Terrorism, armed struggle Books

Book SynopsisThis book presents articles, analyses and Congressional testimony which has been carefully edited, excerpted and indexed with regard to actual and potential terrorist attacks. Excerpts are also presented from reports issued well before 11 September 2001 which predicted the country''s vulnerability and which were promptly buried in the graveyard of unread and unacted-upon reports. Questions are raised whether the dozens of federal agencies charged with aspects of homeland security can ever be co-ordinated by anyone without seriously reshuffling various government agencies which may turn out to be more difficult than eliminating terrorism.

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Book SynopsisThe anthrax murders in the US and discoveries of biological weapon plans in Africa served as a wake-up call (too late as usual) that biological weapons might actually be a weapon of mass destruction. Their small size but highly deadly nature adds to the fear factor. The reality of this potential danger to the US population found both the federal government as well as state government clueless. This new book presents analyses of the actions planned or already carried out in the battle against the threat of bioterrorism, and offers frank analyses of our current state of preparedness or lack thereof.

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Book SynopsisTerrorism, sadly, seems here to stay and to stay with a vengeance. It turns out that the United States was not prepared for it and now must play catch-up. In doing so, even agreement on how to define terrorism is in doubt and what to do about it seems beyond comprehension at the moment. This volume presents a broad cross section of analyses of weaknesses and actions in the ongoing battle.

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Book SynopsisThe attacks of September 11 prompted the Bush Administration to improve law enforcement and other co-ordination between the United States and European governments dealing with international terrorism. European governments have also taken measures to enhance co-operation among themselves. Most notable are European Union efforts to enhance cross-border sharing of intelligence and police information, extend the reach of warrants, and strengthen external border controls. Also, immediately following the attacks, there was an unprecedented European co-operation with the US in fighting terrorism. However, by early 2002 the emphasis placed by the Bush Administration on military action beyond Afghanistan, and on strong support for the Sharon government in Israel in its conflict with Palestine, began to raise doubts among some Europeans about the overall US approach to counter-terrorism. Discussed in this book are the efforts that the different European countries are making in response to the new threat of terrorism, as well as the concern that by supporting the Unites States'' approach to terrorism, they will inevitably be helping the US pursue broader and more controversial foreign policy goals.

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Book SynopsisAfter earlier criticism from human rights organisations and many foreign governments regarding the determination that the Geneva Conventions of 1949 do not apply to the detainees held in Cuba, President Bush shifted position with an announcement that Taliban fighters are covered by the 1949 Geneva Conventions, while al Qaeda fighters are not. Taliban fighters are not to be treated as prisoners of war (POW), however, because they reportedly fail to meet international standards as lawful combatants The decision is not likely to affect the treatment of any of the detainees held at the US. The Geneva Conventions of 1949 create a comprehensive legal regime for the treatment of detainees in an armed conflict. These ''unprivileged'' or ''unlawful combatants'' may be punished for acts of violence for which legitimate combatants could not be punished. Some have argued that there is implied in the Geneva Conventions a third category comprised of combatants from militias who do not qualify for POW status but also fall outside of the protection for civilians. These combatants may be lawful in the sense that they do not incur criminal liability for engaging in otherwise lawful combat, but they would not be entitled to privileges as POWs or protected civilians. The status of the detainees may affect their treatment in several ways. This book explores the dilemma that the US government faces as far as the classification of its prisoners that they deem to not fall under the POW status and the treatment and rights that they are entitled to.

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Book SynopsisEuropean Counterterrorist Efforts - Political Will & Diverse Responses

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Book SynopsisThe signal events opening the global war on terrorism were the attacks of September 11. The world media began to focus on one of the terrorist groups, Al-Qaeda, a well-funded terrorist organisation headquartered in Afghanistan or Pakistan with offshoots in many countries. America has turned out to be the primary target of Al-Qaeda. America''s first response was the attack on Afghanistan and the establishing of a puppet government. Next America attacked Iraq under the guise of a response to terrorism although no connection has been proven or even alleged except by hardcore neocons aligned with certain elements in the Washington power establishment. This new book pierces the veil of misinformation with frank assessments of the progress or lack thereof of the war on terrorism.

