Revolutions, uprisings, rebellions Books

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Book SynopsisChina's 1911 Revolution was a momentous political transformation. Its leaders, however, were not rebellious troublemakers on the periphery of imperial order. On the contrary, they were a powerful political and economic elite deeply entrenched in local society and well-respected both for their imperially sanctioned cultural credentials and for their mastery of new ideas. The revolution they spearheaded produced a new, democratic political culture that enshrined national sovereignty, constitutionalism, and the rights of the people as indisputable principles. Based upon previously untapped Qing and Republican sources, The Politics of Rights and the 1911 Revolution in China is a nuanced and colorful chronicle of the revolution as it occurred in local and regional areas. Xiaowei Zheng explores the ideas that motivated the revolution, the popularization of those ideas, and their animating impact on the Chinese people at large. The focus of the book is not on the success or failure of the revolution, but rather on the transformative effect that revolution has on people and what they learn from it.Trade Review"While encompassing institutional and social history of the Republican Revolution in China, Zheng successfully breaks new ground by conceptualizing the era's political activism—its struggles and passions—around rights, law, and most of all, constitutionalism. This is the story of the birth of modern politics in China, whose historical messages remain valuable to the present day." -- Prasenjit Duara * Duke University *"A major contribution to the historiography of the 1911 Revolution, this book illuminates the events leading to the birth of the Chinese republic in a context wherein the propagation of new ideas prepared both elites and commoners to turn against the Qing government. Zheng depicts, in vivid and compelling detail, the constitutional movement and the 1911 Revolution in Sichuan, without losing sight of nationwide developments." -- Li Huaiyin * University of Texas at Austin *"In this powerful, original analysis, Xiaowei Zheng traces the genealogy of 'constitutionalism' and the transformation of elite consciousness in the last decades of the Qing dynasty. She analyzes both political culture and electoral politics and skillfully tacks between local and national levels. This is the best book on the 1911 Revolution to appear in many years, and it will be the point of departure for all future research on the subject." -- Matthew Sommer * Stanford University *"This study offers an important new framework for understanding China's 1911 Revolution by bringing intellectual change to the fore as the most decisive factor in creating the conditions for revolution." -- Edward McCord * China Review International *"The Chinese Revolution of 1911 toppled the Qing dynasty and established a republic. In this thoughtful, well-written work, Zheng argues that the revolution ushered in a new political culture of respect for the equality and rights of citizens, formed in response to the imperialist threat to the nation." -- K.E. Stapleton * Choice *"The Politics of Rights and the 1911 Revolution in China should be mandatory reading for all scholars of twentieth- and twenty-first-century China." -- Peter J. Carroll * Twentieth-Century China *"[A] considerable accomplishment in this impressive book....The repeated failures to establish the requisite political and institutional structures to successfully translate the emergence of this potent force into genuine, orderly, and meaningful political participation of the Chinese people in the management of their own country is, indeed, the tragedy of the Chinese revolution." -- Michael Tsin * American Historical Review *"The Politics of Rights and the 1911 Revolution in China is worth the attention of every student of modern China." -- Peter Zarrow * Journal of Asian Studies *Table of ContentsContents and AbstractsIntroduction: The Political Transformation of 1911 chapter abstractThe rereads the events of 1911 and introduces my key research question. In addition, it asserts the innovativeness of the methodology, the sources, and the lens used in this book. 1Sichuan and the Old Regime chapter abstractChapter One articulates the old regime and its collaborative model between the elite and the state in Sichuan. A rich and self-sufficient region, Sichuan was only fully incorporated into the Qing Empire in the 1850s. Soon after, the collaborative model between the elite and the state was called into question as population growth, foreign invasions, and various new tasks a strained Qing central government had to fulfill generated enormous tension in local society, eroding the established power configurations and destabilizing the old regime. 2The Ideas of Revolution: Equality, the People's Rights , and Popular Sovereignty chapter abstractChapter Two examines the most formative intellectual influences on the Sichuan constitutionalists. Like their cohorts from other provinces, the Sichuan constitutionalists took Liang Qichao as their spiritual leader. Most of them had studied at Hosei University in Japan, where they were also heavily influenced by the French legal tradition, especially its key concepts of rights, equality, and popular sovereignty. Their exposure to radical political thought while studying in Japan, in addition to reinforcing a tradition of elite activism, created a Chinese constitutionalism that was full of contradictions: while claiming to represent the people, these constitutionalists were at the same time the most aggressive agents in imposing state-building projects on local communities. Missing from their thinking was an understanding of the virtues of "limited government." 