Slavery, enslaved persons and abolition of slavery Books

Book SynopsisFrom Ireland, England, France, Austria, Greece, Turkey and Italy to America and the West Indies, overflowing with historic events, from the French Revolution to the Great Irish Famine, with a cast of the famous and infamous, Howe Peter Browne, 2nd Marquess of Sligo, lived life to the absolute limits. Privileged yet compassionate, charismatic yet flawed, Regency Buck, Irish landlord, West Indian plantation owner, Knight of St Patrick, Privy Counsellor, intrepid traveller, intimate of kings, emperors and despots, favoured guest in the fashionable salons of London and Paris, patron of artists and pugilists, founder of the Irish Turf Club, friend and fellow traveller of Lord Byron, treasure-seeker, spy, sailor and jailbird, as well as the father of fifteen children, the astonishing range and diversity of Sligo’s life is breathtaking. From a youth of hedonistic self-indulgence in Regency England to a reforming, responsible, well-intentioned legislator and landlord, Sligo became enshrined in the history of Jamaica as ‘Emancipator of the Slaves’ and in Ireland as ‘The Poor Man’s Friend’ during the most difficult of times. Eight years in the writing and sourced from over 15,000 primary contemporary manuscripts located by the author in private and public archives around the world, From Rake to Radical sheds new light on significant historical events and on the people who shaped them in Ireland, England, Europe and the West Indies during a period of momentous political turbulence and change.Trade ReviewAnne Chambers [has] that rare quality of seeing feeling and understanding the period she writes about as if she were a contemporary. * Irish Independent *A vivid and picturesque study. -- The Irish Times

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Book Synopsis`When we strove to blot out the stain of slavery and advance the rights of man,’ President Obama declared in Dublin in 2011, `we found common cause with your struggle against oppression. Frederick Douglass, an escaped slave and our great abolitionist, forged an unlikely friendship right here in Dublin with your great liberator, Daniel O’Connell.’ Frederick Douglass arrived in Ireland in the summer of 1845, the start of a two-year lecture tour of Britain and Ireland to champion freedom from slavery. He had been advised to leave America after the publication of his incendiary attack on slavery, Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, An American Slave. Douglass spent four transformative months in Ireland, filling halls with eloquent denunciations of slavery and causing controversy with graphic descriptions of slaves being tortured. He also shared a stage with Daniel O’Connell and took the pledge from the `apostle of temperance’ Fr Mathew. Douglass delighted in the openness with which he was received, but was shocked at the poverty he encountered. This compelling account of the celebrated escaped slave’s tour of Ireland combines a unique insight into the formative years of one of the great figures of nineteenth-century America with a vivid portrait of a country on the brink of famine.Trade ReviewFenton's style is informative and refreshingly unfussy. * The Irish Times *Compelling. * Ireland's Own *In this study Laurence Fenton provides both a splendid portrait of "the Black O'Connell" and a fascinating account of the interplay of events in the US and Ireland at that time. * The Irish Catholic *In Fenton's scholarly but immensely readable new book Douglass's travels in Ireland are reproduced with a novelistic eye for the telling detail. * Irish Voice *Well-written and researched. * Reviews in History *