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Book SynopsisThe culture of violence has gained a religious colouring in modern days. With a destructive technological impetus, the question arises: Is there abuse of religious teachings? Is their any religious basis for violence and war? Then follow questions about the purpose of religion and the significance of concepts of peace and non-violence. As some find justification for war and violence in their religion, an inquiry must be made about the influence of religious scriptures on peace. Globalisation has had a varied impact on political, social, cultural, and religious behavioural systems. This landmark volume attempts to comprehend the concepts of non-violence and peace within different religious and cultural traditions.

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Book SynopsisSaudi Arabia, a monarchy ruled by the Saud dynasty, enjoys special importance in much of the international community because of its unique association with the Islamic religion and its oil wealth. Since the establishment of the modern Saudi kingdom in 1932, it has benefited from a stable political system based on a smooth process of succession to the throne and a prosperous economy dominated by the oil sector. With one-fourth of the world''s proven oil reserves and some of the lowest production costs, Saudi Arabia is likely to remain the world''s largest net oil exporter for the foreseeable future. During January-October 2004, Saudi Arabia supplied the United States with 1.5 million barrels per day of crude oil, or 15%, of US crude oil imports during that period. The September 11, 2001 attacks fuelled criticisms within the United States of alleged Saudi involvement in terrorism or of Saudi laxity in acting against terrorist groups. Of particular concern have been reports that funds may be flowing from Saudi Arabia and other Middle East countries to terrorist groups, largely under the guise of charitable contributions. Critics of Saudi policies have cited a number of reports that the Saudi government has permitted or encouraged fund raising in Saudi Arabia by charitable Islamic groups and foundations linked to Osama bin Laden''s Al Qaeda organisation or like-minded entities.

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Book SynopsisStopping the ability of terrorists to finance their operations is a key component of the U.S. counter-terrorism strategy. To accomplish this, the Administration has implemented a three-tiered approach based on (1) intelligence and domestic legal and regulatory efforts; (2) technical assistance to provide capacity-building programs for U.S. allies; and (3) global efforts to create international norms and guidelines. Effective implementation of this strategy requires the participation of, and co-ordination among several elements of the U.S. Government. This book provides an agency-by-agency survey of U.S. efforts. It also provides the text of the Executive Order on Terrorist Financing Blocking Property and Prohibiting Transactions with Persons Who Commit, Threaten to Commit, or Support Terrorism.

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Book SynopsisThe anthrax murders in the U.S. and discoveries of biological weapon plans in Africa served as a wake-up call (too late as usual) that biological weapons might actually be a weapon of mass destruction. Their small size but highly deadly nature adds to the fear factor. The reality of this potential danger to the U.S. population found both the federal government as well as state government clueless. This book presents analyses of the actions planned or already carried out in the battle against the threat of bioterrorism, and offers frank analyses of our current state of preparedness or lack thereof.

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Book SynopsisBooks accounting for 9-11 and its aftermath have been overwhelming since 2001. Yet the Chinese response to anti-terrorism remains a relatively under-studied topic. This book attempts to fill such a vacuum by illustrating how on a local and global scale, the Chinese state and society interacted to crystallise their identity and see their potential power in the face of 9-11 and its fallout.

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Book SynopsisTerrorism seems to have developed as a world-wide virus causing harm and destruction where ever it turns up and turning up at unexpected places as no doubt all viruses are intended to do. The attackers seek weaknesses in the target countries and the target countries seek defences and deterrents against the attackers. This new book highlights some of the anti-terrorist actions underway.

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Book SynopsisThis book focuses on terrorism which is usually described as violence or the perception or threat of imminent violence. Terrorism has been used by a broad array of political organisations in furthering their objectives; both right-wing and left-wing political parties, nationalistic, and religious groups, revolutionaries and ruling governments. Those labelled ''terrorists'' rarely identify themselves as such, and typically use other generic terms or terms specific to their situation, such as: separatist, freedom fighter, liberator, revolutionary, vigilante, militant, paramilitary, guerrilla, rebel, jihadi or mujaheddin, or fedayeen, or any similar-meaning word in other languages. Sadly is has become a global profession which has come to colour all aspects of life from travel, to office locations to pervasive fear.

