obama ordered a "top-to-bottom" policy review. American military officials put parochial interests ahead of Afghanistan's security needs and harmed the nascent ANA by working with local militia forces, using US Army National Guard units to train the ANA, and creating specialized units within the ANA. These actions undermined the ANA's combat effectiveness, harmed the legitimacy of the fledgling Afghan government, and served as a catalyst for corruption and patronage. 5Canada: The Evolution of a New Canadian Way of War chapter abstractCanada's Afghanistan war experience differed from previous conflicts in one very significant fashion – national implementation of an integrated governmental approach to military operations. This "whole of government" (WoG) approach defined Canada's involvement in Afghanistan, particularly between 2006 and 2011 in the southern province of Kandahar. This chapter examines the development of this WoG methodology and provides a perspective on evolving Canadian approaches to the use of its instruments of national power in the twenty-first century. 6El Salvador: Exporting Security in the National Interest chapter abstractThis chapter argues El Salvador's President Mauricio Funes sought to improve his relationship with the El Salvador Armed Forces by strengthening his country's ties with the US. The steady flow of illegal narcotics and weapons through the Central American isthmus caused an epidemic of gang-related violence. Funes needed the military's support to fight the gangs, but distrust between his leftist administration and the ESAF stood in the way of a coordinated response. He stunned political observers when he dismissed his own political party's concerns and joined with conservative legislators to approve the deployment of El Salvadoran troops to Afghanistan. The US responded by providing the troops with advanced training and equipment for use in Afghanistan, and against transnational criminal organizations operating in El Salvador. This strengthened El Salvadoran-American relations, improved Funes' standing with the ESAF, and helped San Salvador develop a better-coordinated government response against criminal entities. 7Federal Republic of Germany: The Legacy of the War in Afghanistan chapter abstractA member of the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF), Germany has been the third largest contributor to the Afghan mission for over a decade and has committed the largest force second only to the United States for the Resolute Support post-2014 phase. For Germany this commitment by the Bundeswehr has reflected its commitment to Afghan development and has marked significant milestone in German responsibilities as an alliance member. Given its past decisions with respect to participation in conflict, the longer- implications of this role are less clear. There is no doubt that the leadership, training, and operational experience during the Afghanistan mission have been unprecedented for the country and its readiness for future deployments has significantly increased. But while its role in Afghanistan has given the Bundeswehr operational experience, it remains unclear if the country is ready for a more forward leaning international role for Germany in the future. 8The United Kingdom: Innocence lost in the War in Afghanistan chapter abstractThis chapter examines why a military campaign for which the British government had such high hopes, and which domestic public opinion initially supported, has led to major divisions within the UK and questions over its worth. The first part examines the first phase of Britain's Afghan War. It looks at the reasoning behind the government's decision to engage in combat in Afghanistan and then analyzes the initial campaign from 2001-2005. The second part reviews the second phase of the war. It considers the government's decision to make the case for NATO to escalate its involvement to Southern and Eastern Afghanistan and the subsequent deployment of British forces principally to Helmand. The third part reflects on the wider impact of the Afghan War for and on the UK. 9France: "Friend, ally but not aligned": vigilant pragmatism in Afghanistan chapter abstractGiven that the Afghan campaign has often put great strain on US-European relations, it is of particular interest to consider the French example, traditionally the most unruly European NATO ally. After a historical overview, and looking at French contributions to ANA training, COIN and "civ-mil" policies, this article examines how the relationship between France and NATO has changed as a result of its 13 years-long engagement in Afghanistan. It argues that instead of driving France and the US further apart (as might have been expected during the crises in 2006/07), the campaign has actually reinforced many ties and contributed to a normalization of sorts, even though a great deal of ambiguity still characterizes the relationship. 10The Netherlands: To Fight, or not to Fight chapter abstractThis chapter highlights how a smaller power struggled with the political, military and financial pressures of sustained expeditionary operations and the dissonance that emerges as domestic political considerations clash with the military-operational reality. The Netherlands joined the coalition to rebuild its international standing and highlight the political and defense reforms it instituted after Dutch peacekeepers failed to prevent the 1995 murder of refugees in Srebrenica, a United Nations declared "safe area" in Bosnia. Since the Netherlands was dependent on the NATO collective security umbrella, the mission in Afghanistan provided an opportunity to increase its credibility within the Alliance and to strengthen the Dutch-American defense relationship. Dutch counterinsurgency operations in Uruzgan province proved politically contentious due to the combat involved, which ultimately became the pretext for the collapse of the government in 2010. 11The Visegrad Four: Achieving Long Term Security through Alliance Support chapter abstractThis chapter focuses on the participation and contribution of the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary and Poland to the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) mission in Afghanistan. The Visegrad Four's participation in ISAF, first and foremost, was rooted in the perception that it was NATO's key military operation. Each regarded ISAF's success as a key strategic interest critical to their goal of the continued viability of NATO, the cornerstone of their security. ISAF participation solidified the reputations of each as solid NATO "security providers." The chapter also examines how ISAF participation affected each state's military capabilities and ongoing efforts for military modernization and reform in the post-communist era. Perhaps, most importantly for all, NATO carried out the ISAF mission and remains intact to carry on its newfound global character. 12Counterinsurgency in Afghanistan: The British, Dutch, German and French Cases chapter abstractThis chapter examines how European allies of the United States applied COIN in Afghanistan by examining the experiences of the United Kingdom, Germany, the Netherlands and France. For several years after NATO assumed command of the International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan (ISAF) in 2003, the United Kingdom struggled to relearn its forgotten COIN doctrine and strategy, while the Germans and French disputed how much NATO should engage in civilian reconstruction work. The Dutch kept a low-profile in this dispute while pursuing their own 'Dutch approach' in their area of responsibility. These divergences meant that ISAF was hobbled by an ad hoc patchwork of objectives without a clear consensus on a common strategy when confronted with the dual missions of nation-building and counterinsurgency. 13North Atlantic Treaty Organization: Transformation Under Fire chapter abstractThe events of September 11, 2001 prompted NATO into action when it invoked Article V (collective defense) for the first time and subsequently led to the formation of the International Security Assistance Force - Afghanistan (ISAF). The following chapter provides a chronological analysis of the Alliance's thirteen-year involvement in the war in Afghanistan and examines the various strategic and political adjustments made by the now 28-member alliance. After its initially low profile, NATO expanded its activities throughout Afghanistan and assumed more and more combat missions. At first conceived of as primarily stabilization operations, ISAF's mission would eventually involve kinetic operations associated with counterinsurgency and counter terrorism. Although the Alliance made tremendous progress in adapting its strategy and tactics to an increasingly dangerous and challenging environment, the mission also exposed serious divisions and weaknesses as Brussels struggled with coordinating the national preferences and divergent capabilities of its member states. 14Jordan and the United Arab Emirates: Arab Partners in Afghanistan chapter abstractMost accounts of the campaign in Afghanistan overlook the role of Jordan or the UAE. In official tallies and military terms their contributions have been miniscule and symbolic at best. Unlike others, neither has historically significant strategic interests in Afghanistan, and it would have been logical to free-ride on the already powerful coalition. But the fact that these countries publically joined the coalition highlights the complex reasons countries contributed to the campaign and illustrates remarkable flexibility in the form and substance of coalition burden sharing. We argue that their role must be considered in the context of their security environment, their relationship with the United States, and the larger pursuit of securing their interests against the threat of radical Islam, bolstering a national identity premised on more moderate interpretations of Islam, providing important diplomatic and strategic assets to the coalition. 15Japan: A New Self-Defense Force Roleor Not? chapter abstractThis chapter examines Japan's contribution to the international coalition in Afghanistan. Tokyo supported coalition naval operations in the Indian Ocean to restore its credibility after the international community criticized Japan for exercising "checkbook diplomacy" during the 1991 Persian Gulf War when it contributed $13 billion to offset coalition expenses instead of deploying military forces to the region. If Japan had again assisted with only financial assistance, the Japan-United States alliance could have been undermined and Japanese national security threatened. 16Australia: Terrorism, Regional Security and the US Alliance chapter abstractThis chapter argues that Australia joined the international coalition to remove al Qaeda from their bases in Afghanistan; foster regional stability; and bolster the strength of Australia's US alliance by supporting the US in its pursuit of al-Qaeda. Australia supported action in Afghanistan to remove the al Qaeda threat and to deny that transnational organization and affiliated networks sanctuary to plan, arm and train in Afghanistan. Australian government was also concerned about al-Qaeda's impact on Australia's regional security. Lastly, Australian policy makers have sought to maintain US regional presence, bolster Australia's alliance stocks, and enhance the possibility of reciprocity from the larger power in alliance relations. 17New Zealand: Fostering the U.S.-New Zealand Relationship chapter abstractNever large in a quantitative sense, New Zealand's military deployment to Afghanistan is notable for its length and diplomatic significance. New Zealand's experience of casualties was the reverse of most, with the majority of New Zealand combat deaths coming in the last years of the Provincial Reconstruction Team's deployment to Bamiyan. The most domestically controversial part of New Zealand's commitment to Afghanistan, the Special Forces, was ironically often the most welcomed by its coalition partners. New Zealand's long commitment in Afghanistan formed a crucial element in the improving US-NZ security relationship, elements of which had been largely suspended since the mid-1980s. Afghanistan also provided the temporary glue for closer New Zealand-NATO links. 18Pakistan: A Tale of Two Allies chapter abstractThe role of Pakistan as an ally in the war on terror is unique. Unlike other allies discussed in this volume, Pakistan has not contributed military forces or other resources to support Coalition operations inside Afghanistan. This chapter argues that the Pakistani military forces play roles that affect Coalition operation in Afghanistan in several ways, both positive and negative. First, Pakistani military and paramilitary forces man the border outposts on the Durand Line, monitoring and at least theoretically constraining movement by militants across the border. Second, Pakistan's intelligence services have monitored and arrested members of certain militant groups that threaten the Coalition in Afghanistan, and that potentially threaten the homelands of Coalition partners. Third, and much more controversially, Pakistan's military and intelligence agencies provide sanctuary, shelter, and support for militant groups that actively fight the Coalition. 19Russia: Friend or Foe on Afghanistan? chapter abstractThis chapter argues that Russia shared the coalition's goal of creating a stable Afghanistan to reduce the flow of illegal narcotics and the spread of Islamist extremism, but Moscow also embraced the contradictory policy of calling for US and International Security Assistance Force troops to depart Afghanistan. Russia provided coalition forces with detailed intelligence gained during Soviet military operations in the 1980s, and it worked with several Central Asian nations to permit coalition non-lethal supplies to be transported through their countries along three supply routes that collectively formed the Northern Distribution Network. 20Going Forward.Lessons Learned chapter abstractThe chapter reviews similarities and differences in the Afghanistan conflict 2001-2014 drawn from the experiences of 13 selected country case studies involved in the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF), 2 neighboring countries, and Afghanistan. It concludes that addressing identified challenges in NATO's first role outside Europe has strengthened the alliance in many respects. Less certain is the alliance preparedness for future conflicts. The cooperation and collaboration of 50 diverse nations (NATO members as well as non-members) that evolved during the Afghanistan operations – at times bumpy, at times surprisingly smooth – set a new standard for future operations from which much can be learned. However, the road ahead will be difficult for Afghanistan and incorporating lessons learned for NATO and its coalition allies will be challenging.