3The Project: The Chuan-Han Railway Company and the New Policies Reform chapter abstractChapters Three identifies and examines the economic background of the Sichuan constitutionalists and the implication of "rights" in the economic sphere. Acting on the rhetoric of rights, the constitutionalists of Sichuan took over the Chuan-Han Railway Company, but ended up exacting more taxation from Sichuan's people . 4Can Two Sides Walk Together Without Agreeing to Meet? Constitutionalists and Officials in the Late Qing Constitutional Reform chapter abstractChapters Four identifies and examines the political orientation of the Sichuan constitutionalists. Legitimized by the late-Qing constitutional reform and using the same rhetoric of rights, these constitutionalists strove to be the true power holders of the newly enhanced state. Via the Sichuan Provincial Assembly, they obtained both a political reputation that was unmatched by any other group and a solid organizational foundation.. 5The Rhetoric of Revolution: the Rights of the Nation, Constitutionalism, and the Rights of the People chapter abstractChapter Five scrutinizes the rhetoric created by the Sichuan constitutionalists as they took their struggle to the streets. By deploying political concepts like the rights of the nation, constitutionalism, and the rights of the people, and by creating a common purpose "to protect the railway and break the treaty," the movement leaders drew ordinary people into collective action. Combining a new political repertoire with old cultural symbols, they effectively mobilized people from different walks of life against powerful opponents. 6The Practice of Revolution: Organization, Mobilization, and Radicalization chapter abstractChapter Six analyzes the mechanisms by which the Railway Protection movement spread beyond the provincial capital and throughout the entire province. Unlike in most other provinces, in which the 1911 Revolution took place in the cities and happened in a matter of days, the movement in Sichuan involved tens of thousands of people throughout the province and spanned more than six months. How was solidarity created within the movement? What were the social networks and cultural symbols of the movement? 7The Expansion and Division of Revolution: Democratic Political Culture in Action chapter abstractChapter Seven chronicles the expansion and division of the revolution. During the revolution, the newly crafted political culture with rights at its core was practiced by a large group of activists; this lent the revolution strength and legitimacy. 8The End of Revolution: the Rise of Republicanism the Failure of Constitutionalism chapter abstractChapter Eight explores the end of the revolution. In Sichuan, the emergence of popular sovereignty as a new source of power created opportunities for nonactivists to join the revolution and control its politics. This chapter suggests that it was precisely the valorization of the people and the public opinion that prevented the creation of a stable constitutional order. Conclusion: The Legacy of the 1911 Revolution chapter abstractThe Conclusion evaluates the long-term impact of the revolution. Marking the rise of a new political consciousness, thousands of men and women gained firsthand experience in the public arena: they talked, read, and listened in new ways; they voted, protested, and joined political parties. After 1911, the old, imperial political culture was abandoned in favor of a popular republicanism in which elected assemblymen, students, intellectuals, and other members of society collaborated and competed in creating a new Chinese nation.

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Book SynopsisSarah Sarzynski's cultural history of Cold War–era Brazil examines the influence of revolutionary social movements in Northeastern Brazil during the lead-up to the 1964 coup that would bring the military to power for 21 years. Rural social movements that unfolded in the Northeast beginning in the 1950s inspired Brazilian and international filmmakers, intellectuals, politicians, and journalists to envision a potential social revolution in Brazil. But in the wake of the Cuban Revolution, the strength of rural social movements also raised fears about the threat of communism and hemispheric security. Turning to sources including Cinema Novo films, biographies, chapbook literature, and materials from U.S. and Brazilian government archives, Sarzynski shows how representations of the Northeast depended on persistent stereotypes depicting the region as backward, impoverished, and violent. By late March 1964, Brazilian Armed Forces faced little resistance when overthrowing democratically elected leaders in part because of the widely held belief that the violence and chaos in the "backward" Northeast threatened the modern Brazilian nation. Sarzynski's cultural history recasts conventional narratives of the Cold War in Brazil, showing how local struggles over land reform and rural workers' rights were part of broader ideological debates over capitalism and communism, Third World independence, and modernization on a global scale.Trade Review"Revolution in the Terra do Sol deftly analyzes the different images and tropes about the Brazilian Northeast