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Book SynopsisThis collection of essays represents a sample of the work carried out on the various urgent issues arising from the contemporary "war in terror" by researchers in the Department of Politics and International Relations, Swansea University UK and/or who attended the 2005 conference on politics and ethics at the University of Southern Mississippi (Gulf Coast). Certain specific topics are obviously prompted by this general theme; others dealt with in this book are perhaps not as obviously connected to it - though they are no less important for that. This book is therefore intended to cover some ground in both types of topic and it is to be hoped that its contents will stimulate further reflection and writing on the deep controversies that recent events in world politics have stoked. However misguided much of the debate has been, many have contended that the present era is witnessing a "clash of civilisations", in which fundamentally different value-systems confront each other with their mutually opposed and antagonistic views of the world. This position often undergirds a moral relativism, which denies that there are any universal values: all we have, according to this outlook, are the different values of different cultures seeking (insofar as they "clash") to impose themselves on others. In the first essay, James Beard counters this argument with a case for what he calls a "thin universalism", a relatively sparse but powerful set of fundamental values which can credibly be demonstrated to have universal application.Many who supported the 2003 invasion of Iraq now oppose it, not on the grounds that they were wrong at the outset but that hindsight and subsequent events have given them new reasons to revise their judgements. This has led some to think that arguments about whether a war is just, and justified, can very often only be satisfactorily made "down the line", thus excusing initial support for a conflict which thereafter goes badly wrong. In her article, Christine Stender reminds us of many of the considerations that were available in 2003 itself which readily led to just-war arguments against launching the invasion at the time. It may be easy for the passage of time to cause us to forget those factors. But, given that we can only become more adept at making just-war judgements by reflecting on past experience, it is crucial not to let them disappear in the morass of subsequent experience. Arguably, the Abu Ghraib scandal did more than any other single event to undermine what moral credibility the American occupation of Iraq ever had. It certainly raised acute questions about the conception of "virtue" that the role of combatant in war ought to necessitate and, in his essay, J. Joseph Miller subjects this issue to close philosophical scrutiny, with particular focus on the ethics of torture. Traditional just war theory has been composed of two elements: jus ad bellum, which sets out moral criteria which may sanction the resort to war, and jus in bello, which provides moral rules for its actual conduct. Recent events, and in particular the tragically chaotic situation of post-invasion Iraq, have helped to make the case for a third element: jus post bellum, which deals with the rights and responsibilities of just combatants with respect to the pursuit of a just peace once conflict has ended. This remains an under-researched area and, in their article, Mark Evans and Christine Stender introduce a wide-ranging set of considerations towards the construction of an adequate account of jus post bellum. A concept that has surged to the fore in recent times has been that of a "failed state", which has been invoked as part of arguments for "humanitarian intervention." (Afghanistan is perhaps the most obvious and pertinent example.) It is, however, a highly contentious concept and many think it has nothing other than ideological, polemical value. Whilst admitting that it is prone to such (mis)use, Mark Evans argues, in his essay, that it can be given a determinate and useful normative content, even if it does not necessarily sanction the kind of foreign policies which certain Western leaders have thought it does. Most liberal democracies have responded to the "terror threat" by introducing emergency legislation, or by otherwise suspending in some way what they would "ordinarily" have regarded as inviolable basic liberties and legal safeguards. Nazeer Patel argues that this dangerously undercuts the moral authority that these states claim for themselves and urges that we rethink how liberal democracy should appropriately respond to terrorism; it may take courage not to "overreact" against it, but he plausibly suggests a more measured and morally preferable attitude for it to take. Finally, in her essay, Claire Delisle focuses on one of the more bitter conflicts within a liberal democracy of recent times which has, it seems, been resolved in favour of peaceful accommodation: that between the Nationalist and Unionist communities in the north of Ireland/Ulster. The full story of how this peace became possible has yet to be fully told, and she adds a vital element to the tale, of how incarcerated combatants developed attitudes, strategies and a culture which built the foundations for a process that eventually brought "The Troubles" to what, it is to be hoped, is a permanent end. With the exception of the editor''s contributions, the research which is published here is the product of the intellectual labours of scholars who are in the early stages of their careers. This volume is, therefore, a compendium of work in progress and the authors hope that this publication will help to further their reflections; certainly, the issues with which they engage are a long way indeed from being exhausted in terms of the scholarly attention they demand. Obviously, their appearance together in the same volume should not be taken to imply that any of the contributors endorse anything of what any of the others argue.