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Book SynopsisThis book examines the experiences of a range of countries in the conflict in Afghanistan, with particular focus on the demands of operating within a diverse coalition of states. After laying out the challenges of the Afghan conflict in terms of objectives, strategy, and mission, case studies of 15 coalition memberseach written by a country expertdiscuss each country's motivation for joining the coalition and explore the impact of more than 10 years of combat on each country's military, domestic government, and populace. The book dissects the changes in the coalition over the decade, driven by both external factorssuch as the Bonn Conferences of 2001 and 2011, the contiguous Iraq War, and politics and economics at homeand internal factors such as command structures, interoperability, emerging technologies, the surge, the introduction of counterinsurgency doctrine, Green on Blue attacks, escalating civilian casualties, and the impact of the Provincial Reconstruction Teams and NGOs. InTrade Review"I consider this to be an extremely important book, helpful to both the general reader and to specialists in other areas. It is the rare book that assesses US policy in three conflict-torn countries, and provides copious background, context, historical review, and lessons learned. Highly recommended."—Dan Caldwell, Pepperdine University"Coalition challenges in Afghanistan is a brilliant exposition of the heart of global security challenges in the 21st century. The center of gravity of the coalition in Afghanistan is the coalition of 50 nations—this book helps us understand the complexity of maintaining such a structure in the rigors of combat."—Admiral James Stavridis, USN (Ret), Supreme Allied Commander at NATO 2009-2013 and Dean at The Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University"Gale A. Mattox and Stephen M. Grenier have brought together an outstanding group of scholars to evaluate the varied contributions of the full range of nations that fought in Afghanistan. This volume fills an important gap in our understanding of America's longest war."—Thomas G. Mahnken, Jerome E. Levy Chair of Economic Geography and National Security, U.S. Naval War College"With their edited volume, Coalition Challenges in Afghanistan, Gale Mattox and Stephen Grenier have made a valuable contribution to the growing literature on the Afghan campaign—and its disappointments This book is written as a valedictory analysis of Afghanistan and as such it succeeds admirably. Yet the true significance of the collection may lie in the fact that while the West has apparently chosen to end a war by withdrawing conventional combat troops, the struggle continues to this day."—Anthony King, International AffairsTable of ContentsContents and Abstracts1Introduction: Framing the War in Afghanistan chapter abstractThis chapter outlines the motivations that influenced a country's decision to join the coalition's campaign to stabilize Afghanistan. In addition, the chapter assesses the coalition's performance since 2001 by examining how well each country employed its military, diplomatic, or economic capabilities. Whether it was to demonstrate solidarity with the US or to avenge the deaths of their citizens during the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, several countries joined the coalition to defeat al Qaeda and bring Osama bin Laden to justice. Contributing nations conducted a wide-range of air, ground, and naval combat operations while others focused on delivering a distinctive capability that addressed a specific operational gap. When the interests of contributing members did not align, the coalition often failed to achieve its political and military objectives. 2Afghanistan: The Reluctant Partner, Building a State in a Time of War chapter abstractThis chapter examines the role of the Afghan state in the country's war effort. Kabul is often treated as a non-entity – a set of institutions acted upon by outsiders. The Afghan government is often seen by international actors as no more than traditional networks of patronage, yet there is also an elusive Afghan state attempting to exert itself. The conflicts inside the Afghan government are many-layered and opaque. Outcomes in Afghanistan are products of the interaction of these competing influences. International actors undermined state-building efforts in favor of parochial war aims, and traditional networks have subverted governance through corruption and modernization efforts has often flouted the culture and will of rural Afghans, focusing disproportionately on desires of the urban citizenry. 3Warlords and the Coalition in Afghanistan chapter abstractThis chapter focuses on the relationships between ISAF contributing nations and Afghan warlords between 2001 and 2014. It shows how the latter have instrumentalized the cross-cutting agendas of the former to maximize their autonomy and shape the state-building process. It focuses on two typical warlords, General Dostum, the Uzbek leader of Northern Afghanistan, and Ismail Khan, the self-proclaimed "Amir of Western Afghanistan," and their ability to adapt to new environments, shape shift, and eventually survive, both physically and politically. It explains how these non-state armed actors have developed their own kind of diplomacy and taken advantage of the heterogeneity of the international community to resist Kabul's homogenizing pressure and remain relevant after 2001. Overall, this chapter demonstrates how warlords keep wielding influence in the midst of a state-building project that promotes the construction of bureaucratic institutions. 4United States: Examining America's Longest War chapter abstractThis chapter argues that the United States military, through a series of intentional and unintentional actions, hindered the creation of an effective Afghan National Army (ANA). The absence of an effective ANA was a key reason the security situation steadily deteriorated, eventually becoming so dire that in 2009, Secretary of Defense Robert Gates relieved General David McKiernan, the commander of all US and coalition troops in Afghanistan, and President Obama ordered a "top-to-bottom" policy review. American military officials put parochial interests ahead of Afghanistan's security needs and harmed the nascent ANA by working with local militia forces, using US Army National Guard units to train the ANA, and creating specialized units within the ANA. These actions undermined the ANA's combat effectiveness, harmed the legitimacy of the fledgling Afghan government, and served as a catalyst for corruption and patronage. 5Canada: The Evolution of a New Canadian Way of War chapter abstractCanada's Afghanistan war experience differed from previous conflicts in one very significant fashion – national implementation of an integrated governmental approach to military operations. This "whole of government" (WoG) approach defined Canada's involvement in Afghanistan, particularly between 2006 and 2011 in the southern province of Kandahar. This chapter examines the development of this WoG methodology and provides a perspective on evolving Canadian approaches to the use of its instruments of national power in the twenty-first century. 6El Salvador: Exporting Security in the National Interest chapter abstractThis chapter argues El Salvador's President Mauricio Funes sought to improve his relationship with the El Salvador Armed Forces by strengthening his country's ties with the US. The steady flow of illegal narcotics and weapons through the Central American isthmus caused an epidemic of gang-related violence. Funes needed the military's support to fight the gangs, but distrust between his leftist administration and the ESAF stood in the way of a coordinated response. He stunned political observers when he dismissed his own political party's concerns and joined with conservative legislators to approve the deployment of El Salvadoran troops to Afghanistan. The US responded by providing the troops with advanced training and equipment for use in Afghanistan, and against transnational criminal organizations operating in El Salvador. This strengthened El Salvadoran-American relations, improved Funes' standing with the ESAF, and helped San Salvador develop a better-coordinated government response against criminal entities. 7Federal Republic of Germany: The Legacy of the War in Afghanistan chapter abstractA member of the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF), Germany has been the third largest contributor to the Afghan mission for over a decade and has committed the largest force second only to the United States for the Resolute Support post-2014 phase. For Germany this commitment by the Bundeswehr has reflected its commitment to Afghan development and has marked significant milestone in German responsibilities as an alliance member. Given its past decisions with respect to participation in conflict, the longer- implications of this role are less clear. There is no doubt that the leadership, training, and operational experience during the Afghanistan mission have been unprecedented for the country and its readiness for future deployments has significantly increased. But while its role in Afghanistan has given the Bundeswehr operational experience, it remains unclear if the country is ready for a more forward leaning international role for Germany in the future. 8The United Kingdom: Innocence lost in the War in Afghanistan chapter abstractThis chapter examines why a military campaign for which the British government had such high hopes, and which domestic public opinion initially supported, has led to major divisions within the UK and questions over its worth. The first part examines the first phase of Britain's Afghan War. It looks at the reasoning behind the government's decision to engage in combat in Afghanistan and then analyzes the initial campaign from 2001-2005. The second part reviews the second phase of the war. It considers the government's decision to make the case for NATO to escalate its involvement to Southern and Eastern Afghanistan and the subsequent deployment of British forces principally to Helmand. The third part reflects on the wider impact of the Afghan War for and on the UK. 9France: "Friend, ally but not aligned": vigilant pragmatism in Afghanistan chapter abstractGiven that the Afghan campaign has often put great strain on US-European relations, it is of particular interest to consider the French example, traditionally the most unruly European NATO ally. After a historical overview, and looking at French contributions to ANA training, COIN and "civ-mil" policies, this article examines how the relationship between France and NATO has changed as a result of its 13 years-long engagement in Afghanistan. It argues that instead of driving France and the US further apart (as might have been expected during the crises in 2006/07), the campaign has actually reinforced many ties and contributed to a normalization of sorts, even though a great deal of ambiguity still characterizes the relationship. 10The Netherlands: To Fight, or not to Fight chapter abstractThis chapter highlights how a smaller power struggled with the political, military and financial pressures of sustained expeditionary operations and the dissonance that emerges as domestic political considerations clash with the military-operational reality. The Netherlands joined the coalition to rebuild its international standing and highlight the political and defense reforms it instituted after Dutch peacekeepers failed to prevent the 1995 murder of refugees in Srebrenica, a United Nations declared "safe area" in Bosnia. Since the Netherlands was dependent on the NATO collective security umbrella, the mission in Afghanistan provided an opportunity to increase its credibility within the Alliance and to strengthen the Dutch-American defense relationship. Dutch counterinsurgency operations in Uruzgan province proved politically contentious due to the combat involved, which ultimately became the pretext for the collapse of the government in 2010. 11The Visegrad Four: Achieving Long Term Security through Alliance Support chapter abstractThis chapter focuses on the participation and contribution of the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary and Poland to the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) mission in Afghanistan. The Visegrad Four's participation in ISAF, first and foremost, was rooted in the perception that it was NATO's key military operation. Each regarded ISAF's success as a key strategic interest critical to their goal of the continued viability of NATO, the cornerstone of their security. ISAF participation solidified the reputations of each as solid NATO "security providers." The chapter also examines how ISAF participation affected each state's military capabilities and ongoing efforts for military modernization and reform in the post-communist era. Perhaps, most importantly for all, NATO carried out the ISAF mission and remains intact to carry on its newfound global character. 12Counterinsurgency in Afghanistan: The British, Dutch, German and French Cases chapter abstractThis chapter examines how European allies of the United States applied COIN in Afghanistan by examining the experiences of the United Kingdom, Germany, the Netherlands and France. For several years after NATO assumed command of the International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan (ISAF) in 2003, the United Kingdom struggled to relearn its forgotten COIN doctrine and strategy, while the Germans and French disputed how much NATO should engage in civilian reconstruction work. The Dutch kept a low-profile in this dispute while pursuing their own 'Dutch approach' in their area of responsibility. These divergences meant that ISAF was hobbled by an ad hoc patchwork of objectives without a clear consensus on a common strategy when confronted with the dual missions of nation-building and counterinsurgency. 13North Atlantic Treaty Organization: Transformation Under Fire chapter abstractThe events of September 11, 2001 prompted NATO into action when it invoked Article V (collective defense) for the first time and subsequently led to the formation of the International Security Assistance Force - Afghanistan (ISAF). The following chapter provides a chronological analysis of the Alliance's thirteen-year involvement in the war in Afghanistan and examines the various strategic and political adjustments made by the now 28-member alliance. After its initially low profile, NATO expanded its activities throughout Afghanistan and assumed more and more combat missions. At first conceived of as primarily stabilization operations, ISAF's mission would eventually involve kinetic operations associated with counterinsurgency and counter terrorism. Although the Alliance made tremendous progress in adapting its strategy and tactics to an increasingly dangerous and challenging environment, the mission also exposed serious divisions and weaknesses as Brussels struggled with coordinating the national preferences and divergent capabilities of its member states. 14Jordan and the United Arab Emirates: Arab Partners in Afghanistan chapter abstractMost accounts of the campaign in Afghanistan overlook the role of Jordan or the UAE. In official tallies and military terms their contributions have been miniscule and symbolic at best. Unlike others, neither has historically significant strategic interests in Afghanistan, and it would have been logical to free-ride on the already powerful coalition. But the fact that these countries publically joined the coalition highlights the complex reasons countries contributed to the campaign and illustrates remarkable flexibility in the form and substance of coalition burden sharing. We argue that their role must be considered in the context of their security environment, their relationship with the United States, and the larger pursuit of securing their interests against the threat of radical Islam, bolstering a national identity premised on more moderate interpretations of Islam, providing important diplomatic and strategic assets to the coalition. 15Japan: A New Self-Defense Force Roleor Not? chapter abstractThis chapter examines Japan's contribution to the international coalition in Afghanistan. Tokyo supported coalition naval operations in the Indian Ocean to restore its credibility after the international community criticized Japan for exercising "checkbook diplomacy" during the 1991 Persian Gulf War when it contributed $13 billion to offset coalition expenses instead of deploying military forces to the region. If Japan had again assisted with only financial assistance, the Japan-United States alliance could have been undermined and Japanese national security threatened. 16Australia: Terrorism, Regional Security and the US Alliance chapter abstractThis chapter argues that Australia joined the international coalition to remove al Qaeda from their bases in Afghanistan; foster regional stability; and bolster the strength of Australia's US alliance by supporting the US in its pursuit of al-Qaeda. Australia supported action in Afghanistan to remove the al Qaeda threat and to deny that transnational organization and affiliated networks sanctuary to plan, arm and train in Afghanistan. Australian government was also concerned about al-Qaeda's impact on Australia's regional security. Lastly, Australian policy makers have sought to maintain US regional presence, bolster Australia's alliance stocks, and enhance the possibility of reciprocity from the larger power in alliance relations. 17New Zealand: Fostering the U.S.-New Zealand Relationship chapter abstractNever large in a quantitative sense, New Zealand's military deployment to Afghanistan is notable for its length and diplomatic significance. New Zealand's experience of casualties was the reverse of most, with the majority of New Zealand combat deaths coming in the last years of the Provincial Reconstruction Team's deployment to Bamiyan. The most domestically controversial part of New Zealand's commitment to Afghanistan, the Special Forces, was ironically often the most welcomed by its coalition partners. New Zealand's long commitment in Afghanistan formed a crucial element in the improving US-NZ security relationship, elements of which had been largely suspended since the mid-1980s. Afghanistan also provided the temporary glue for closer New Zealand-NATO links. 18Pakistan: A Tale of Two Allies chapter abstractThe role of Pakistan as an ally in the war on terror is unique. Unlike other allies discussed in this volume, Pakistan has not contributed military forces or other resources to support Coalition operations inside Afghanistan. This chapter argues that the Pakistani military forces play roles that affect Coalition operation in Afghanistan in several ways, both positive and negative. First, Pakistani military and paramilitary forces man the border outposts on the Durand Line, monitoring and at least theoretically constraining movement by militants across the border. Second, Pakistan's intelligence services have monitored and arrested members of certain militant groups that threaten the Coalition in Afghanistan, and that potentially threaten the homelands of Coalition partners. Third, and much more controversially, Pakistan's military and intelligence agencies provide sanctuary, shelter, and support for militant groups that actively fight the Coalition. 19Russia: Friend or Foe on Afghanistan? chapter abstractThis chapter argues that Russia shared the coalition's goal of creating a stable Afghanistan to reduce the flow of illegal narcotics and the spread of Islamist extremism, but Moscow also embraced the contradictory policy of calling for US and International Security Assistance Force troops to depart Afghanistan. Russia provided coalition forces with detailed intelligence gained during Soviet military operations in the 1980s, and it worked with several Central Asian nations to permit coalition non-lethal supplies to be transported through their countries along three supply routes that collectively formed the Northern Distribution Network. 20Going Forward.Lessons Learned chapter abstractThe chapter reviews similarities and differences in the Afghanistan conflict 2001-2014 drawn from the experiences of 13 selected country case studies involved in the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF), 2 neighboring countries, and Afghanistan. It concludes that addressing identified challenges in NATO's first role outside Europe has strengthened the alliance in many respects. Less certain is the alliance preparedness for future conflicts. The cooperation and collaboration of 50 diverse nations (NATO members as well as non-members) that evolved during the Afghanistan operations – at times bumpy, at times surprisingly smooth – set a new standard for future operations from which much can be learned. However, the road ahead will be difficult for Afghanistan and incorporating lessons learned for NATO and its coalition allies will be challenging.