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Book SynopsisAt the height of the debate about the slave trade and its abolition in the 1780s and ’90s, each side issued pamphlets in support of its position. This publication reproduces a selection of representative pamphlets encompassing the arguments put forward by each side. The pamphlets discuss many of the issues including humanitarianism and the Rights of Man, the economic well-being of Britain’s colonial territories in the aftermath of the loss of the American colonies, the state of the British merchant marine and the Royal Navy, the condition of the poor in England, and, not least, the economic and moral condition of the slaves themselves, not only in the West Indies but also in Africa. Both sides drew freely on scriptural sources to support their case, thus providing a fascinating sidelight on theological debate of the time. The book includes pamphlets written by the Duke of Clarence, later King William IV, and by Sir John Gladstone (father of the Prime Minister) in support of the trade, and sets these against the leading abolitionists such as Wilberforce. It also includes a transcript of part of the unpublished journal of James Ramsay, a well-known abolitionist, in which he provides model answers for abolitionists asked to testify before a committee of enquiry. The introduction explains the background to each pamphlet and sets them in their collective historical and social context. Illustrated by the well-known engraving of the slaver Brookes, and by plans of Cape Coast slave castles, this book is a culturally fascinating read and will become a valuable source-book for students and scholars alike.Trade Review"On the 200th anniversary of the act of the British Parliament abolishing the slave trade, Oxford University's Bodleian Library has reprinted 14 pamphlets from its collection of abolition materials. . . . Of particular interest are the two pamphlets taking contradictory positions based on biblical evidence. . . . Recommended."—R. T. Brown, ChoiceTable of ContentsIntroduction The Case of our Fellow-Creatures, the Oppressed Africans, Respetfully Recommended to the Serious Consideration of the Legislature of Great-Britain, by the People called Quakers. London, 1784. An Inquiry into the Effects of Putting a Stop to the African Slave Trade, and of Granting Liberty to the Slaves in the British Sugar Colonies. By the Author of the Essay on the Treatment and Conversation of African Slaves in the British Sugar Colonies. London, 1784. The Substance of the Evidence of Sundry Persons on the Slave-Trade Collected in the Course of a Tour made in the autumn of the year 1788. [by Thomas Clarkson] London, 1789. Notebook of the Rev. James Ramsay Scriptural Researches on the Licitness of the Slave-Trade, Shewing its Conformity with the Principles of Natural and Revealed Religion, delineated in the Sacred Writings of the Word of God. By the Rev. R. Harris. Liverpool, 1788. Examinations of The Rev. Mr. Harris's Scriptural Researches on the Licitness of the Slave Trade. By the Rev. James Ramsay. London, 1788. The Abolition of the Slave Trade Considered in a Religious Point of View. A Sermon Preached Before the Corporation of the City of Oxford, at St. Martin's Church, on Sunday, February 3, 1788. By William Agutter, M.A. of St. Mary Magdalen College. London, 1788. An Appeal to Candour and Common Sense, Respectfully Addressed, to the Members of both Houses of Parliament, and the Community at Large. By an Individual of Little Note. [n.p,] 1789. The True State of the Question, Addressed to the Petitioners for the Abolition of the Slave Trade. By a plain man, who signed the petition at Derby, London, 1792. An Address to the Inhabitants of Glasgow, Paisley, and the Neighbourhood, Concerning the African Slave Trade. By a Society in Glasgow, Glasgow, 1791. Substance of the Speech of his Royal Highness The Duke of Clarence, in the House of Lords, on the Motion for the Recommitment of the Slave Trade Limitation Bill, on the fifth day of July, 1799. London, 1799. 4th edition. Letters Concerning the Abolition of the Slave-Trade and other West-India Affairs. By Mercator, London, 1807. List of illustrations.