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Book SynopsisSince 2001, Congress has appropriated about $640 billion for the global war on terrorism, the majority of this for operations in Iraq. In January 2007, President Bush announced "The New Way Forward" to stem violence in Iraq and enable the Iraqi government to foster national reconciliation. This new strategy established goals and objectives to achieve over 12 to 18 months. This book explores the post-Saddam governance and security in Iraq, the large-scale reconstruction assistance program undertaken by the U.S. in Iraq, the results of a U.S. supported election process designed to produce democracy and Iraq after the "surge".

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Book SynopsisOn September 11, 2001, this country suffered the most devastating terrorist attacks ever experienced on our soil. The series of co-ordinated attacks, perpetrated by 19 hijackers affiliated with al Qaida, killed 3,000 people, inflicted hundreds of millions of dollars of economic damage, brought commercial aviation to a standstill, and opened the eyes of the American people to the threat of terrorism as never before. To establish how the perpetrators were able to execute their deadly plot, Congress chartered the independent, bipartisan National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States (9/11 Commission). In addition to providing a full account of the circumstances surrounding the attacks, Congress directed the 9/11 Commission to develop recommendations for corrective measures that could be taken to prevent future acts of terrorism.1 On July 22, 2004, the 9/11 Commission issued its final report, which included 41 wide-ranging recommendations to help prevent future terrorist attacks. Many of these proposals were put in place in 2004 with the passage of the Intelligence Reform and Terrorism Prevention Act2, which brought about the most significant reorganisation of the intelligence community since 1947. Among the key provisions of that law was the establishment of a Director of National Intelligence to oversee the intelligence community and the creation of a National Counter terrorism Center to analyse domestic and international threats, share that information, and integrate activities to ensure unity of effort against terrorism. Yet, a year after it was issued, the lead authors of the 9/11 Commission Report, Governor Thomas H Kean and Representative Lee H Hamilton, asked as a result of these and other reforms, are we safe? We are safer - no terrorist attacks have occurred inside the United States since 9/11 - but we are not as safe as we need to be. There is so much more to be done, many obvious steps that the American people assume have been completed, have not been some of these failures are shocking. The 9/11 Commission concluded that "the 9/11 attacks revealed four kinds of failures: in imagination, policy, capabilities, and management. Determined to fill the gaps left by the Bush Administration and the Republican controlled Congress, and to provide the American people the security they deserve, the House of Representatives under the new Democratic leadership passed H.R. 1, the "Implementing the 9/11 Commission Recommendations Act of 2007" within the first 100 hours of the 110th Congress. This comprehensive homeland security legislation included provisions to strengthen the nation''s security against terrorism by requiring screening of all cargo placed on passenger aircraft; securing mass transit, rail and bus systems; assuring the scanning of all U.S.-bound maritime cargo; distributing homeland security grants based on risk; creating a dedicated grant program to improve interoperable radio communications; creating a co-ordinator for U.S. non-proliferation programs and improving international co-operation for interdiction of weapons of mass destruction; developing better mechanisms for modernising education in Muslim communities and Muslim-majority countries, and creating a new forum for reform-minded members of those countries; formulating coherent strategies for key countries; establishing a common coalition approach on the treatment of detainees; and putting resources into making democratic reform an international effort, rather than a unilaterally U.S. one. When President George W. Bush signed H.R. 1 into law on August 3, 2007 without any limiting statement, it seemed that the unfulfilled security recommendations of the 9/11 Commission would finally be implemented. To ensure that they were, over the past year the Majority staffs of the Committees on Homeland Security and Foreign Affairs have conducted extensive oversight to answer the question, How is the Bush Administration doing on fulfilling the requirements of the Implementing the 9/11 Commission Recommendations Act of 2007" (P.L. 110-53)? The Majority staffs of the two Committees prepared this report to summarise their findings. While the Majority staffs of the Committees found that the Bush Administration has taken some steps to carry out the provisions of the Act, this report focuses on the Administration''s performance with respect to key statutory requirements in the following areas: (1) aviation security; (2) rail and public transportation security; (3) port security; (4) border security; (5) information sharing; (6) privacy and civil liberties; (7) emergency response; (8) biosurveillance; (9) private sector preparedness; and (10) national security.