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Book SynopsisUsing innovative and standard archaeological analyses of bullets and cartridges, eyewitness accounts and other primary sources, the battle at Little Big Horn is reappraised. The author argues the end came amid terror and disarray with no determined fighting and little firearm resistance.

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Book SynopsisBoth history and memoir, The Flight tells the story of Richard W. ‘Dick’ Bridges's heroic service in World War II. This is a story not only about World War II and the bravery of a unique group of soldiers, but also about fathers and sons, what can get lost in the gulf between generations, and how patience and understanding can bridge that gap.

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Book SynopsisA groundbreaking study focusing on the political debates over the size and use of military forces in the United States during the Civil War era. The book examines how prominent political figures interacted with the professional army and how those same leaders misunderstood the value of regular soldiers fighting to reunify the fractured nation.Trade ReviewCecily N. Zander's book is a revelation. Countering the notion that the U.S. Army was the celebrated agent of nineteenth-century American frontier expansion, Zander shows that, in fact, the ascendant Republican Party looked suspiciously upon the nation's military. Deeply researched and wonderfully written, The Army under Fire marks the debut of a most promising scholar working at the intersection of the Civil War and the American West." - Andrew R. Graybill, author of The Red and the White: A Family Saga of the American West"The Army under Fire is one of those rare studies that will compel readers to question major assumptions about the mid-nineteenth-century United States. Zander's analysis of the Republican Party's relationship with the U.S. Army bristles with insights about sectional politics, antimilitarist ideology and actions, the contours of Reconstruction, and post–Civil War conflicts with Native peoples." - Gary W. Gallagher, author of The Enduring Civil War: Reflections on the Great American Crisis "The Army under Fire is a timely and important book that will recast how we understand the relationship between the military and politics in nineteenth-century America. Tracing the story from the U.S. war with Mexico through the 1870s, Zander explores Republican Party leaders' hostility toward an expanding professional army—an opposition that profoundly shaped both the parameters of the occupation of the South during Reconstruction and the treatment of Indigenous peoples in the West." - Caroline E. Janney, author of Ends of War: The Unfinished Fight of Lee’s Army after Appomattox"Zander accomplishes what often seems impossible in scholarship on the Civil War: she connects traditional military history with broader, deeper, and more nuanced discussions of political economy and culture. Her elegantly written and thoroughly researched book will change the way readers think about the United States in the second half of the nineteenth century." - Ari Kelman, author of A Misplaced Massacre: Struggling over the Memory of Sand Creek

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Book SynopsisThis personal account of the American Civil War by General Edward Porter Alexander, provides an assessment of people and events. Alexander was involved in nearly all of the great battles of the East and had frequent contact with the high command of the Army of Northern Virginia.

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Book SynopsisWas Robert Lee a gifted soldier whose only weaknesses lay in the depth of his loyalty to his troops, affection for his lieutenants, and dedication to the cause of the Confederacy? This work offers the author's refined thinking on Lee, exploring the relationship between Lee's operations and Confederate morale, and the quality of his generalship.

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Book SynopsisTable of ContentsIntroduction 1. The Actual Threat 2. Probability Theory and Counterterrorism 3. Misunderstanding Radicalization 4. Militants in Context: A Model of the Turn to Political Violence 5. Ending Political Violence in the West Notes References Acknowledgments

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Book SynopsisMerges original sources with the latest in military theory to examine Muhammad's military strengths and weaknesses. Incorporating military, political, and economic analyses, Russ Rodgers focuses on Muhammad's use of insurgency warfare in seventh-century Arabia. He provides battlefield maps and explores the supply and logistic problems that would have plagued any military leader at the time.Trade ReviewAn excellent analysis of Muhammad as a general, placing his battles within the context of military history, and a good introduction to the life of the founder of Islam." - David Cook, author of Understanding Jihad"Provides an essential understanding to those wanting to know the history that shapes modern insurgencies." - Maj. Christopher Johnson, U.S. Army, policy advisor to the Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense.

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Book SynopsisThrough the Crosshairs traces the genealogy of the weaponized gaze—camera footage framed from the perspective of a military drone, a descending smart bomb, or a sniper’s telescopic sights. Tracking these images across a variety of media, including news reports, action movies, and video games, Roger Stahl explores how they have influenced public perceptions. Trade Review"Stahl displays true dexterity with theory, offering observations both big and small that wonderfully merge abstract concepts with concrete examples of popular culture. His analyses are exceptionally adept, creative, clever, and enlightening." -- Matt Sienkiewicz * author of The Other Air Force: U.S. Efforts to Reshape Middle Eastern Media Since 9/11 *"Roger Stahl’s wild new book shows how military technology wages war on us all—even those of us lucky enough to be on the 'right side' of the border, the scope, or the screen. Engaging, fun, and filled with sharp insights into the militarization of popular culture, Through the Crosshairs is a blast." -- Joshua Reeves * Oregon State University, author of Citizen Spies: The Long Rise of America's Surveillance Society *"Immersing readers in the perilous visualities of smart bombs, snipers, and drones, Through the Crosshairs delivers a riveting analysis of the weaponized gaze and powerfully explicates the political stakes of screen culture's militarization. Packed with insights about the current conjuncture, the book positions Stahl as a leading critic of war and media." -- Lisa Parks * Comparative Media Studies, MIT, author of Rethinking Media Coverage: Vertical Mediation and the War *Spotlight on Through the Crosshairs on The War and Media * The War and Media Network *"Chronicle of Higher Education weekly book list," by Nina C. Ayoub * Chronicle of Higher Education *Table of Contents1 A Strike of the Eye 2 Smart Bomb Vision 3 Satellite Vision 4 Drone Vision 5 Sniper Vision 6 Resistant Vision 7 Afterword: Bodies Inhabited and Disavowed Acknowledgments Notes Bibliography Index

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Book SynopsisColonel John Henry Patterson was an Irish-born soldier, lion hunter, bridge builder, East African game warden, author, man-about-town, and Zionist. This biography traces Patterson's life from his days as a British socialite to his command of the Jewish Legion of volunteers who helped drive the Turks out of Palestine.

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Book SynopsisSurveillance and Spies in the Civil War represents pathbreaking research on the rise of U.S. Army intelligence operations in the Midwest during the American Civil War and counters long-standing assumptions about Northern politics and society.Trade Review“Built on impressive research, Stephen Towne’s Surveillance and Spies in the Civil War reveals the very real danger posed by pro-Confederate Copperheads and other disloyal secret societies in the Old Northwest during the Civil War. In a fascinating and in-depth look at antiwar subversion in the Midwest, he painstakingly illustrates how the government, specifically the U.S. Army, monitored treasonous activities and prevented outbreaks of violence aimed at subverting the Union war effort and sowing political dissent against the Lincoln administration. Towne’s study convincingly argues that Copperheads and other subversive factions were not merely impotent fringe groups but truly dangerous provocateurs whose threat to Northern internal security was more real than imagined.”“Towne … has done extensive research in the National Archives, as well as in local archives, in order to shine a welcome light on a previously little-known, still imperfectly understood set of events. The book is dense with detail and evidence but generally accessibly written. The endnotes are a veritable treasure trove of citations and thoughtful reflection on the often fascinating and previously obscure sources.” * American Historical Review *“Towne has produced a well-researched monograph that provides a much-needed reexamination of military intelligence during the Civil War in Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois…. Surveillance and Spies in the Civil War makes a significant contribution to home-front, political, and military historiography and is therefore a valuable source for both nineteenth-century historians and students in graduate-level courses.” * Ohio History *“Stephen E. Towne’s impressively researched study on Union army intelligence activities in the old Northwest—Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan—has one principal aim: to rescue anti-Lincoln conspiracies in the North from the historiographical grasp of Frank L. Klement, who dismissed them as ‘excursion[s] into the world of make-believe.’ … Any historian conducting research on law, civil-military relations, and the rights of citizens during wartime will want to pay careful attention to Towne’s work.” * Journal of Southern History *“Towne’s narrative is a fascinating whodunit, with its vivid portrayal of Union commanders hiring questionable detectives in an effort to stymie the Knights of the Golden Circle, a loose collection of Confederate sympathizers in the Old Northwest. A valuable addition to any library seeking to upgrade its collection with a regional slant to the US Civil War. Summing Up: Highly recommended.” * CHOICE *“The great strength of Towne’s work is his unwavering attention to the military perspective and records. The book gives us the fullest understanding to date of the varied means by which the army gathered information on civilians away from the front.” * The Journal of the Civil War Era *“Stephen E. Towne’s Surveillance and Spies in the Civil War: Exposing Confederate Conspiracies in America’s Heartland convincingly revises one long held view of anti-war dissent in the North and contains much of interest to today’s intelligence officer. * Studies in Intelligence, Vol. 59, No. 4, December 2015 *“A welcome addition to the relatively scarce literature on subversion and espionage … Surveillance and Spies in the Civil War is a valuable book, certain to be of interest to scholars and general readers alike who seek to understand the history of government domestic surveillance in the United States.” * H-Net December 2015 *