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Book SynopsisIn the United States, race and police were founded along with a capitalist economy dependent on the enslavement of workers of African descent. Race and Police builds a critical theory of American policing by analyzing a heterodox history of policing, drawn from the historiography of slavery and slave patrols. Beginning by tracing the historical origins of the police mandate in British colonial America, the book shows that the peculiar institution of racialized chattel slavery originated along with a novel, binary conception of race. On one side, for the first time Europeans from various nationalities were united in a single racial category. Inclusion in this category was necessary for citizenship. On the other, Blacks were branded as slaves, cast as social enemies, and assumed to be threats to the social order. The state determined not only that it would administer slavery, but that it would regulate slaves, authorizing the use of violence by agents of the state and white citizens to secure the social order. In doing so, slavery, citizenship, and police mutually informed one another, and together they produced racial capitalism, a working class defined and separated by the color line, and a racial social order. Race and Police corrects the Eurocentrism in the orthodox history of American police and in predominating critical theories of police. That orthodoxy rests on an origin story that begins with Sir Robert Peel and the London Metropolitan Police Service. Predating the Met by more than a century, America’s first police, often called slave patrols, did more than maintain order—it fabricated a racial order. Prior to their creation, all white citizens were conscripted to police all Blacks. Their participation in the coercive control of Blacks gave definition to their whiteness. Targeted as threats to the security of the economy and white society, being policed defined Blacks who, for the first time, were treated as a single racial group. The boundaries of whiteness were first established on the basis of who was required to regulate slaves, given a specific mandate to prevent Black insurrection, a mandate that remains core to the police role to this day.Trade Review“Brucato’s focus on the political construction of race in and through police does more than simply correct or reorder the narratives on race and policing, but fundamentally defines them. Race and Police makes clear contributions that are long overdue in the field.”— Mike King, author of When Riot Cops Are Not Enough: The Policing and Repression of Occupy Oakland (Rutgers Univ “Every abolitionist should read this book. Prison requires police, just as slavery required patrols. Prison seems inevitable, as did slavery. History, however, reveals no inevitable institutions, not even the Peculiar Institution. As Brucato meticulously demonstrates, the slave patrols were modern police. Why read him? Because abolition of slavery requires abolition of the police and the prison, just as much as it required abolition of the slave patrols. More importantly, the abolition of slavery is proof that policing and imprisonment aren't inevitable.”— Anthony Paul Farley, James Campbell Matthews Distinguished Professor of Jurisprudence at Albany Law SchoolTable of ContentsPreface Introduction Part I: Critical Theory of Race and Police 1. The Peculiar Institution of Police 2. The Peculiar Institution of Race Part II: The Police Law of Slavery 3. The Genesis of Race in Colonial Virginia 4. The First Black Slave Society 5. Acquiring a Slave Society Part III: Black Insurrection and White Counterinsurgency in Colonial America 6. A “Patroll” to Suppress Domestic Dangers 7. Policing the Chesapeake 8. Enemies of their Own Households Conclusion: Peculiar Institutions Acknowledgments Notes Index

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Book SynopsisIn the United States, race and police were founded along with a capitalist economy dependent on the enslavement of workers of African descent. Race and Police builds a critical theory of American policing by analyzing a heterodox history of policing, drawn from the historiography of slavery and slave patrols. Beginning by tracing the historical origins of the police mandate in British colonial America, the book shows that the peculiar institution of racialized chattel slavery originated along with a novel, binary conception of race. On one side, for the first time Europeans from various nationalities were united in a single racial category. Inclusion in this category was necessary for citizenship. On the other, Blacks were branded as slaves, cast as social enemies, and assumed to be threats to the social order. The state determined not only that it would administer slavery, but that it would regulate slaves, authorizing the use of violence by agents of the state and white citizens to secure the social order. In doing so, slavery, citizenship, and police mutually informed one another, and together they produced racial capitalism, a working class defined and separated by the color line, and a racial social order. Race and Police corrects the Eurocentrism in the orthodox history of American police and in predominating critical theories of police. That orthodoxy rests on an origin story that begins with Sir Robert Peel and the London Metropolitan Police Service. Predating the Met by more than a century, America’s first police, often called slave patrols, did more than maintain order—it fabricated a racial order. Prior to their creation, all white citizens were conscripted to police all Blacks. Their participation in the coercive control of Blacks gave definition to their whiteness. Targeted as threats to the security of the economy and white society, being policed defined Blacks who, for the first time, were treated as a single racial group. The boundaries of whiteness were first established on the basis of who was required to regulate slaves, given a specific mandate to prevent Black insurrection, a mandate that remains core to the police role to this day.Trade Review“Brucato’s focus on the political construction of race in and through police does more than simply correct or reorder the narratives on race and policing, but fundamentally defines them. Race and Police makes clear contributions that are long overdue in the field.”— Mike King, author of When Riot Cops Are Not Enough: The Policing and Repression of Occupy Oakland (Rutgers Univ “Every abolitionist should read this book. Prison requires police, just as slavery required patrols. Prison seems inevitable, as did slavery. History, however, reveals no inevitable institutions, not even the Peculiar Institution. As Brucato meticulously demonstrates, the slave patrols were modern police. Why read him? Because abolition of slavery requires abolition of the police and the prison, just as much as it required abolition of the slave patrols. More importantly, the abolition of slavery is proof that policing and imprisonment aren't inevitable.”— Anthony Paul Farley, James Campbell Matthews Distinguished Professor of Jurisprudence at Albany Law SchoolTable of ContentsPreface Introduction Part I: Critical Theory of Race and Police 1. The Peculiar Institution of Police 2. The Peculiar Institution of Race Part II: The Police Law of Slavery 3. The Genesis of Race in Colonial Virginia 4. The First Black Slave Society 5. Acquiring a Slave Society Part III: Black Insurrection and White Counterinsurgency in Colonial America 6. A “Patroll” to Suppress Domestic Dangers 7. Policing the Chesapeake 8. Enemies of their Own Households Conclusion: Peculiar Institutions Acknowledgments Notes Index