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Book SynopsisIn explaining the decision to invade Iraq and oust Saddam Hussein from power, the Administration asserted, among other justifications, that the regime of Saddam Hussein had a working relationship with the Al Qaeda organisation. The Administration assessed that the relationship dated to the early 1990s, and was based on a common interest in confronting the United States. The Administration assertions were derived from U.S. intelligence showing a pattern of contacts with Al Qaeda when its key founder, Osama bin Laden, was based in Sudan in the early to mid-1990s and continuing after he relocated to Afghanistan in 1996. Critics maintain that subsequent research demonstrates that the relationship, if it existed, was not "operational", and that no hard data has come to light indicating the two entities conducted any joint terrorist attacks. Some major hallmarks of an operational relationship were absent, and several experts outside and within the U.S. government believe that contacts between Iraq and Al Qaeda were sporadic, unclear, or subject to alternate explanations. Another pillar of the Administration argument, which has applications for the current U.S. effort to stabilize Iraq, rested on reports of contacts between Baghdad and an Islamist Al Qaeda affiliate group, called Ansar al-Islam, based in northern Iraq in the late 1990s. Although the connections between Ansar al-Islam and Saddam Hussein''s regime were subject to debate, the organisation evolved into what is now known as Al Qaeda in Iraq (AQ-I). AQ-I has been a numerically small but operationally major component of the Sunni Arab-led insurgency that frustrated U.S. efforts to stabilise Iraq. Since mid-2007, in part facilitated by combat conducted by additional U.S. forces sent to Iraq as part of a "troop surge", the U.S. military has exploited differences between AQ-I and Iraqi Sunni political, tribal, and insurgent leaders to virtually expel AQ-I from many of its sanctuaries particularly in Baghdad and in Anbar Province. U.S. officials assess AQ-I to be weakened almost to the point of outright defeat in Iraq, although they say it remains lethal and has the potential to revive in Iraq. Attacks continue, primarily in north-central Iraq, that bear the hallmarks of AQ-I tactics, and U.S. and Iraqi forces continue to conduct offensives targeting suspected AQ-I leaders and hideouts. As of mid-2008, there are indications that AQ-I leaders are relocating from Iraq to join Al Qaeda leaders believed to be in remote areas of Pakistan, near the Afghanistan border. That perception, if accurate, could suggest that AQ-I now perceives Afghanistan as more fertile ground than is Iraq to attack U.S. forces. The relocation of AQ-I leaders to Pakistan could also accelerate the perceived strengthening of the central Al Qaeda organisation.

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Book SynopsisCongress amended the 1996 Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act (FSIA) to allow U.S. victims of terrorism to sue designated State sponsors of terrorism for their terrorist acts. The courts have handed down large judgements against the terrorist State defendants, generally in default, and successive Administrations have intervened to block the judicial attachment of frozen assets to satisfy judgements. This book provides background on the doctrine of State immunity and the FSIA; details the evolution of the terrorist State exception and some of the resulting judicial decisions; describes legislative efforts to help claimants satisfy their judgements; summarises the hostages'' suit against Iran and Congress''s efforts to intervene; summarises the status of lawsuits against Iraq and Libya; and provides an overview of proposed legislation (S. 3370, H.R. 3346, S. 1944, H.R. 394, H.R. 5167, and H.R. 2764). Appendix A provides a list of cases, including those covered by TRIA 2002 and the amount of compensation paid. Appendix B lists the assets of each terrorist State currently blocked by the United States and the total amount owed by each for terrorism judgements.

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Book SynopsisThis book highlights terrorism trends and ongoing issues to provide a framework for detailed discussion. Al-Qaida (AQ) and associated networks remained the greatest terrorist threat to the United States and its partners in 2007. AQ and its affiliates seek to exploit local grievances for their own local and global purposes. They pursue their own goals, often at large personal cost to the local population. AQ also utilises terrorism, as well as subversion, propaganda, and open warfare; it seeks weapons of mass destruction in order to inflict the maximum possible damage on anyone who stands in its way, including other Muslims and/or elders, women, and children. This book examines these networks, which are adaptive, quickly evolving new methods in response to countermeasures. This is an edited, excerpted and augmented edition of a Country Reports on Terrorism publication.