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Book SynopsisSurveillance and Spies in the Civil War represents pathbreaking research on the rise of U.S. Army intelligence operations in the Midwest during the American Civil War and counters long-standing assumptions about Northern politics and society.Trade Review“Built on impressive research, Stephen Towne’s Surveillance and Spies in the Civil War reveals the very real danger posed by pro-Confederate Copperheads and other disloyal secret societies in the Old Northwest during the Civil War. In a fascinating and in-depth look at antiwar subversion in the Midwest, he painstakingly illustrates how the government, specifically the U.S. Army, monitored treasonous activities and prevented outbreaks of violence aimed at subverting the Union war effort and sowing political dissent against the Lincoln administration. Towne’s study convincingly argues that Copperheads and other subversive factions were not merely impotent fringe groups but truly dangerous provocateurs whose threat to Northern internal security was more real than imagined.”“Towne … has done extensive research in the National Archives, as well as in local archives, in order to shine a welcome light on a previously little-known, still imperfectly understood set of events. The book is dense with detail and evidence but generally accessibly written. The endnotes are a veritable treasure trove of citations and thoughtful reflection on the often fascinating and previously obscure sources.” * American Historical Review *“Towne has produced a well-researched monograph that provides a much-needed reexamination of military intelligence during the Civil War in Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois…. Surveillance and Spies in the Civil War makes a significant contribution to home-front, political, and military historiography and is therefore a valuable source for both nineteenth-century historians and students in graduate-level courses.” * Ohio History *“Stephen E. Towne’s impressively researched study on Union army intelligence activities in the old Northwest—Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan—has one principal aim: to rescue anti-Lincoln conspiracies in the North from the historiographical grasp of Frank L. Klement, who dismissed them as ‘excursion[s] into the world of make-believe.’ … Any historian conducting research on law, civil-military relations, and the rights of citizens during wartime will want to pay careful attention to Towne’s work.” * Journal of Southern History *“Towne’s narrative is a fascinating whodunit, with its vivid portrayal of Union commanders hiring questionable detectives in an effort to stymie the Knights of the Golden Circle, a loose collection of Confederate sympathizers in the Old Northwest. A valuable addition to any library seeking to upgrade its collection with a regional slant to the US Civil War. Summing Up: Highly recommended.” * CHOICE *“The great strength of Towne’s work is his unwavering attention to the military perspective and records. The book gives us the fullest understanding to date of the varied means by which the army gathered information on civilians away from the front.” * The Journal of the Civil War Era *“Stephen E. Towne’s Surveillance and Spies in the Civil War: Exposing Confederate Conspiracies in America’s Heartland convincingly revises one long held view of anti-war dissent in the North and contains much of interest to today’s intelligence officer. * Studies in Intelligence, Vol. 59, No. 4, December 2015 *“A welcome addition to the relatively scarce literature on subversion and espionage … Surveillance and Spies in the Civil War is a valuable book, certain to be of interest to scholars and general readers alike who seek to understand the history of government domestic surveillance in the United States.” * H-Net December 2015 *

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Book SynopsisThis multidisciplinary collection examines women’s security threats stemming from conflict, environmental policy, and economic limitations, as well as the growing repertoire of grass-roots solutions women are creating, demanding, and sharing throughout the world to increase their security.Table of ContentsChapter 1. Women’s Voices: Perspectives on Violence, Environmental Threats, and Human Security (Gunhild Hoogensen Gjørv, Richard A. Matthew, Tera Dornfeld, and Patricia A. Weitsman) PART 1: CONFLICT AND VIOLENCE Chapter 2. Women, War, and Identity: Policies of Mass Rape in Bosnia and Rwanda (Patricia A. Weitsman) Chapter 3. Women and Human Security: Women, Small Arms, and Light Weapons (Rachel Stohl) Chapter 4. Feminism, Rape, and War: Engendering Suicide Terror? (Mia Bloom) Chapter 5. Women, Human Security, and Countering Violent Extremism (Joana Cook) Chapter 6. The Challenges for Gender Awareness in Civil-Military Operations (Gunhild Hoogensen Gjørv) Chapter 7. Fieldwork in the Land of Savages, Victims, and Saviors: Lessons from the Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (Holly Dunn) PART 2: ENVIRONMENTAL AND ECONOMIC SECURITY Chapter 8. The Tehri Dam Project in India: Impact on Women’s Household Food and Economic Security (Vandana Asthana) Chapter 9. Reimagining Citizen Science for Women’s Human Security: Shifting Power with Critical Pedagogy and Feminist Perspectives (Tera Dornfeld and Nina M. Flores) Chapter 10. Women Building Sustainable Communities: Comondú, Baja California Sur, Mexico (Martha Adriana Márquez-Salaices and Manuel Ángeles) Chapter 11. Women and Financial Inclusion (Elissa McCarter LaBorde) Chapter 12. Reflections and Looking Ahead (Richard A. Matthew, Gunhild Hoogensen Gjørv, Nora Davis, and Tera Dornfeld) Contributors Index

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Book SynopsisCarment and Samy investigate the dynamics of state transitions in fragile contexts, with a focus on states trapped in fragility. They consider fragility’s evolution in trapped countries; in those that move in and out of it; and in those that have exited it, thus taking a major step toward a new theory of the so-called fragility trap.Trade Review“This is an important and original work. Given the evergreen interest in the topic and the countries discussed, it is likely to be widely cited and discussed. It both effectively engages in intellectual brush-clearing within a tangled and overgrown field and links its more streamlined conceptual developments to well-developed case studies that hew closely to the theory.”“One of this book’s many strengths is how Carment and Samy elucidate and convey both analytical and empirical information without relying on jargon, thus making the volume accessible to a wide range of scholars and practitioners. Furthermore, their use of a vast trove of data is expert and original, allowing them to beautifully achieve their primary task: explaining the nature of state fragility, how it is experienced, and how it may be overcome.”“In this volume, David Carment and Yiagadeesen Samy, building on their previous extensive research, offer new insights into the dynamics that ensnare countries in fragility traps and suggest strategies for exiting those traps. This excellently researched book and the authors’ accessible writing style make it of keen interest and relevance for the academic research and foreign policy communities alike.”“Carment and Samy offer a theoretically innovative and empirically rich analysis of the fragility trap. Their insights are a welcome contribution to scholarship on fragile states and, critically, to policy making.”“A lot of research has focused on the causes and correlates of state fragility. This book provides new and important insight into transitions toward resilience. Drawing on cross-national data and case studies, there is so much here to enrich debate, including key implications for policy.”

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Book SynopsisTrade Review“Huggins clearly demonstrates the dangerous unintended consequences of U.S. police training.” - Dennis M. Rempe, Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs“With vivid narrative and sharp analysis, Martha Huggins puts the police in its rightful place at the center of Latin American studies. . . . [A]ny look at the future requires an understanding of the past, and no such understanding is complete without the invaluable and pioneering contributions of Political Policing.” - Mark Ungar, Political Science Quarterly[A] scathing indictment of the Office of Public Safety in general and its particular application in Brazil. . . . Her three chapters on OPS and its relationship to the Brazilian military dictators who seized power in 1964 are . . . extraordinary.” - Stephen G. Rabe, The International History Review“Huggins presents the first detailed synthesis of U.S. efforts to penetrate, de-nationalize, and militarize the internal security forces of Latin America under the guise of making Latin American forces more efficient, professional, and democratic.” - W. Michael Weis, The Americas“Political Policing is a superb analysis, lucidly and compellingly written, of the US role in creating, training, and guiding Latin American police forces. - Kenneth Paul Erickson, Luso-Brazilian Review“Martha Huggins has written a major exposé of the CIA’s and AID’s promotion of state terrorism through political murder, disappearances, and institutionalized torture by civil and military police, and their affiliated death squads in Latin America. Every American concerned about our country’s role in the world should read this book.”—Philip Agee, author of Inside the Company“Written with scholarly precision and patriotic outrage, Political Policing is the most comprehensive investigation we have of the long and detestable U. S. involvement in police training in Latin America. Anyone who cares about the future of this hemisphere will want to read Professor Huggins’s brilliant exposé.”—Jack Langguth, Annenberg School for Communication at the University of Southern California“Political Policing is a superb analysis, lucidly and compellingly written, of the US role in creating, training, and guiding Latin American police forces. -- Kenneth Paul Erickson * Luso-Brazilian Review *“Huggins clearly demonstrates the dangerous unintended consequences of U.S. police training.” -- Dennis M. Rempe * Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs *“Huggins presents the first detailed synthesis of U.S. efforts to penetrate, de-nationalize, and militarize the internal security forces of Latin America under the guise of making Latin American forces more efficient, professional, and democratic.” -- W. Michael Weis * The Americas *“With vivid narrative and sharp analysis, Martha Huggins puts the police in its rightful place at the center of Latin American studies. . . . [A]ny look at the future requires an understanding of the past, and no such understanding is complete without the invaluable and pioneering contributions of Political Policing.” -- Mark Ungar * Political Science Quarterly *[A] scathing indictment of the Office of Public Safety in general and its particular application in Brazil. . . . Her three chapters on OPS and its relationship to the Brazilian military dictators who seized power in 1964 are . . . extraordinary.” -- Stephen G. Rabe * International History Review *

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Book SynopsisExamines the nature and consequences of US police training in Brazil and other Latin American countries. This book uncovers how US strategies to gain political control through police assistance - in the name of hemispheric and national security - has spawned torture, murder, and death squads in Latin America.Trade Review“Huggins clearly demonstrates the dangerous unintended consequences of U.S. police training.” - Dennis M. Rempe, Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs“With vivid narrative and sharp analysis, Martha Huggins puts the police in its rightful place at the center of Latin American studies. . . . [A]ny look at the future requires an understanding of the past, and no such understanding is complete without the invaluable and pioneering contributions of Political Policing.” - Mark Ungar, Political Science Quarterly[A] scathing indictment of the Office of Public Safety in general and its particular application in Brazil. . . . Her three chapters on OPS and its relationship to the Brazilian military dictators who seized power in 1964 are . . . extraordinary.” - Stephen G. Rabe, The International History Review“Huggins presents the first detailed synthesis of U.S. efforts to penetrate, de-nationalize, and militarize the internal security forces of Latin America under the guise of making Latin American forces more efficient, professional, and democratic.” - W. Michael Weis, The Americas“Political Policing is a superb analysis, lucidly and compellingly written, of the US role in creating, training, and guiding Latin American police forces. - Kenneth Paul Erickson, Luso-Brazilian Review“Martha Huggins has written a major exposé of the CIA’s and AID’s promotion of state terrorism through political murder, disappearances, and institutionalized torture by civil and military police, and their affiliated death squads in Latin America. Every American concerned about our country’s role in the world should read this book.”—Philip Agee, author of Inside the Company“Written with scholarly precision and patriotic outrage, Political Policing is the most comprehensive investigation we have of the long and detestable U. S. involvement in police training in Latin America. Anyone who cares about the future of this hemisphere will want to read Professor Huggins’s brilliant exposé.”—Jack Langguth, Annenberg School for Communication at the University of Southern California“Political Policing is a superb analysis, lucidly and compellingly written, of the US role in creating, training, and guiding Latin American police forces. -- Kenneth Paul Erickson * Luso-Brazilian Review *“Huggins clearly demonstrates the dangerous unintended consequences of U.S. police training.” -- Dennis M. Rempe * Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs *“Huggins presents the first detailed synthesis of U.S. efforts to penetrate, de-nationalize, and militarize the internal security forces of Latin America under the guise of making Latin American forces more efficient, professional, and democratic.” -- W. Michael Weis * The Americas *“With vivid narrative and sharp analysis, Martha Huggins puts the police in its rightful place at the center of Latin American studies. . . . [A]ny look at the future requires an understanding of the past, and no such understanding is complete without the invaluable and pioneering contributions of Political Policing.” -- Mark Ungar * Political Science Quarterly *[A] scathing indictment of the Office of Public Safety in general and its particular application in Brazil. . . . Her three chapters on OPS and its relationship to the Brazilian military dictators who seized power in 1964 are . . . extraordinary.” -- Stephen G. Rabe * International History Review *

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Book SynopsisWithin hours after the collapse of the Twin Towers, the idea that the September 11 attacks had "changed everything" permeated American popular and political discussion. Bringing together leading scholars of history, law, literature, and Islam, this book asks whether the attacks and their aftermath truly marked a transition in US.Trade Review“Complicating glib assertions that 9/11 ‘changed everything,’ this provocative volume finds considerable, often worrisome, continuity, as with what Marilyn Young calls America's ‘puerile arrogance.’ Students of international relations, the law, and Islam will find these essays essential.”—Michael S. Sherry, author of In the Shadow of War: The United States since the 1930s“I am exhilarated by the collective wisdom, creativity, and insight of this unusual yet riveting distillation of perspectives on September 11.”—Bruce Lawrence, author of Shattering the Myth: Islam beyond ViolenceTable of ContentsIntroduction / Mary L. Dudziak 1 Ground Zero: Enduring War / Marilyn B. Young 10 Echoes of the Cold War: The Aftermath of September 11 at Home / Elaine Tyler May 35 Homeland Insecurities: Transformations of Language and Space / Amy Kaplan 55 9/11 and the Muslim Transformation / Khaled Abou El Fadl 70 Islam(s) East and West: Pluralism between No-Frills and Designer Fundamentalism / Sherman A. Jackson 112 The Citizen and the Terrorist / Leti Volpp 147 Civil Liberties in the Dragons' Domain: Negotiating the Blurred Boundary between Domestic Law and Foreign Affairs after 9/11 / Christopher L. Eisgruber and Lawrence G. Sager 163 Transforming International Law after the September 11 Attacks? Three Evolving Paradigms for Regulating International Terrorism / Laurence R. Helfer 180 Empire's Law: Foreign Relations by Presidential Fiat / Ruti G. Teitel 194 Afterword: Remembering September 11 / Mary L. Dudziak 212 For Further Reading 217 Contributors 223 Acknowledgments 225 Index 227