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Book Synopsis

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Book Synopsis

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Book SynopsisIn REVISUALIZING SLAVERY, historians, heritage specialists, and cultural scientists shed new light on the history of slavery in Asia by centring visual sources specifically, Dutch paintings, watercolours and drawings from the seventeenth through nineteenth centuries. The traditional image of slavery in Asia is shaped and dominated by terms such as ''mild'', ''debt'' and ''household'', but new historical research that utilises the versatility, power of expression, and silences of and within visual sources explicitly points to it as violent and harsh in character -- comparable to the Atlantic history of slavery.

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Book SynopsisMy boots-on-the-ground work to fight human trafficking throughout Asia.There are more slaves in the world today than any other time in history.Enter the world of human trafficking and explore what we can do together to end this global crime. Where Were You?: A Profile of Modern Slavery by Matthew Friedman provides an up-to-date overview of human trafficking, a largely ignored present-day evil, and recounts true stories of enslavement in Asia today. Former United Nations and USAID expert Matthew Friedman obtained in-depth first-hand knowledge with boots-on-the-ground work over 30 years throughout Asia. Human trafficking exists in nearly every nation on earth and Friedman has personally interviewed hundreds of freed slaves and imprisoned traffickers throughout South and Southeast Asia.The modern slave trade operates in brothels, fisheries, clothing and chocolate industries, as well as a myriad of other manufacturing jobs and is a billion dollar business that continues to grow unchecked.Even with the collective response of governments, the UN and civil society partners, less than 0.2 percent of the victims are assisted.Trade Review"Matt's grasp of the issue(s) of human trafficking is 30 years deep, and reflects a long journey of action and reflection which he graciously allows us to learn from. There is something here for all of us, and indeed it will TAKE all of us to end human trafficking. That's the moral of Matt's superb book." Jennifer Roemhildt Tunehag, Co-founder, European Freedom Network Core team, Freedom Business Alliance Member, World Evangelical Alliance Global Human Trafficking Task Force"Must read for all. I highly commend this book for everyone to read whether you are an inquirer or a veteran abolitionist. If you are a government employee, business person or NGO worker, this is a must read. There is a growing list of literature to read on the topic of slavery and human trafficking, this one should be one of the first to read. In this new and very readable profile of modern slavery Matt Friedman gives a well-balanced take on the issue, his experience, and what each of us can do practically to join the 'second generation abolition movement'." -Peter J Mihaere, CEO, Stand Against Slavery"Has appeal for both the beginner and the veteran abolitionist. The theme of the book is really that of Friedman's personal experience as a counter trafficking agent over the past few decades Overall, I really enjoyed reading this book. I felt the author's transparency was very inspiring." Rachael Williams-Mejri, Editor, Grace As Justice MagazineTable of ContentsPART I: MEETING SUFFERING SLAVES ON THE FRONTLINES Chapter 1: Discovering Sexual Slavery Chapter 2: Inside the Brothels Chapter 3: Child Trafficking Chapter 4: The Counter-trafficking Community Chapter 5: Hearing Victims’ Voices PART II: ENDING MODERN SLAVERY IN OUR GENERATION Chapter 6: Are We Losing the Fight? Chapter 7: Heroes Chapter 8: Lessons from the Field Chapter 9: Lessons from Management and Administration Chapter 10: Learning from Mistakes Chapter 11: Lessons from Personal Struggles and Experiences Chapter 12: Learning from Tools, Projects and Best Practices Chapter 13: Some Theoretical Concepts Chapter 14: Today’s Abolitionist Movement

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