that were employed by peasant groups, the Catholic Church, the U.S. government, the Brazilian Left, and conservative elites to justify their understanding of the region's reality as social conflicts intensified on the eve of the 1964 coup d'état." -- James Green * Brown University *"This book gives serious consideration to powerful recurring tropes of Northeast Brazil—messianic communities, bloodthirsty bandits, starving peasants—and will help readers to appreciate the power of these vivid representations, and to identify the ways in which they limited understandings of the complex social struggles taking place within Brazil in the years before and after the dictatorship of 1964-1985." -- Candace Slater * University of California, Berkeley *"Sarzynski's incisive analysis...critically adds to traditional historiographical emphases on peasant mobilization and counterinsurgency doctrine. In tracing the broader historical arc and cultural framework of northeastern Brazilian power struggles, she demonstrates the methodological value of an interdisciplinary approach to the history of Cold War Latin America." -- Seth Garfield * Hispanic American Historical Review *

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Book SynopsisMunich 1919 is a vivid portrayal of the chaos that followed World War I and the collapse of the Munich Council Republic by one of the most perceptive chroniclers of German history. Victor Klemperer provides a moving and thrilling account of what turned out to be a decisive turning point in the fate of a nation, for the revolution of 1918-9 not only produced the first German democracy, it also heralded the horrors to come. With the directness of an educated and independent young man, Klemperer turned his hand to political journalism, writing astute, clever and linguistically brilliant reports in the beleaguered Munich of 1919. He sketched intimate portraits of the people of the hour, including Erich Mühsam, Max Levien and Kurt Eisner, and took the measure of the events around him with a keen eye. These observations are made ever more poignant by the inclusion of passages from his later memoirs. In the midst of increasing persecution under the Nazis he reflected on the fateful year 1919, the growing threat of antisemitism, and the acquaintances he made in the period, some of whom would later abandon him, while others remained loyal. Klemperer's account once again reveals him to be a fearless and deeply humane recorder of German history. Munich 1919 will be essential reading for all those interested in 20th century history, constituting a unique witness to events of the period.Trade Review"Klemperer guides us through the confusion of those troubled days in Munich with empathy, subtlety and a perceptive eye." - Christopher Clark, University of Cambridge, UK "Klemperer has once again proven himself to be a brilliant reporter and an intelligent essayist. A sensational testimony. - Die Zeit "With his talent for dramatic portrayals, for reflection, and his knack for boiling things down to their essence, Munich 1919 gives us a more intimate view of Klemperer than we've ever seen before." - Die Welt "Klemperer's ability to grasp moods and attitudes has a truly Dickensian quality." - Los Angeles Times"A message in a bottle, with real immediacy." - Sydney Morning Herald"A compelling chronicle" - The Times Literary Supplement“This account needs to be read for itself and its dramatic descriptions of chaos and political madness. But it also needs to be read as a harbinger of the future — and attitudes that shaped German acquiescence in, and belief in, the violent antisemitism of Nazi ideology" - The Jewish Chronicle"Klemperer’s diary provides an invaluable, unique perspective on the creation and suppression of the Munich Soviet Republic. Observing and recording how events unfolded from his university perch, Klemperer’s account conveys the sense of confusion, of isolation, and of uncertainty that pervaded… Born in Prussia to Jewish parents, Klemperer uneasily records how Bavarian particularism blurred anti-Prussianism, anti-Semitism, and anti-Bolshevism into a toxic brew of resentment, fear, and loathing. Klemperer’s Munich 1919. Diary of a Revolution will become essential reading for those interested in the Weimar Republic, Bavarian identity, and the backstory to the rise of Hitler and National Socialism." - H-Net: Humanities & Social Sciences Online ‘a sobering glimpse into an uncertain time when history might have tilted in a different direction. Through [Klemperer’s] writings, we can come to see how those first violent months of the Weimar Republic were only a prelude to the later catastrophe.’The Nation "This is a gem of a book."Journal of Modern HistoryTable of ContentsForewordChristopher Clark Notes on the text Munich 1919 Diary of a Revolution Politics and the Bohemian World February 1919 Revolution Two Munich Ceremonies February 1919 Revolution Munich After Eisner's Assassination February 22, 1919 Revolution The Events at the University of Munich April 8, 1919 Revolution The Third Revolution in Bavaria April 9, 1919 Revolutionary Diary April 17, 1919 April 18, 1919 Revolution Revolutionary Diary April 19, 1919 Revolution Revolutionary Diary April 20, 1919 April 21, 1919 April 22, 1919 Revolution Revolutionary Diary April 30, 1919 Revolution Revolutionary Diary May 2, 1919 May 4, 1919 May 10, 1919 Revolution Munich Tragicomedy January 17, 1920 Appendix The German Revolution of 1918-9: A Historical EssayWolfram Wette Chronology About this edition Picture credits Notes Index