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Book SynopsisInderpal Grewal traces the changing relations between the US state and its citizens in an era she calls advanced neoliberalism, under which everyday life is militarized, humanitarianism serves imperial aims, and white Christian men become exceptional citizens tasked with protecting the nation from racialized others.Trade Review"[Grewal] expertly demonstrates how, whether via militarism or humanitarianism, with both always racialized, the exceptional citizen labors to uphold US empire and the exceptionalism that justifies and rationalizes it." -- Jennifer Kelly * Radical History Review *"In this book, Grewal captures—through her multidisciplinary engagement with the key features of early twenty-first-century American political life—something important and troubling about the odd state of affairs in which we find ourselves here in the post-9/11 digital age. . . . This is a bold, brave, and forthright book." -- Tina Fernandes Botts * Hypatia Reviews Online *"[This book] deserves to find its way onto the reading lists of university departments for a variety of subjects. . . a tour de force." -- Columba Achilleos-Sarll * International Feminist Journal of Politics *"This book is a carefully crafted volume, with most impressive documentation, a critical contribution that explains the pervasiveness of the 'security mom' and its complement, a fascist near-future." -- Daniel Zirker * Australasian Journal of American Studies *"Saving the Security State is a fascinating, nuanced study of a topic that possesses an enormous amount of importance in contemporary society. ... Grewal’s focus on exceptional citizenship and American imperialisms at home and abroad make[s] this book exceptional." -- Joseph Michael Gratale * European Journal of American Culture *Table of ContentsAcknowledgments ix Introduction. Exceptional Citizens? Saving and Surveilling in Advanced Neoliberal Times 1 1. Katrina, American Exceptionalism, and the Security State 33 2. American Humanitarian Citizenship: The "Soft" Power of Empire 59 3. Muslims, Missionaries, and Humanitarians 87 4. "Security Moms" and "Security Feminists": Securitizing Family and State 118 5. Digital Natives: Threats, Technologies, Markets 144 Coda. The "Shooter" 185 Notes 205 Bibliography 261 Index 309

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Book SynopsisIn Saving the Security State Inderpal Grewal traces the changing relations between the US state and its citizens in an era she calls advanced neoliberalism. Marked by the decline of US geopolitical power, endless war, and increasing surveillance, advanced neoliberalism militarizes everyday life while producing the “exceptional citizens”—primarily white Christian men who reinforce the security state as they claim responsibility for protecting the country from racialized others. Under advanced neoliberalism, Grewal shows, others in the United Statesstrive to become exceptional by participating in humanitarian projects that compensate for the security state''s inability to provide for the welfare of its citizens. In her analyses of microfinance programs in the global South, security moms, the murders at a Sikh temple in Wisconsin, and the post-9/11 crackdown on Muslim charities, Grewal exposes the fissures and contradictions at the heart of the US neoliberal Trade Review"[Grewal] expertly demonstrates how, whether via militarism or humanitarianism, with both always racialized, the exceptional citizen labors to uphold US empire and the exceptionalism that justifies and rationalizes it." -- Jennifer Kelly * Radical History Review *"In this book, Grewal captures—through her multidisciplinary engagement with the key features of early twenty-first-century American political life—something important and troubling about the odd state of affairs in which we find ourselves here in the post-9/11 digital age. . . . This is a bold, brave, and forthright book." -- Tina Fernandes Botts * Hypatia Reviews Online *"[This book] deserves to find its way onto the reading lists of university departments for a variety of subjects. . . a tour de force." -- Columba Achilleos-Sarll * International Feminist Journal of Politics *"This book is a carefully crafted volume, with most impressive documentation, a critical contribution that explains the pervasiveness of the 'security mom' and its complement, a fascist near-future." -- Daniel Zirker * Australasian Journal of American Studies *"Saving the Security State is a fascinating, nuanced study of a topic that possesses an enormous amount of importance in contemporary society. ... Grewal’s focus on exceptional citizenship and American imperialisms at home and abroad make[s] this book exceptional." -- Joseph Michael Gratale * European Journal of American Culture *Table of ContentsAcknowledgments ix Introduction. Exceptional Citizens? Saving and Surveilling in Advanced Neoliberal Times 1 1. Katrina, American Exceptionalism, and the Security State 33 2. American Humanitarian Citizenship: The "Soft" Power of Empire 59 3. Muslims, Missionaries, and Humanitarians 87 4. "Security Moms" and "Security Feminists": Securitizing Family and State 118 5. Digital Natives: Threats, Technologies, Markets 144 Coda. The "Shooter" 185 Notes 205 Bibliography 261 Index 309

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a huge range and FREE tracked UK delivery on ALL orders.

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Book SynopsisThis second of three volumes of Patton’s War examines General George S. Patton’s leadership of the US Third Army. The book follows Patton’s contributions to both the Normandy and Brittainy campaigns; the closing of the Falaise Pocket in Normandy, and racing to the port cities in Brittainy.Trade ReviewThe volume of work on Patton is so extensive that one might presume it a difficult task to add something meaningful to all that has been done to date. Yet Kevin Hymel has managed to do just that." —Don M. Fox, official historian for the U.S. Army, author of Final Battles of Patton's Vanguard"Kevin Hymel's scholarship has done much to further illuminate the life and career of General George Patton, in the process helping increase and refine our understanding of one of America's greatest combat leaders. This book is no exception, and breaks important new ground even while discussing some of the most famous events in Patton's career. It also excels as a description of a senior leader and army headquarters at war. Hymel's conclusions will spur further research and interpretation. This volume is essential to understanding Patton and his army in World War II." —Christopher L. Kolakowski, Director, former Director, General George Patton Museum of Leadership and author of Nations in the Balance: The India-Burma Campaigns, December 1943–August 1944"Kevin Hymel proves once again that he is the best Patton historian in the business. Rightfully focusing on the all-important ground combat and eschewing postwar my­thology, Patton’s War is everything military history should be: objective, authoritative, and compelling—a damn fine page-turner." —Paul Woodadge, WW2TV host, author, and Normandy Battlefield guide "A revelatory biography, and one that not only enhances the reputation of its extraordinary subject, but sees him further develop as a combat commander in one of the most challenging and demanding theaters of the war. Not only has Hymel been the first to effectively analyze Patton’s original hand-written diaries, but he also has produced an authoritative, compelling, and incredibly entertaining account of how Patton became a master of the battlefield." —James Holland, author of Brothers in Arms:One Legendary Tank Regiment’s Bloody War from D-Day to VE-Day"Kevin Hymel has mined every possible source, including Patton’s original diary, to capture as much of this enigmatic personality as possible. As a military historian, he adeptly meshes Patton the person with Patton the military commander of Third Army as it races across Europe from Normandy to the German border. Well-researched and written, with a wealth of superb photographs and maps, Hymel’s biography will remain the standard for decades. Moreover, it is a required reference for any future scholarship on the U.S. Army’s 1944 campaign in France." —Stephen A. Bourque, Professor Emeritus, U.S. Army Command and General Staff College, author of Beyond the Beach: The Allied War Against France"In the second volume of his trilogy Patton’s War, acclaimed historian Kevin M. Hymel dives deep, charting the legendary general over the course of five action-packed months, from the tail end of the Normandy Campaign through the bloody Battle of the Bulge. Along the way, Hymel combines groundbreaking scholarship with a storytelling verve, revealing that even after eight decades there is much to learn about one of America’s most famous commanders." —James M. Scott, Pulitzer Prize finalist and author of Black Snow and Rampage.

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Book SynopsisOne of the most distinguished combat reporters to cover World War II, Richard Tregaskis later reported on Cold War conflicts in Korea and Vietnam. This riveting book is the first to tell Tregaskis's life story, concentrating on his reporting experiences during World War II and his fascination with war and its effect on the men who fought it.Trade ReviewIn author Ray Boomhower's talented hands, the gripping story of one of World War II's finest journalists leaps off the page in an action-packed tale of a life on the front lines of history." - James M. Scott, Pulitzer Prize finalist and author of Target Tokyo: Jimmy Doolittle and the Raid That Avenged Pearl Harbor"A fascinating biography of the groundbreaking World War II correspondent Richard Tregaskis. . . . Boomhower fills in all the missing psychological and historical details with immediacy, authenticity, and humanity. . . . An engrossing picture of one of the twentieth century's most important combat reporters, [this book] serves as a necessary companion to Tregaskis's own front-line dispatches." - Joe Jackson, author of Black Elk: The Life of an American Visionary"A unique analysis of the life, writings, and experience of war correspondent Richard Tregaskis. . . . Through the words and experiences of Tregaskis in World War II, Korea, and Vietnam, the author provides the reader with a new perspective on why combat journalists risk their lives to cover wars and tell the stories of the people who fight in them." - James R. Hedtke, author of The Freckleton, England, Air Disaster: The B-24 Crash that Killed 38 Preschoolers and 23 Adults, August 23, 1944"Ray Boomhower digs deep into his wealth of sources and resources to gather details for an intimate portrait of what war is like for the troops who fight it. He then deftly weaves all that research into a fine, engaging read with a writing style that is sure to put the reader in the center of the battles. As much as you think you know what war is like, you will still find a deeper understanding of it by reading this book." - Jim Willis, author of 100 Media Moments that Changed America"Alongside Ernie Pyle, Richard Tregaskis was perhaps the most outstanding American war correspondent of World War II. Tregaskis remains best known today for his landmark Guadalcanal Diary, but that book covered only one small chapter of his reporting from the front lines. Ray Boomhower's excellent new biography finally does justice to Tregaskis in this deeply researched, thoughtful portrait of the man and his times." - Richard B. Frank, author of Guadalcanal: The Definitive Account of the Landmark Battle

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Book SynopsisThe first comprehensive analysis of the dynamic interpenetration of religion and war in the West from C4 to early C13.Warfare in all histories and cultures shows evidence of the driving need to sanctify the cause, from the personal devotions of individuals to the grand designs of the architects of battle. In his important study David Bachrach takes a first thorough look at warfare in western Europe and its interaction with Christianity, from the initial appearance of the pacifist sect to the medieval popes' certainty of the crusades as "holy war". Religion played a necessary and crucial role in the conduct of war during late Antiquity and the middle ages. Military discipline and morale depended in significant part on religious rites carried out by priests and soldiers in the field and by their supporters on the home front. Just as importantly, warfare in the late Roman empire and its western successor states had a profound impact on Christian religious practice and doctrine: liturgicalTrade ReviewA valuable study. [...] Deserves to become a standard point of entry for anyone interested in the inherent conflict between 'Thou shalt not kill' and the thousands of Christian warriors marching off to battle. * JOURNAL OF MILITARY HISTORY *A solid book on an important subject. Recommended. * CHOICE *This valuable contribution to military history also enriches our understanding of popular religion and piety in Europe. . This long view of military religion and of the practices and beliefs of the larger society is both informative and enlightening and should serve as a solid cornerstone for future scholarship. Worth a careful read because it is rich in interesting and suggestive detail. * SPECULUM *

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Book SynopsisLazenby's classic work is now available once more; it gathers together research in many detailed fields, and in particular by analysis of ancient sources, attempts to ascertain what actually happened in those momentous eighteen years during which Rome and Carthage struggled for mastery of the Mediterranean, clashing in Italy, France, Spain, ...Table of ContentsPreface Chapters I-VIII Appendix I-III Chronological Outline Notes to Chapters I-VIII Maps Index

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Book SynopsisGeneral Ioan Emanoil Florescu modernized the Romanian army in the second half of the 19th century, following the union of the Romanian principalities but predating the war for Romanian independence. This title stresses the role of General Florescu, whose model for modernization was primarily the French army.Trade ReviewA useful and stimulating study. Journal of Slavic Military Studies

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Book SynopsisMorozov provides behind-the-scenes insights on Yeltsin, Kuchma, Dudaev, and other important players still active today. His book will firmly alter our perception of the USSR and its demise, the Soviet military machine, and the rise of a modern, independent Ukraine.