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Book SynopsisThis book looks at the increasing militant activity in western Pakistan which poses three key national security threats: an increased potential for major attacks against the United States itself, a growing threat to Pakistani stability and a hindrance of U.S. efforts to stabilise Afghanistan. A U.S.-Pakistan relationship marked by periods of both co-operation and discord was transformed by the September 2001 terrorist attacks on the United States and the ensuing enlistment of Pakistan as a key ally in U.S.-led counterterrorism efforts. Top U.S. officials have praised Pakistan for its ongoing co-operation, although long-held doubts exist about Islamabad''s commitment to some core U.S. interests. Thus this book also examines the influence of Islamist militants and the "talibanisation" of western Pakistan, which appears to be ongoing and may now threaten the territorial integrity of the Pakistani state. This is an edited, excerpted and augmented edition of various government publications.

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Book SynopsisThe September 11, 2001, attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon have drawn attention to the security of many institutions, facilities, and systems in the United States, including the nation''s water supply and water quality infrastructure. These systems have long been recognised as being potentially vulnerable to terrorist attacks of various types, including physical disruption, bioterrorism/chemical contamination, and cyber attack. Damage or destruction by terrorist attack could disrupt the delivery of vital human services in this country, threatening public health and the environment, or possibly causing loss of life. This book discusses the tools of terrorism, not only our water infrastructure; but also commercial vehicle security, bioterrorism, maritime security and WMD proliferation.

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Book SynopsisThe National Counter-terrorism Center (NCTC) was established in 2004 to ensure that information from any source about potential terrorist acts against the U.S. could be made available to analysts and that appropriate responses could be planned. As a component of the Office of the Director of National Intelligence, the NCTC is composed of analysts with backgrounds in many government agencies and has access to various agency databases. It prepares studies ranging from strategic assessment of the future terrorist threats to daily briefings and situation reports. It is also responsible, directly to the President, for planning (but not directing) counter-terrorism efforts. This book provides an overview of the history, background, and issues for Congress with regard to the National Counter-terrorism Center.

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Book SynopsisThe imperative for the exchange of terrorism-related intelligence information among law enforcement and security officials at all levels of government is founded on three propositions. The first is that any terrorist attack in the homeland will necessarily occur in a community within a state or tribal area, and the initial response to it will be by state, local, and tribal emergency responders and law enforcement officials. Second, the plotting and preparation for a terrorist attack within the United States will also occur within local communities. Third, information acquired for one purpose, or under one set of authorities, might provide unique insights when combined, in accordance with applicable laws, with seemingly unrelated information from other sources. This book describes the Nation-wide Sar Initiative (NSI), and the rationale for the sharing of terrorism-related Suspicious Activity Reports (SARs), and how the NSI seeks to achieve this objective.

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Book SynopsisThis book explores the drivers of violent extremism, with special reference to the Muslim world in the past three decades. This book summarises what we know and what we do not know about the drivers of violent Islamist extremism. This book identifies some of the most common misconceptions or pitfalls in the study of violent extremism in order to avoid potentially counter-productive approaches when designing development assistance programs with a counter-extremism component.

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Book SynopsisThis new book examines a variety of issues related to terrorism on a global scale, as well as the policies and legal actions surrounding these issues. Topics discussed include an analysis of selected legislative proposals addressing Guantanamo detainees; ocean piracy; terrorism issues in Latin America; enemy combatant detainees and the lack of a comprehensive plan to destroy the terrorist threat in Pakistan.

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Book SynopsisThis new book examines terrorist attacks and the counterterrorism practices put in place in response to these threats. Topics discussed include terrorist attacks in Mumbai, India and the implications for U.S. interests; the role of the U.S. Navy in irregular warfare and counterterrorism; U.S.-China counterterrorism cooperation; operational environment of counterinsurgency and the foundations of insurgency and counterinsurgency.