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Book SynopsisIt is impossible to understand capitalism without analyzing slavery, an institution that tied together three world regions: Europe, the Americas, and Africa. The exploitation of slave labor led to a form of proto-globalization in which violence was indispensable to the production of wealth. Against the background of this expanding circulation of capital and slave labor, the first revolution in Latin America took place: the Haitian Revolution, which began in 1791 and culminated with Haiti’s declaration of independence in 1804. Taking the Haitian Revolution as a paradigmatic case, Grüner shows that modernity is not a linear evolution from the center to the periphery but, rather, a co-production developed in the context of highly unequal power relations, where extreme forms of conquest and exploitation were an indispensable part of capital accumulation. He also shows that the Haitian Revolution opened up a path to a different kind of modernity, or “counter-modernity,” a path along which Latin America and the Caribbean have traveled ever since. A key work of critical theory from a Latin American perspective, this book will be of great interest to students and scholars of critical and cultural theory and of Latin America, as well as anyone concerned with the global impact of capitalism, colonialism, and race.Trade Review“Eduardo Grüner’s remarkable book is not only a brilliant discussion of slavery and the Haitian Revolution; it is also a profound philosophical and critical reflection, from the viewpoint of the slaves’ rebellion, on the contradictions of Eurocentric Enlightenment and of Western (capitalist) modernity.”Michael Löwy, author of The Theory of Revolution in the Young Marx “What is revolutionary today about the Haitian Revolution, in which African slaves brought Napoleon's army to ignominious defeat? How does it fundamentally challenge ways of thinking not just about modern history, but about thinking itself? Read Grüner’s book to find the answers to these pertinent questions.”Michael Taussig, Professor, Columbia University, Class of 1933Table of ContentsPreface by Gisela Catanzaro Prologue Chapter 1: The Category of Slavery and Modern Racism Elements for an Ethno-Historical Sociology of Ancient and Modern Slavery The Question of Racism Racism in “Early Modernity” The Traces of Time A Better World? Chapter 2: The Rebellion of the (Slave) Masses and the Haitian Revolution On the Combined and Uneven From Particularism to (False) Universalism: A “Philosophical Revolution” The (Uncertain) Logic of Slave Rebellions The Rest of the Americas Enter Saint-Domingue/Haiti A Portrait of Saint-Domingue/Haiti in 1791 An Excursus on Vodou and its Revolutionary Character The Social Complexities of Saint-Domingue The Confused Dynamic of the Revolution The Meaning(s) of the Haitian Revolution On “Creative” Violence Chapter 3: The Disavowed “Philosophical Revolution”: From Enlightenment Thought to the Crisis of Abstract Universalism Shadows in the Enlightenment: Rousseau, Montesquieu, Voltaire, and Slavery Slavery without Scare Quotes: Between Hegel and Marx The Black Enlightenment: The Haitian “Constitutional Revolution” The Difficulties of Theorizing (Haitian) Revolution Literature and Art Have Their Say Epilogue

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Book SynopsisPatriots and Indians examines relationships between elite South Carolinians and Native Americans through the colonial, Revolutionary, and early national periods. Eighteenth-century South Carolinians interacted with Indians in business and diplomatic affairs, as enemies and allies during times of war and less frequently in matters of scientific, religious, or sexual interest. Jeff W. Dennis elaborates on these connections and their seminal effects on the American Revolution and the establishment of the state of South Carolina.Dennis illuminates how southern Indians and South Carolinians contributed to and gained from the intercultural relationship, which subsequently influenced the careers, politics, and perspectives of leading South Carolina patriots and informed Indian policy during the Revolution and early republic. In eighteenth-century South Carolina, what it meant to be a person of European American, Native American, or African American heritage changed dramatically. People lived in transition; they were required to find solutions to an expanding array of sociocultural, economic, and political challenges. Ultimately their creative adaptations transformed how they viewed themselves and others.While Native Americans were not the only “others” of the Revolutionary world, they were nonwhite, nonslave, and non-Christian allies of Britain who inhabited many millions of acres of highly arable land. For radical spokesmen such as William Henry Drayton, along with many white people on the frontier, Indians were viewed as a defining enemy during the American Revolution. Dennis contends that the stronger the attachment these men felt to the Whig cause and their aversion to the British, the harsher their attitudes toward Indians. In contrast the closer they were to Indians, socially and psychologically, the more lenient they appeared toward Native Americans. This difference of opinion carried over into national policies toward Native Americans. Following independence, some South Carolina patriots such as Andrew Pickens imagined an American identity broad and honorable enough to include Indians.