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Book SynopsisThe need has never been more crucial for community health providers, programs, and organizations to have access to training in addressing the unique behavioral health challenges facing our veterans, active duty military, and their families.Trade Review"This is a desktop resource that students, educators, clinicians, clients, and those not in the field of social work can immediately use. This text scores high in readability, is easy to understand, and has applicability to almost any circumstance confronting social workers today…. The Handbook of Military Social Work is an awesome tool!" (The New Social Worker)Table of ContentsForeword xiii Preface xvii Acknowledgments xxi Introduction: Understanding and Intervening With Military Personnel and Their Families: An Overview xxiii Allen Rubin About the Editors xxxiii About the Contributors xxxv Part I: Foundations of Social Work With Service Members and Veterans 1 A Brief History of Social Work With the Military and Veterans 3 Allen Rubin and Helena Harvie 2 Military Culture and Diversity 21 Jose E. Coll, Eugenia L. Weiss, and Michael Metal 3 Women in the Military 37 Eugenia L. Weiss and Tara DeBraber 4 Ethical Decision Making in Military Social Work 51 James G. Daley 5 Secondary Trauma in Military Social Work 67 Allen Rubin and Eugenia L. Weiss Part II: Interventions for the Behavioral Health Problems of Service Members and Veterans 6 Posttraumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) in Veterans 81 Jeffrey S. Yarvis 7 The Neurobiology of PTSD and Cognitive Processing Therapy (CPT) 99 Jimmy Stehberg, David L. Albright, and Eugenia L. Weiss 8 Treating Combat-Related PTSD With Virtual Reality Exposure Therapy 113 Suzanne Leaman, Barbara Olasov Rothbaum, JoAnn Difede, Judith Cukor, Maryrose Gerardi, and Albert “Skip” Rizzo 9 Psychopharmacology for PTSD and Co-Occurring Disorders 141 Bruce Capehart and Matt Jeffreys 10 Traumatic Brain Injury (TBI) and the Military 163 Cynthia Boyd and Sarah Asmussen 11 TBI and Social Work Practice 179 Margaret A. Struchen, Allison N. Clark, and Allen Rubin 12 Assessing, Preventing, and Treating Substance Use Disorders in Active Duty Military Settings 191 Allen Rubin and Willie G. Barnes 13 Preventing and Intervening With Substance Use Disorders in Veterans 209 Rachel Burda-Chmielewski and Aaron Nowlin 14 Suicide in the Military 225 Colanda Cato Part III: Veterans and Systems of Care 15 Homelessness Among Veterans 247 Edward V. Carrillo, Joseph J. Costello, and Caleb Yoon Ra 16 Navigating Systems of Care 271 Jennifer Roberts 17 Transitioning Veterans Into Civilian Life 281 Jose E. Coll and Eugenia L. Weiss Part IV: Families Impacted by Military Service 18 A Brief History of U.S. Military Families and the Role of Social Workers 301 Jesse Harris 19 Cycle of Deployment and Family Well-Being 313 Keita Franklin 20 Supporting National Guard and Reserve Members, and Their Families 335 Christina Harnett 21 The Exceptional Family Member Program: Helping Special Needs Children in Military Families 359 Barbara Yoshioka Wheeler, Deborah McGough, and Fran Goldfarb 22 Grief, Loss, and Bereavement in Military Families 383 Jill Harrington-LaMorie 23 The Stress Process Model for Supporting Long-Term Family Caregiving 409 Monica M. Matthieu and Angela B. Swensen 24 Family-Centered Programs and Interventions for Military Children and Youth 427 Gregory A. Leskin, Ediza Garcia, Julie D’Amico, Catherine E. Mogil, and Patricia E. Lester 25 Couple Therapy for Redeployed Military and Veteran Couples 443 Kathryn Basham 26 Theory and Practice With Military Couples and Families 467 Eugenia L. Weiss, Tara DeBraber, Allison Santoyo, and Todd Creager Appendix: Veteran Organizations and Military Family Resources 493 Prepared by James A. Martin, Keita Franklin, Jeffrey S. Yarvis, Jose E. Coll, and Eugenia L. Weiss Glossary of Military Terms 517 Jose E. Coll Author Index 531 Subject Index 551

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Book SynopsisThis unique book focuses attention on the failure of current efforts to cleanup the Chesapeake Bay and suggests an approach often used in cleaning up environmentally damaged sites While military munitions sources contribute significantly to the pollution and degradation of Chesapeake Bay, they have been completely overlooked in many of the efforts to restore the Bay. Death of the Chesapeake explores this important aspect of the nation''s environmental health. The book also recognizes for the first time that efforts to restore the Bay have failed because of the violation of a fundamental precept of environmental cleanup; that is, to sample the site and see what''s there. The Bay itself has never been sampled. Thus, this book presents a view of the environmental condition of Chesapeake Bay that is totally unique. It covers a part of the history of the Bay that is not widely known, including how the Bay was formed. It presents a mixture of science, military Trade Review“Summing Up: Recommended. Academic and large public library collections in the Chesapeake Bay area.” (Choice, 1 March 2014) Table of ContentsPreface xiii Special Recognition for Those Who Enlightened the Author on Underwater Issues or on the Chesapeake Bay Itself xv List of Acronyms xvii Introduction xix 1 The Formation of the Bay and Its Drainage Area 1 References 5 2 Nutrient Dynamics, Depletion, and Replenishment 7 2.1 Nutrient Loads and Oxygen Depletion 7 2.2 Nitrogen and Phosphorus from Munitions 8 2.3 Munitions Disposal Areas 9 2.4 Chemical Weapons Disposal in the Bay 10 2.5 Total Yearly Contaminant Loads from Federal Facilities Entering the Chesapeake Bay 11 2.6 Sewage Contamination by Military Facilities 11 References 12 3 Safety Issues with Old Munitions 15 3.1 Old Explosives Can Spontaneously Detonate 17 References 27 4 Artillery Shells in the Bay 29 4.1 Bloodsworth Island Range 29 4.2 Seacoast Artillery 33 4.3 Fort Meade 35 4.4 Naval Research Laboratory – Chesapeake Bay Detachment 36 4.5 Aberdeen Proving Ground 36 References 37 5 Bombs in the Bay 39 5.1 Langley AFB 40 5.2 Tangier Island 43 5.3 Atlantic Test Ranges, Patuxent River, Maryland 45 5.4 Plum Tree Island 49 5.5 Ragged Point 51 5.6 Hebron Bomber Airport (Intersection of Route 50 & Route 347) 52 5.7 Accidental Bombing of Wittman, MD 52 References 54 6 Mines and Torpedoes in the Bay 55 6.1 The Disappearing Droids of Chesapeake Bay 56 6.2 Patuxent Naval Mine Warfare Test Station 57 References 59 7 Military Munitions and Explosives Factories 61 7.1 Triumph Industries 61 7.2 US Penniman Shell Loading Plant 63 7.3 Chestertown, MD, Munitions Plant 64 References 64 8 Contamination from Military Constituents Leading to Environmental and Human Health Concerns 65 8.1 Potential Health Effects of the Munitions Constituents Closely Associated with Military Munitions 66 8.2 Perchlorates 67 8.3 Lead 71 8.4 Explosive Contaminants 72 8.5 Sampling for Military Contaminants 76 References 76 9 Chemical Weapons Sites on Chesapeake Bay or in the Watershed 79 9.1 Aberdeen Proving Ground 79 9.2 Pooles Island 91 9.3 Berlin, MD 91 9.4 American University Experiment Station 92 9.5 Patuxent River Chemical Incineration 97 9.6 Langley 97 9.7 Naval Research Laboratory – Chesapeake Bay Detachment 97 9.8 Washington Navy Yard 102 9.9 Tidewater Community College – Suffolk 103 9.10 Other Hampton Rhodes, Norfolk, Virginia Beach Sites 103 References 104 10 Military Facilities Grouped by Specific Areas or on Specific Rivers 107 10.1 Potomac River 107 10.2 Anacostia River 119 10.3 Severn River 128 10.4 Norfolk (Hampton Rhodes Area) 128 References 134 11 Radioactive Contamination 137 References 139 12 PCB and Other Ship Contamination 141 12.1 Navy Use of Polychlorinated Biphenyls 141 References 147 13 Environmental Justice 149 References 151 14 Cleaning Up the Bay’s Munitons 153 Conclusion 153 References 158 Appendix I 159 Executive Order and Comments 159 Appendix II 167 Laws Protecting the Chesapeake Bay and Other Bodies of Water 167 Appendix III 173 Military Facilities in The Norfolk, Virginia Area Coast Guard Restrictions Due To Military Opperations 173 Appendix IV 179 Listing Of Related Defense and Chesapeake Bay Research 179 Appendix V 181 Title 33 – Navigation and Navigable Waters 181 Appendix VI 183 Federal Facilities Superfund Sites 183 Appendix VII 187 1994 Tri Data 187 Appendix VIII 189 Installations Within The Chesapeake Bay Watershed 189 Appendix IX 193 Fish Advisories 193 Bibliography 195 Subject and Site Index 205

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Book SynopsisStretching across continents and centuries, The Origins of War: Violence in Prehistory provides a fascinating examination of executions, torture, ritual sacrifices, and other acts of violence committed in the prehistoric world. Written as an accessible guide to the nature of life in prehistory and to the underpinnings of human violence. Combines symbolic interpretations of archaeological remains with a medical understanding of violent acts. Written by an eminent prehistorian and a respected medical doctor. Trade Review“‘Nasty, brutish, and short’ was how Hobbes characterized human life in a state of nature, but for the last thirty years prehistorians have largely contrived to forget the nasty side. This lively and authoritative volume goes a long way to redressing the balance, giving a superb overview of the more aggressive side of life in early Europe.” Andrew Sherratt, University of Oxford “There are few more intriguing yet disturbing subjects than the origins of human violence. This richly detailed account provides dramatic insights into a distant and often violent world, but one that is only too familiar in its contemporary relevance. Essential reading for all who are interested in the human past.” Chris Scarre, University of Cambridge "An intriguing and convincing account of violence and conflict in deep antiquity ... The authors have successfully produced a stimulating and thought provoking text." Archaeology IrelandTable of ContentsPreface. Acknowledgments. Introduction:. Bloodshed at the Beginning of History. War: An Ongoing Feature of Literature and Religion. Archaeology: Tracking Down History. War in Prehistory: From the Garrigues of Languedoc to the Temples of Malta. Corsica: Conquered and Re-conquered. Violence and Aggression Prior to Mankind. Warfare: Nature or Culture?. Exchange or Battle?. Was There a Palaeolithic “War”?. Ritual Warfare and War between “Great Men”. Prehistoric Man: Neither Violent Brute nor Innocent Lamb. The Issue of Sacrifice. Is Prehistoric Violence “Readable”?. 2. Violence in Hunter-gatherer Society:. Neanderthal Man and Cannibalism. Prehistoric Cannibalism. Suspicious Disappearances in Charente (France). Cain’s Predecessors. Violence in the Artwork of the Quaternary Era. Sicily: Torture in 10,000 BC?. From the Throwing Stick to the Bow and Arrow. The First Bows. Conflict in Sudan. Coveted Land. Conflict during the Mesolithic. The Enemy: Mutilated and Tortured. 3. Agriculture: A Calming or Aggravating Influence?:. The Neolithic in Europe: A Peaceful or Dangerous Conquest?. The Talheim Massacre. Disturbances during the Neolithic. Fontbregoua (France): Another Case of Cannibalism?. Cannibalistic Farmers?. Neolithic Art, the Medium of Violence?. Battle Scenes in the Sierras of the Spanish Levant. Injuries and Capital Executions. Causes for Quarrel. Hunters and/or Farmers in Confrontation. The Strong and the Weak. 4. Humans as Targets: 4,000-8,000 Years Ago:. The Contrasting Geography of Violence. A Progressive Intensification of Conflict?. War upon the Plateaus of Southern France?. The Difficulties of Making an Assessment. Effective Weapons of Death. Injury and Trepanation. Did Collective Burial Sites Sometimes Serve as Communal Graves?. Lessons from the San Juan Ante Portam Latinam Burial Site (Alava, Spain). Ballistic Accuracy. 5. The Warrior: An Ideological Construction:. The Importance of the Male. Accompanying a Man in Death. A Full Quiver: For Hunting, for Fighting or for Show. Arrows and Jewels: Masculine/Feminine. Menhir Statues: The First Armed Steles. From Mount Bego to the Italian Alps. Masculinity/Femininity: Reversing the Symbols. Open Villages and Fortified Settlements. Proto-Warriors of the West. 6. The Concept of the Hero Emerges:. Weapons and Their Significance. The Warrior Becomes a Feature of Barbarian Europe. The Sword: King of Weapons. Ramparts, Forts and Citadels. The Orient: Chariots in Battle. The Development of a Cavalry. Tracing the Footsteps of Heroes. Steles: Marking Combatants for Posterity. Multiple Sacrifices. Mutilated Bodies Preserved in Peat Bogs. Conclusions. Appendices. Notes. Bibliography. Works by Jean Guilaine. Index