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Book SynopsisThe involvement of insurgent and extremist groups in criminal activity is an issue that has been a concern of U.S. administrations for decades. In recent years, some observers have claimed that interactions between international terrorists and criminals are increasing. If true, expanded links between criminal and terrorist networks could increase U.S. vulnerability to attack by terrorist groups with enhanced criminal capabilities and financial resources. An expanded range of combined criminal and terrorist activity could also affect the global economy and U.S. foreign policy goals. This new book examines the security threats and U.S. policy regarding international terrorism and transnational crime, and also looks at the terrorism hot spots of Latin America, Southeast Asia and Somalia.

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Book SynopsisOn 5 November 2009, a lone attacker strode into the deployment center at Fort Hood, Texas. Moments later, 13 Department of Defense (DoD) employees were dead and another 32 were wounded in the worst terrorist attack on U.S. soil since September 11th, 2001. This book is an examination of the counterterrorism lessons learned from the Fort Hood attack, which evidences the need for a more comprehensive and coordinated approach to counterradicalization and homegrown terrorism across all agencies which are critical to keeping our country safe.

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Book SynopsisThe Federal Bureau Of Investigation (FBI) is the lead federal enforcement agency charged with counter-terrorism investigations. Since the September 11th, 2001 attacks, the FBI has implemented a series of reforms intended to transform itself from a largely reactive law enforcement agency focused on investigations of criminal activity into a more proactive, agile, flexible and intelligence-driven agency that can prevent acts of terrorism. This book provides background information on key elements of the FBI terrorism investigative process. Also discussed are the ways in which international terrorists and insurgents use the Internet, strategically and tactically, in pursuit of their political agendas, as well as a focus on the terrorism-related grounds for inadmissibility, deportation and removal.

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Book SynopsisThe May 1st, 2011 killing of Osama bin Laden by U.S. forces in Pakistan has led to a range of views about near-and long-term security and foreign policy implications for the United States. Experts have a range of views about the killing of Osama bin Laden. Some consider his death to be a largely symbolic event, while others believe it marks a significant achievement in U.S. counter-terrorism efforts. The degree to which Osama bin Laden''s death will affect Al Qaeda and how the U.S. responds to this event may shape the future of many U.S. national security activities. This book addresses the implications and possible considerations for Congress related to the U.S. killing of bin Laden including military considerations, implications for Pakistan and Afghanistan, and U.S. security interests and foreign policy considerations among others.

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Book SynopsisOver the course of half a century, polls have repeatedly shown that most Americans refuse to accept the official story of the Kennedy Assassination. That story, set forth by the media and by a Presidential Commission dominated by representatives of the most powerful private forces in the nation, was that the President was killed by a lone assassin with radical tendencies and an abnormal mind. It is demonstrated in this book that everything we can know about the cover-up suggests not a government or FBI or Mafia conspiracy, but a treasonous conspiracy executed by a network of wealthy private interests whose goals were at odds with almost everything the energetic 35th president of the United States was doing. That network set up Lee Harvey Oswald as a patsy and went into action promoting the cover story within hours of the assassination. From the afternoon of 22 November 1963, to the release of the so-called Warren Report and beyond, a group of interconnected individuals seized control of the investigation and of the official account. That story is now told here.

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Book SynopsisTerrorism, sadly, seems here to stay and to stay with a vengeance. It seems that the United States was not prepared for it and now must play catch-up. In doing so, even an agreement on how to define terrorism is in doubt and what to do about it seems beyond comprehension at the moment. This volume presents a broad cross-section of analyses of weaknesses and actions in the ongoing battle, including: An overview of the U.N. Convention against torture and the removal of aliens; ocean piracy and its impact on insurance; the terrorist attacks in Mumbai, India and the implications for U.S. interests; addressing Guantanamo detainees and analysis of selected legislative proposals; border security along the U.S. international border; amendments to the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act set to expire in 2009; Latin American terrorism issues; ''Homeland Security Intelligence''; ''Renditions'' and constraints imposed by laws on torture; enemy combatant detainees and habeas corpus; and the emergence of the Lal Masjid as a militant entity in Pakistan. This book consists partially of public documents which have been located, gathered, combined, reformatted, and enhanced with a subject index, selectively edited and bound to provide easy access.

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