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Book SynopsisThe first comprehensive biography in English of the leader of the Bavarian Revolution and Republic of 1918/19, the first Jewish head of a European state and a man who embraced and embodied modernity. At the end of the First World War, German Jewish journalist, theater critic, and political activist Kurt Eisner (1867-1919), just released from prison, led a nonviolent revolution in Munich that deposed the monarchy and established the Bavarian Republic. Local head of the Independent Socialists, Eisner had been jailed for treason after organizing a munitions workers' strike to force an armistice. For a hundred days, as Germany spiraled into civil war, Eisner fought as head of state to preserve calm while implementing a peaceful transition to democracy and reforging international relations. He rejected another central German government dominated by Prussia in favor of a confederation of autonomous equals, a "United States of Germany." A Francophile, he sought ties with Paris in hope of containing Prussia. In February 1919, on the way to submit his government's resignation to the newly elected constitutionalassembly, Eisner was shot by a protofascist aristocrat, plunging Bavaria into political chaos from which Adolf Hitler would emerge. At the centenary of the Bavarian Revolution and Republic of 1918/19, this is the first comprehensive biography of Eisner written for an English-language audience. Albert Earle Gurganus is Professor Emeritus of Modern Languages at The Citadel. He is the author of The Art of Revolution: Kurt Eisner's Agitprop (Camden House, 1986).Trade ReviewGurganus provides a detailed biography of the socialist intellectual Eisner, appreciating him not only in his role as minister-president of the Free State of Bavaria, which he himself proclaimed in 1918. The presentation of Eisner's life shows him in chronological fashion as a thinking, feeling, acting person of his time. Gurganus falls back on his research, which he began as far back as the 1970s, and provides a comprehensive evaluation of the archival sources. On hand of especially thorough reference to Eisner's numerous newspaper articles, Gurganus teases out his intellectual development and his political ideas. -- Laura Mokrohs * GERMANISTIK *It is important that an English-language study of the first Bavarian Minister-President is now available. -- Frank Jacob * FRANCIA-RECENSIO *[O]ne real strength of this book is that it confers a set of deeper strands to Eisner the public figure-what drove his politics, his journalism, and his relationships with others. . . . [A]n exemplary biography that takes us deep into the mind and context of its enigmatic subject. Gurganus's account is exhaustively researched without being overdetailed, and written with a captivating dramatic verve. . . . [T]he author more than meets his objective to cast his work for 'the broad band of English speakers' with a more general interest in early twentieth-century German history. -- Marcus Colla * GERMAN POLITICS AND SOCIETY *Compelling. * QUARTERLY REVIEW *[A]n exhaustive biography of Eisner [that] provides detailed insight into the SPD's party life in late nineteenth-century Germany. . . . [S]hows the breadth of Eisner's erudition. . . . [W]e are offered a beautiful picture of [Eisner's] versatility as an intellectual . . . . -- Wim de Jong * H-SOCIALISMS *[T]his book is a tour de force. It provides a treasure trove of information on one of the early twentieth-century German left's seminal and all too often forgotten figures. -- Mark Jones * JOURNAL OF MODERN HISTORY *Table of ContentsIntroduction A Novel's Suffering Hero: A Youth in Berlin (1867-1889) Aristocratize the Masses: From Berlin to Frankfurt to Marburg (1890-1893) Refuge of All Idealists: Through Cohen to Kant toward Marx (1893-1896) Dictatorial Megalomania: Lèse Majesté and Plötzensee Prison (1896-1898) Making the Leap: Back to Berlin as a Social Democrat (1898-1900) No Idle Dreamer: At the Helm of Vorwärts (1900-1902) My Life's Purpose: Molding the Readership (1902-1903) Never . . . a Less Fruitful Scholastic Debate: Intramural Strife - Evolution vs. Revolution (1903-1905) Revolutionizing Minds: The Scorched Middle Ground (1905) The Complete Parity of My Experiences: From Exile to Nuremberg (1905-1907) The Most Genuine and Fruitful Radicalism: Taking the Lead at the Fränkische Tagespost (1907-1908) So Suspect a Heretic as Surely I Am: New Bearings in North Bavaria (1908) Dear Little Whore: Personal and Professional Turmoil (1909) To Find a Lost Life: From Nuremberg to Munich (1909-1910) Something of a Party Offiziosus in Bavaria: Political Editor at the Münchener Post (1910-1911) At Peace with Myself: Resettling into Family Life (1912-1913) The Powerlessness of Reason: The World War Erupts (1914) Wretched Superfluity: Divided Loyalties (1915-1916) War for War's Sake: Political Alienation and Realignment (1916-1917) The Most Beautiful Days of My Life: Leading the Opposition (1917-1918) Our Power to Act Now Grows: From Prisoner to Premier (1918) The Terror of Truth: Forging the Republic, Combatting Reaction (1918) The Fantasies of a Visionary: Martyr of the Revolution (1918-1919) Now Dead, as It Stands: Outcomes and Legacy (1919-2017) Abbreviations Notes Sources and References Index