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Book SynopsisStretching across continents and centuries, The Origins of War: Violence in Prehistory provides a fascinating examination of executions, torture, ritual sacrifices, and other acts of violence committed in the prehistoric world. Written as an accessible guide to the nature of life in prehistory and to the underpinnings of human violence. Combines symbolic interpretations of archaeological remains with a medical understanding of violent acts. Written by an eminent prehistorian and a respected medical doctor. Trade Review“‘Nasty, brutish, and short’ was how Hobbes characterized human life in a state of nature, but for the last thirty years prehistorians have largely contrived to forget the nasty side. This lively and authoritative volume goes a long way to redressing the balance, giving a superb overview of the more aggressive side of life in early Europe.” Andrew Sherratt, University of Oxford “There are few more intriguing yet disturbing subjects than the origins of human violence. This richly detailed account provides dramatic insights into a distant and often violent world, but one that is only too familiar in its contemporary relevance. Essential reading for all who are interested in the human past.” Chris Scarre, University of Cambridge "An intriguing and convincing account of violence and conflict in deep antiquity ... The authors have successfully produced a stimulating and thought provoking text." Archaeology IrelandTable of ContentsPreface. Acknowledgments. Introduction:. Bloodshed at the Beginning of History. War: An Ongoing Feature of Literature and Religion. Archaeology: Tracking Down History. War in Prehistory: From the Garrigues of Languedoc to the Temples of Malta. Corsica: Conquered and Re-conquered. Violence and Aggression Prior to Mankind. Warfare: Nature or Culture?. Exchange or Battle?. Was There a Palaeolithic “War”?. Ritual Warfare and War between “Great Men”. Prehistoric Man: Neither Violent Brute nor Innocent Lamb. The Issue of Sacrifice. Is Prehistoric Violence “Readable”?. 2. Violence in Hunter-gatherer Society:. Neanderthal Man and Cannibalism. Prehistoric Cannibalism. Suspicious Disappearances in Charente (France). Cain’s Predecessors. Violence in the Artwork of the Quaternary Era. Sicily: Torture in 10,000 BC?. From the Throwing Stick to the Bow and Arrow. The First Bows. Conflict in Sudan. Coveted Land. Conflict during the Mesolithic. The Enemy: Mutilated and Tortured. 3. Agriculture: A Calming or Aggravating Influence?:. The Neolithic in Europe: A Peaceful or Dangerous Conquest?. The Talheim Massacre. Disturbances during the Neolithic. Fontbregoua (France): Another Case of Cannibalism?. Cannibalistic Farmers?. Neolithic Art, the Medium of Violence?. Battle Scenes in the Sierras of the Spanish Levant. Injuries and Capital Executions. Causes for Quarrel. Hunters and/or Farmers in Confrontation. The Strong and the Weak. 4. Humans as Targets: 4,000-8,000 Years Ago:. The Contrasting Geography of Violence. A Progressive Intensification of Conflict?. War upon the Plateaus of Southern France?. The Difficulties of Making an Assessment. Effective Weapons of Death. Injury and Trepanation. Did Collective Burial Sites Sometimes Serve as Communal Graves?. Lessons from the San Juan Ante Portam Latinam Burial Site (Alava, Spain). Ballistic Accuracy. 5. The Warrior: An Ideological Construction:. The Importance of the Male. Accompanying a Man in Death. A Full Quiver: For Hunting, for Fighting or for Show. Arrows and Jewels: Masculine/Feminine. Menhir Statues: The First Armed Steles. From Mount Bego to the Italian Alps. Masculinity/Femininity: Reversing the Symbols. Open Villages and Fortified Settlements. Proto-Warriors of the West. 6. The Concept of the Hero Emerges:. Weapons and Their Significance. The Warrior Becomes a Feature of Barbarian Europe. The Sword: King of Weapons. Ramparts, Forts and Citadels. The Orient: Chariots in Battle. The Development of a Cavalry. Tracing the Footsteps of Heroes. Steles: Marking Combatants for Posterity. Multiple Sacrifices. Mutilated Bodies Preserved in Peat Bogs. Conclusions. Appendices. Notes. Bibliography. Works by Jean Guilaine. Index

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Book SynopsisCities, War and Terrorism is the first book to look critically at the ways in which warfare, terrorism and counter-terrorism policies intersect in cities in the post Cold-War period. A path-breaking exploration of the intersections of war, terrorism and cities Argues that contemporary cities are the key strategic sites of geopolitical conflict Written by the world's leading analysts of the intersections of urban space and military and terrorist violence Draws on cutting-edge research from geography, history, architecture, planning, sociology, critical theory, politics, international relations and military studies Provides up-to-date empirical analyses of specific conflicts, including 9/11, the War on Terrorism, the Balkan wars, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and urban antiglobalization battles Offers lay readers a sophisticated perspective on the violence that is engulfing our increasingly urbanised worldTrade Review"This is a brilliant, disturbing book. Modern cities have often been seen as places of extraordinary creativity and creative destruction, but for this very reason they are also often sites of spectacular military and paramilitary violence. These essays unsettle so many taken-for-granted ways of thinking about cities. Their authors crouch and scurry along streets that, for too long, have seemed opaque to our political and intellectual imaginations. There is a tremendous power and urgency to their arguments that should be confronted by anyone concerned at the intimacy of the connections between cities, war and terrorism." Derek Gregory, University of British Columbia "Cities, War and Terrorism is a rare accomplishment. Bringing together a truly interdisciplinary group of authors, it provides the first, original investigation of the urbanisation of modern conflict. In their plural ways and myriad sites, the essays in this book investigate the changing nature of the contemporary battlespace and the implosion of distinctions between inside and outside, civilian and military. Together, they mark the beginning of a new and vital field of analysis – an urban geopolitics – that must concern us all." David Campbell, University of Durham "Acts of war and terror against cities and their inhabitants (both anti-state and state sanctioned) are saturating our contemporary world. Yet urban researchers are in denial of this starkest of contemporary urban realities. Graham brings together the renegade thinkers and researchers who are tracking the ways in which global geopolitics is imploding into the urban world. Cities, War and Terrorism is a stunningly successful synthesis of the subtle interpenetration of global geopolitics and the micro-politics of cities and neighborhoods. It marks the beginning of a new and crucial research domain: that of urban geopolitics. This book must, and will, change the way urban researchers and planners think about and explore city regions. It helps to make sense of the ways in which the historic functions of cities and nation states (social welfare, education, health, planning) are being overwhelmed by the imperative of 'security' and the politics of fear. Purposely provocative and deeply disturbing." Leonie Sandercock, University of British Columbia "Graham’s anger at the appropriation of the events of 9/11, simmering beneath the surface of his general introduction, contributes to a strong sense of editorial passion and involvement. This volume provides a fascinating, and immensely broad-ranging, call to understand the complex inter-relationships between geopolitical forces and those resilient urban lives." Totalitarian Movements and Political Religion, Volume 7 Issue 4 (December 2006) Table of ContentsList of Plates. List of Figures. List of Tables. List of Contributors. Series Editors' Preface. Preface. Introduction: Cities, Warfare, and States of Emergency: Stephen Graham (University of Durham). Part I: Cities, War and Terrorism in History and Theory. 1 Cities as Strategic Sites : Place Annihilation and Urban Geopolitics: Stephen Graham (University of Durham). 2 The City-as-Target, or Perpetuation and Death: Ryan Bishop and Gregory Clancey (National University of Singapore; National University of Singapore). 3 Shadow Architectures : War, Memories, and Berlin’s Futures: Simon Guy (University of Newcastle). 4 Another Anxious Urbanism: Simulating Defence and Disaster in Cold War America: Matthew Farish (University of Toronto). 5 Living (Occasionally Dying) Together in an Urban World: Zygmunt Bauman (University of Leeds and the University of Warsaw). 6 Everyday Techniques as Extraordinary Threats: Urban Technostructures and Nonplaces in Terrorist Actions: Timothy W. Luke (Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University in Blacksburg, Virginia). Part II: Urbicide and the Urbanization of Warfare. 7 New Wars of the City : Relationships of 'Urbicide' and 'Genocide': Martin Shaw (University of Sussex). 8 Urbicide in Bosnia: Martin Coward (University of Sussex). 9 Strategic Points, Flexible Lines, Tense Surfaces and Political Volumes: Ariel Sharon and The Geometry of Occupation: Eyal Weizmann (an architect based in Tel Aviv and London). 10 Constructing Urbicide by Bulldozer in the Occupied Territories: Stephen Graham. 11 City Streets – The War Zones of Globalisation: Democracy and Military Operations in Urban Terrain in the Early 21st Century: Robert Warren (University of Delaware). 12 Continuity and Discontinuity : The Grammar of Urban Military Operations : Alice Hills (King’s College, London). Part III: Exposed Cities : Urban Impacts of Terrorism and the ‘War on Terror’. 13 Urban Warfare: A Tour of the Battlefield: Michael Sorkin (CCNY). 14 The “War on Terrorism” and Life in Cities after September 11, 2001: Peter Marcuse (Columbia University in New York City). 15 Recasting the ‘Ring of Steel’: Designing Out Terrorism in the City Of London? Jon Coaffee (University of Newcastle). 16 Technology vs. ‘Terrorism’: Circuits of City Surveillance Since September 11: David Lyon (Queen’s University, Kingston, Ontario). 17 Urban Dimensions of the Punishment of Afghanistan by U.S. Bombs: Marc W. Herold (University of New Hampshire in Durham). Epilogue: Stephen Graham. Bibliography. Index