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Book Synopsis"In the Beginning was Napoleon"--"Napoleon and no end": Inspiration Bonaparte explores German responses to Bonaparte in literature, philosophy, painting, science, education, music, and film from his rise to the present. Two hundred years after his death, Napoleon Bonaparte (1769-1821) continues to resonate as a fascinating, ambivalent, and polarizing figure. Differences of opinion as to whether Bonaparte should be viewed as the executor of the principles of the French Revolution or as the figure who was principally responsible for their corruption are as pronounced today as they were at the beginning of the nineteenth century. Contributing to what had been an uneasy German relationship with the French Revolution, the rise of Bonaparte was accompanied by a pattern of Franco-German hostilities that inspired both enthusiastic support and outraged dissent in the German-speaking states. The fourteen essays that comprise Inspiration Bonaparte examine the mythologization of Napoleon in German literature of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries and explore the significant impact of Napoleonic occupation on a broad range of fields including philosophy, painting, politics, the sciences, education, and film. As the contributions from leading scholars emphasize, the contradictory attitudes toward Bonaparte held by so many prominent German thinkers are a reflection of his enduring status as a figure through whom the trauma of shattered late-Enlightenment expectations of sociopolitical progress and evolving concepts of identity politics is mediated.Table of ContentsAcknowledgments Introduction Seán Allan and Jeffrey L. High Part I. Napoleon: Art, Literature, and Occupation 1: Prelude-Pre-Occupation Bonaparte: Historical and Literary Conquerors in Schiller's Life, Thought, and Works Jeffrey L. High 2: Schiller's Johanna and Collin's Bianca as Women('s)-Liberators in Anti-Napoleonic Drama Rebecca Stewart 3: Friedrich Hölderlin, the French Revolution, and Napoleon: Politics, Poetry, Philosophy Laura Anna Macor 4: The Anecdote on the Battlefield: Napoleon-Kleist-Kluge Christian Moser 5: "Der große Schauspieler, Napoleon Buonaparte": August von Kotzebue's Antitheatrical Politics Elystan Griffiths 6: An Ingenious Tyrant: The Representation of Napoleon Bonaparte by German Women Writers Elisabeth Krimmer 7: Icons of Resistance: Kleist, Le Musée Napoléon, and Queen Luise of Prussia Seán Allan Part II. Napoleon: Political Science and Natural Science 8: The European Machine God: The Image of Napoleon Bonaparte in the Political Writings of Jean Paul Helmut J. Schneider 9: Saul Ascher's Napoleon Bernd Fischer 10: Napoleon's Campaigns: Models for "French" Revolutionary Science Abroad and at Home? Mary Orr 11: Napoleonic Occupation and the Militarization of the Sciences: The Case of Johannes Scherr and the Zurich Polytechnic Andrew Cusack Part III. Inspiration Bonaparte: German Receptions from Vormärz to the Present 12: "We are all possessed!" Napoleon and Inspiration in German Naturalist Drama Michael White 13: Arnold Schoenberg's Setting of Byron's Ode to Napoleon: Fighting Hitler's Regime in Byron's and Beethoven's Wake Wolf Kittler 14: The Emperor's Clothes: Napoleon as a Screen Icon Susanne Kord Notes on the Contributors Index

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Book SynopsisFrench playwright, novelist, activist, and journalist Louis Sébastien Mercier (1740–1814) passionately captured scenes of social injustice in pre-Revolutionary Paris in his prolific oeuvre but today remains an understudied writer. In this penetrating study—the first in English devoted to Mercier in decades—Michael Mulryan explores his unpublished writings and urban chronicles, Tableau de Paris (1781–88) and Le Nouveau Paris (1798), in which he identified the city as a microcosm of national societal problems, detailed the conditions of the laboring poor, encouraged educational reform, and confronted universal social ills. Mercier’s rich writings speak powerfully to the sociopolitical problems that continue to afflict us as political leaders manipulate public debate and encourage absolutist thinking, deepening social divides. An outcast for his polemical views during his lifetime, Mercier has been called the founder of modern urban discourse, and his work a precursor to investigative journalism. This sensitive study returns him to his rightful place among Enlightenment thinkers.Trade Review“Mulryan analyzes the social divisions and the reforming policies that are expressed through the representation of urban space. One of the most important contributions of this book lies in the exploration of unpublished texts and of perspectives little addressed by critics such as the religious anchoring of Mercier's thought.”— Geneviève Boucher, associate professor of French, University of Ottawa “A comprehensive exploration of Mercier’s wonderfully entertaining ‘tableaux de Paris’ and his lively, passionate, and multi-faceted commitment to social justice. In this highly informative, highly necessary study, Mulryan demonstrates with great clarity and precision why Mercier is a major late Enlightenment writer.”— Laurence Mall, author of Emile ou les figures de la fiction “This original investigation into pre-and post-Revolutionary Paris and its festive, social, and artistic spaces vividly captures Mercier’s journalisme engagé. A fascinating study worthy of this eclectic, pivotal author.”— Fabienne Moore, author of Prose Poems of the French Enlightenment: Delimiting Genre “Mulryan’s book might as well be about the unannounced birth of sociology some fifty years before Auguste Comte. Through his reading of the urban space of Paris and his representation of the different strands of Parisian society, Mercier exposed in great detail the existence of inequalities, abuses, and injustices that had hitherto mostly been treated theoretically; and as Mulryan shows quite dexterously, this practical, urban approach allows Mercier to give practical solutions to the woes of France, before and after the Revolution.”— Fayçal Falaky, author of Social Contract, Masochist Contract: Aesthetics of Freedom and Submission in RousseauTable of ContentsList of Illustrations Introduction 1 The Desolation of Festive Space in Tableau de Paris 2 Authoritarian versus Enlightened Approaches to Urban Space in Tableau de Paris 3 Art and Society in Tableau de Paris 4 Mercier’s “New” Chaotic Paris: Surviving a Moral Vacuum among the Delusional, the Dethroned, and the Disenfranchised 5 The Regeneration of the French Citizen: The “Homme Nouveau” as the Cornerstone Mercier’s Modern Urbs Conclusion Acknowledgments Notes Bibliography Index