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Book SynopsisCities, War and Terrorism is the first book to look critically at the ways in which warfare, terrorism and counter-terrorism policies intersect in cities in the post Cold-War period. A path-breaking exploration of the intersections of war, terrorism and cities Argues that contemporary cities are the key strategic sites of geopolitical conflict Written by the world's leading analysts of the intersections of urban space and military and terrorist violence Draws on cutting-edge research from geography, history, architecture, planning, sociology, critical theory, politics, international relations and military studies Provides up-to-date empirical analyses of specific conflicts, including 9/11, the War on Terrorism, the Balkan wars, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and urban antiglobalization battles Offers lay readers a sophisticated perspective on the violence that is engulfing our increasingly urbanised worldTrade Review"This is a brilliant, disturbing book. Modern cities have often been seen as places of extraordinary creativity and creative destruction, but for this very reason they are also often sites of spectacular military and paramilitary violence. These essays unsettle so many taken-for-granted ways of thinking about cities. Their authors crouch and scurry along streets that, for too long, have seemed opaque to our political and intellectual imaginations. There is a tremendous power and urgency to their arguments that should be confronted by anyone concerned at the intimacy of the connections between cities, war and terrorism." Derek Gregory, University of British Columbia "Cities, War and Terrorism is a rare accomplishment. Bringing together a truly interdisciplinary group of authors, it provides the first, original investigation of the urbanisation of modern conflict. In their plural ways and myriad sites, the essays in this book investigate the changing nature of the contemporary battlespace and the implosion of distinctions between inside and outside, civilian and military. Together, they mark the beginning of a new and vital field of analysis – an urban geopolitics – that must concern us all." David Campbell, University of Durham "Acts of war and terror against cities and their inhabitants (both anti-state and state sanctioned) are saturating our contemporary world. Yet urban researchers are in denial of this starkest of contemporary urban realities. Graham brings together the renegade thinkers and researchers who are tracking the ways in which global geopolitics is imploding into the urban world. Cities, War and Terrorism is a stunningly successful synthesis of the subtle interpenetration of global geopolitics and the micro-politics of cities and neighborhoods. It marks the beginning of a new and crucial research domain: that of urban geopolitics. This book must, and will, change the way urban researchers and planners think about and explore city regions. It helps to make sense of the ways in which the historic functions of cities and nation states (social welfare, education, health, planning) are being overwhelmed by the imperative of 'security' and the politics of fear. Purposely provocative and deeply disturbing." Leonie Sandercock, University of British Columbia "Graham’s anger at the appropriation of the events of 9/11, simmering beneath the surface of his general introduction, contributes to a strong sense of editorial passion and involvement. This volume provides a fascinating, and immensely broad-ranging, call to understand the complex inter-relationships between geopolitical forces and those resilient urban lives." Totalitarian Movements and Political Religion, Volume 7 Issue 4 (December 2006) Table of ContentsList of Plates. List of Figures. List of Tables. List of Contributors. Series Editors' Preface. Preface. Introduction: Cities, Warfare, and States of Emergency: Stephen Graham (University of Durham). Part I: Cities, War and Terrorism in History and Theory. 1 Cities as Strategic Sites : Place Annihilation and Urban Geopolitics: Stephen Graham (University of Durham). 2 The City-as-Target, or Perpetuation and Death: Ryan Bishop and Gregory Clancey (National University of Singapore; National University of Singapore). 3 Shadow Architectures : War, Memories, and Berlin’s Futures: Simon Guy (University of Newcastle). 4 Another Anxious Urbanism: Simulating Defence and Disaster in Cold War America: Matthew Farish (University of Toronto). 5 Living (Occasionally Dying) Together in an Urban World: Zygmunt Bauman (University of Leeds and the University of Warsaw). 6 Everyday Techniques as Extraordinary Threats: Urban Technostructures and Nonplaces in Terrorist Actions: Timothy W. Luke (Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University in Blacksburg, Virginia). Part II: Urbicide and the Urbanization of Warfare. 7 New Wars of the City : Relationships of 'Urbicide' and 'Genocide': Martin Shaw (University of Sussex). 8 Urbicide in Bosnia: Martin Coward (University of Sussex). 9 Strategic Points, Flexible Lines, Tense Surfaces and Political Volumes: Ariel Sharon and The Geometry of Occupation: Eyal Weizmann (an architect based in Tel Aviv and London). 10 Constructing Urbicide by Bulldozer in the Occupied Territories: Stephen Graham. 11 City Streets – The War Zones of Globalisation: Democracy and Military Operations in Urban Terrain in the Early 21st Century: Robert Warren (University of Delaware). 12 Continuity and Discontinuity : The Grammar of Urban Military Operations : Alice Hills (King’s College, London). Part III: Exposed Cities : Urban Impacts of Terrorism and the ‘War on Terror’. 13 Urban Warfare: A Tour of the Battlefield: Michael Sorkin (CCNY). 14 The “War on Terrorism” and Life in Cities after September 11, 2001: Peter Marcuse (Columbia University in New York City). 15 Recasting the ‘Ring of Steel’: Designing Out Terrorism in the City Of London? Jon Coaffee (University of Newcastle). 16 Technology vs. ‘Terrorism’: Circuits of City Surveillance Since September 11: David Lyon (Queen’s University, Kingston, Ontario). 17 Urban Dimensions of the Punishment of Afghanistan by U.S. Bombs: Marc W. Herold (University of New Hampshire in Durham). Epilogue: Stephen Graham. Bibliography. Index

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Book SynopsisIn this book, Professor Christopher Coker presents an original and controversial thesis about the future of war. Argues that the biotechnology revolution has given war a new lease of life. Draws on thinkers from Hegel and Nietzsche to the postmodernists. Refers to modern fiction and films. Part of the prestigious Blackwell Manifestos series. Trade Review"For all those who seek a deeper understanding of the contours of war, then this fine book should be required reading." Michael Evans, Royal Military College, Duntroon "An important and exciting book that draws on a remarkable range of sources." Andrew Linklater, University of Wales, AberystwythTable of ContentsForeword by Michael Evans. Preface. 1. The Re-Enchantment of War. 2. The Warrior of The Future: Memes or Genes?. 3. Towards Post Human Warfare. 4. Beyond The Death Threshold. 5. The Death of Sacrifice. 6. To be Concluded?. Notes. Index.

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Book SynopsisIn this book, Professor Christopher Coker presents an original and controversial thesis about the future of war. Argues that the biotechnology revolution has given war a new lease of life. Draws on thinkers from Hegel and Nietzsche to the postmodernists. Refers to modern fiction and films. Part of the prestigious Blackwell Manifestos series. Trade Review"For all those who seek a deeper understanding of the contours of war, then this fine book should be required reading." Michael Evans, Royal Military College, Duntroon "An important and exciting book that draws on a remarkable range of sources." Andrew Linklater, University of Wales, AberystwythTable of ContentsForeword by Michael Evans. Preface. 1. The Re-Enchantment of War. 2. The Warrior of The Future: Memes or Genes?. 3. Towards Post Human Warfare. 4. Beyond The Death Threshold. 5. The Death of Sacrifice. 6. To be Concluded?. Notes. Index.

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Book SynopsisThe Ethics of War is an indispensable collection of essays addressing issues both timely and age-old about the nature and ethics of war. Features essays by great thinkers from ancient times through to the present day, among them Plato, Augustine, Aquinas, Machiavelli, Grotius, Kant, Russell, and Walzer Examines timely questions such as: When is recourse to arms morally justifiable? What moral constraints should apply to military conduct? How can a lasting peace be achieved? Will appeal to a broad range of readers interested in morality and ethics in war time Includes informative introductions and helpful marginal notes by editors Trade Review"This is a superb, comprehensive collection of the basic texts that make up the just war tradition. Some have been very difficult to get hold of and others have been translated for the first time. It will be an indispensable resource for all departments of international affairs, ethics, war studies, peace studies and many history departments." Times Higher Education, 25 May 2007 "As a collection of key readings, each prefaced by editorial comment, it can scarcely be bettered." The Times "An invaluable resource for many readers for years to come...anyone interested in the history of western thought on the subject of war will find [the volume] fascinating." Peace News "On balance...The Ethics of War will serve as a tremendous resource for students, teachers and writers for decades to come. We owe its editors much gratitude for their diligent compilation of a tremendous range of texts, and their careful scholarly analysis of the arguments to be found within them." David L. Perry, United States Army War College "This superbly edited and thoughtfully organized collection brings together all of the essential texts of the just war tradition in one single volume. An outstanding achievement!" George R. Lucas, Jr., U.S. Naval Academy "A unique and extremely well-done collection of essays culled from every period of Western history – some of which were previously unavailable in English. This is an important anthology, one that should be read and re-read by any serious student of the perennial ethical problems of warfare." Carl Ficarotta, US Air Force Academy "This magnificent volume allows readers both to learn about the past and from the past. It will be of great value to historians, while those who are concerned with the burning current issues of just war will appreciate the depth of analysis of their predecessors." Jon Elster, Collège de France "Although this book is primarily aimed at the academic market, anyone interested in the history of western thought on the subject of war will find it fascinating" Peace NewsTable of ContentsPreface. Acknowledgments. Part I: Ancient and Early Christian. 1. Thucydides (ca. 460–ca. 400 BC): War and Power. 2. Plato (427­–347 BC): Tempering War among the Greeks. 3. Aristotle (384–322 BC): Courage, Slavery, and Citizen Soldiers. 4. Roman Law of War and Peace (7th century BC–1st century AD): Ius Fetiale. 5. Cicero (106­­–43 BC): Civic Virtue as the Foundation of Peace. 6. Early Church Fathers (2nd–4th century): Pacifism and Defense of the Innocent. 7. Augustine (354–430): Just War in the Service of Peace. Part II: Medieval. 8. Medieval Peace Movements (975–1123): Religious Limitations on Warfare. 9. The Crusades (11th–13th century): Christian Holy War. 10. Gratian and the Decretists (12th century): War and Coercion in the Decretum. 11. John of Salisbury (ca. 1120–1180): The Challenge of Tyranny. 12. Raymond of Peñafort (ca. 1175–1275) & William of Rennes (13th century):. The Conditions of Just War, Self-Defense and their Legal Consequences under Penitential Jurisdiction. 13. Innocent IV (ca. 1180–1254): The Kinds of Violence and the Limits of Holy War. 14. Alexander of Hales (ca. 1185–1245): Virtuous Dispositions in Warfare. 15. Hostiensis (ca. 1200–1271): A Topology of Internal and External War. 16. Thomas Aquinas (ca. 1225–1274): Just War and Sins against Peace. 17. Dante Alighieri: (1265–1321): Peace by Universal Monarchy. 18. Bartolus of Saxoferrato (ca. 1313–1357): Roman War in Christendom. 19. Christine de Pizan (ca. 1364–ca. 1431): War and Chivalry. 20. Raphaël Fulgosius (1367–1427): Just War Reduced to Public War. Part III: Late Scholastic and Reformation. 21. Erasmus of Rotterdam (1466–1536): The Spurious ‘Right to War’. 22. Cajetan (1468-1534): War and Vindicative Justice. 23. Niccolò Machiavelli (1469–1527): War Is Just to Whom It Is Necessary. 24. Thomas More (ca. 1478-1535): Warfare in Utopia. 25. Martin Luther (1483-1546) and Jean Calvin (1509-1564): Legitimate War in Reformed Christianity. 26. The Radical Reformation: Religious Rationales for Violence and Pacifism (16th Century). 27. Francisco de Vitoria: (ca. 1492–1546): Just War in the Age of Discovery. 28. Luis de Molina (1535–1600): Distinguishing War from Punishment. 29. Francisco Suárez (1548–1617): Justice, Charity, and War. 30. Alberico Gentili (1552–1608): The Advantages of Preventive War. 31. Johannes Althusius (1557–1638): Defending the Commonwealth. 32. Hugo Grotius (1583–1645): The Theory of Just War Systematized. Part IV: Modern. 33. Thomas Hobbes (1588–1679): Solving the Problem of Civil War. 34. Baruch Spinoza (1632–1677): The Virtue of Peace. 35. Samuel von Pufendorf (1632–1694): War in an Emerging System of States. 36. John Locke (1632–1704): The Rights of Man and the Limits of Just Warfare. 37. Christian von Wolff (1679–1754): Bilateral Rights of War. 38. Montesquieu (1689–1755): National Self-Preservation and the Balance of. Power. 39. Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712–1778): Supranational Government and Peace. 40. Emer de Vattel (1714–1767): War in Due Form. 41. Immanuel Kant: (1724–1804): Cosmopolitan Rights, Human Progress, and Perpetual Peace. 42. G.W.F. Hegel (1770–1831): War and the Spirit of the Nation-State. 43. Carl von Clausewitz (1780–1831): Ethics and Military Strategy. 44. Daniel Webster (1782–1852): The Caroline Incident (1837). 45. Francis Lieber (1800–1872): Devising a Military Code of Conduct. 46. John Stuart Mill (1806–1873): Foreign Intervention and National Autonomy. 47. Karl Marx (1818–1883) & Friedrich Engels (1820–1895): War as an. Instrument of Emancipation. Part V: 20th Century. 48. Woodrow Wilson (1856–1924): The Dream of a League of Nations. 49. Bertrand Russell (1872–1970): Pacifism and Modern War. 50. Hans Kelsen (1881–1973): Bellum Iustum in International Law. 51. Paul Ramsey (1913–1988): Nuclear Weapons and Legitimate Defense. 52. G.E.M. Anscombe (1919–2001): The Moral Recklessness of Pacifism. 53. John Rawls (1921–2002): The Moral Duties of Statesmen. 54. Michael Walzer (b. 1935): Terrorism and Ethics. 55. Thomas Nagel (b. 1937): The Logic of Hostility. 56. James Turner Johnson (b. 1938): Contemporary Just War. 57. National Conference of Catholic Bishops (1983 & 1993): A Presumption against War. 58. Kofi Annan (b. 1938): Toward a New Definition of Sovereignty. Index

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Book SynopsisMilitary Geographies is about how local space, place, environment and landscape are shaped by military presence, and about how wider geographies are touched by militarism. * A book about how local space, place, environment and landscape are shaped by military presence, and about how wider geographies are touched by militarism.Trade Review"Military Geographies ... is a must for anyone who opposes the military's use of our special landscapes. This authoritive book, by an expert in military land-use, is about the paternalistic, arrogant and unnecessarily secretive way in which the military occupies land. Woodward warns that 'we should be cautious about assuming an automatic economic benefit to a locality from military presence'. A fascinating book, and a useful campaigning tool." (Open Space, Vol 28/2, Spring 2005)Table of ContentsList of Figures. Acknowledgements. Series Editors' Preface. List of Abbreviations. 1. Military Geography, Militarism’s Geographies. 2. Military Space. 3. Military Economic Geographies. 4. Militarized Environments. 5. Military Landscapes. 6. Challenging Military Geographies. 7. The Study of Military Geographies. Notes. Bibliography. Index

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