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Book SynopsisFrench playwright, novelist, activist, and journalist Louis Sébastien Mercier (1740–1814) passionately captured scenes of social injustice in pre-Revolutionary Paris in his prolific oeuvre but today remains an understudied writer. In this penetrating study—the first in English devoted to Mercier in decades—Michael Mulryan explores his unpublished writings and urban chronicles, Tableau de Paris (1781–88) and Le Nouveau Paris (1798), in which he identified the city as a microcosm of national societal problems, detailed the conditions of the laboring poor, encouraged educational reform, and confronted universal social ills. Mercier’s rich writings speak powerfully to the sociopolitical problems that continue to afflict us as political leaders manipulate public debate and encourage absolutist thinking, deepening social divides. An outcast for his polemical views during his lifetime, Mercier has been called the founder of modern urban discourse, and his work a precursor to investigative journalism. This sensitive study returns him to his rightful place among Enlightenment thinkers.Trade Review“A comprehensive exploration of Mercier’s wonderfully entertaining ‘tableaux de Paris’ and his lively, passionate, and multi-faceted commitment to social justice. In this highly informative, highly necessary study, Mulryan demonstrates with great clarity and precision why Mercier is a major late Enlightenment writer.” -- Laurence Mall * author of Emile ou les figures de la fiction *“This original investigation into pre-and post-Revolutionary Paris and its festive, social, and artistic spaces vividly captures Mercier’s journalisme engagé. A fascinating study worthy of this eclectic, pivotal author.” -- Fabienne Moore * author of Prose Poems of the French Enlightenment: Delimiting Genre *“Mulryan’s book might as well be about the unannounced birth of sociology some fifty years before Auguste Comte. Through his reading of the urban space of Paris and his representation of the different strands of Parisian society, Mercier exposed in great detail the existence of inequalities, abuses, and injustices that had hitherto mostly been treated theoretically; and as Mulryan shows quite dexterously, this practical, urban approach allows Mercier to give practical solutions to the woes of France, before and after the Revolution.” -- Fayçal Falaky * author of Social Contract, Masochist Contract: Aesthetics of Freedom and Submission in Rousseau *“Mulryan analyzes the social divisions and the reforming policies that are expressed through the representation of urban space. One of the most important contributions of this book lies in the exploration of unpublished texts and of perspectives little addressed by critics such as the religious anchoring of Mercier's thought.” -- Geneviève Boucher * associate professor of French, University of Ottawa *Table of ContentsList of Illustrations Introduction 1 The Desolation of Festive Space in Tableau de Paris 2 Authoritarian versus Enlightened Approaches to Urban Space in Tableau de Paris 3 Art and Society in Tableau de Paris 4 Mercier’s “New” Chaotic Paris: Surviving a Moral Vacuum among the Delusional, the Dethroned, and the Disenfranchised 5 The Regeneration of the French Citizen: The “Homme Nouveau” as the Cornerstone Mercier’s Modern Urbs Conclusion Acknowledgments Notes Bibliography Index

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Book SynopsisTartan Gangs and Paramilitaries is a new oral history of the loyalist backlash of the early 1970s in Northern Ireland. In the violent maelstrom of Belfast in 1971 and 1972 many young members of loyalist youth gangs known as ‘Tartans’ converged with fledgling paramilitary groups such as the Red Hand Commando, Ulster Volunteer Force and Young Citizen Volunteers. This fresh account focuses on the manner in which the loyalist community in Belfast reacted to an increasingly vicious Provisional IRA campaign and explores the violent role that young loyalist men played in the period from 1970 – 1975. Through the use of unique one-on-one interviews former members of Tartan gangs and loyalist paramilitaries explain what motivated them to cross the Rubicon from gang activity to paramilitaries. The book utilises a wide range of sources such as newspaper articles, loyalist newssheets, coroners’ inquest reports and government memorandums to provide the context for a dynamic new study of the emergence of loyalist paramilitarism.Trade ReviewReviews 'A well written and convincing study of a neglected aspect of loyalist formation and identity, this book makes a valuable contribution to the literature on loyalism.' Graham Spence, University of Portsmouth'Gareth Mulvenna has written a classic with this study of the emergence of the Tartan gangs of Belfast in the early 1970s and their subsequent absorption, often as enthusiastic killers, into the ranks of the UVF, Red Hand Commando and Ulster Defence Association. With their origins in the Glasgow gangs and the Protestant reaction to the growth of IRA violence in 1970-72, symbolised by the killing of three Scottish soldiers in 1971, the Tartan gangs were an important part of Unionist selfhood at the outbreak of the Troubles. [...] I have no hesitation in recommending this valuable and well written book.' Ed Moloney'Gareth Mulvenna provides a fascinating insight into the world of young loyalists associated with the Tartan Gangs, Young Citizen Volunteers and Red Hand Commando. He relates these to earlier gangs and subcultures. Their mode of expression was governed by growing tensions in an increasingly divided Northern Ireland. Militant politicians, Ulster and Irish, had stirred up strife with little concern for the consequences. Young people were caught up in the violence but many eventually realised the futility of violence and worked to find a better way.' Roy Garland'...fascinating exploration of early 1970s Loyalism.' Ed Moloney, The Broken Elbow'This is an important and valuable book. The story it tells is an important one and the concluding paragraph is bang on the money. Lessons still haven’t been learned from that journey from Tartan gang to paramilitary gang, so I hope that politicians – from all parties – will read this book.' Alex Kane, News Letter'Tartan Gangs makes an important contribution to one of the most contentious features of post-conflict Northern Ireland, namely the notion of 'legacy'. The author has publicly expressed frustrations that amid much focus on issues of collusion and the role of the state, the Loyalist experience, still generally portrayed as brutal and unsophisticated, remains at the edges of the “uncomfortable conversations”. Mulvenna’s study is a valiant attempt at teasing out the often overlooked motivations of Loyalism, its notions of defending its areas, its cultural and social way of life and where Republicanism is viewed, not as part of a world revolutionary movement, but as the catalyst for sectarian carnage in their communities.' Gerry Braiden, Herald Scotland'Rather than romanticise or glorify the loyalist violence that followed from what were originally small gangs of young men dressed in tartan scarves to organised paramilitary organisations, Mulvenna breaks it down in a way that I admit made me think for the first time about my own understanding of loyalism. His book does not make for easy reading at times, but it is nonetheless an important study of the past which is incredibly relevant in the here and now. The now old men who spoke to Mulvenna about their experiences use the same language the young men of east Belfast are using now. That fear of cultural erosion may well be based on perception rather than reality but what this book demonstrates if nothing else is how unwise it is dismiss those fears and risk history repeating itself.' Allison Morris, The Irish News'Mulvenna has made an important contribution to existing work on the loyalist paramilitaries, including that by Scottish academics Steve Bruce and Ian S Wood. The book is among the best accounts of the sweaty, bloody chaos of the early troubles and further confirmation that the best work about the conflict is that which uses oral history to full effect.'Alasdair McKillop, Scottish Review'This is an important and valuable historical work that humanises those who suffered and those who fought in the conflict.'Sean Huddleston, Irish Studies ReviewTable of ContentsIllustrationsAcknowledgementsPrologueIntroduction1. Drills, Fights and Defence2. ‘Civil rights, unrest, death’ (1960s)3. Football, Flags and Fighting (1970–71)4. Protestants at War? (1971–72)5. Convergence (1972)6. From Boys Brigade Belts and Bibles to Bombs and Bullets (1972–75)ConclusionBibliographyIndex

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Book SynopsisTartan Gangs and Paramilitaries is a new oral history of the loyalist backlash of the early 1970s in Northern Ireland. In the violent maelstrom of Belfast in 1971 and 1972 many young members of loyalist youth gangs known as ‘Tartans’ converged with fledgling paramilitary groups such as the Red Hand Commando, Ulster Volunteer Force and Young Citizen Volunteers. This fresh account focuses on the manner in which the loyalist community in Belfast reacted to an increasingly vicious Provisional IRA campaign and explores the violent role that young loyalist men played in the period from 1970 – 1975. Through the use of unique one-on-one interviews former members of Tartan gangs and loyalist paramilitaries explain what motivated them to cross the Rubicon from gang activity to paramilitaries. The book utilises a wide range of sources such as newspaper articles, loyalist newssheets, coroners’ inquest reports and government memorandums to provide the context for a dynamic new study of the emergence of loyalist paramilitarism.Trade ReviewReviews 'A well written and convincing study of a neglected aspect of loyalist formation and identity, this book makes a valuable contribution to the literature on loyalism.' Graham Spence, University of Portsmouth'Gareth Mulvenna has written a classic with this study of the emergence of the Tartan gangs of Belfast in the early 1970s and their subsequent absorption, often as enthusiastic killers, into the ranks of the UVF, Red Hand Commando and Ulster Defence Association. With their origins in the Glasgow gangs and the Protestant reaction to the growth of IRA violence in 1970-72, symbolised by the killing of three Scottish soldiers in 1971, the Tartan gangs were an important part of Unionist selfhood at the outbreak of the Troubles. [...] I have no hesitation in recommending this valuable and well written book.' Ed Moloney'Gareth Mulvenna provides a fascinating insight into the world of young loyalists associated with the Tartan Gangs, Young Citizen Volunteers and Red Hand Commando. He relates these to earlier gangs and subcultures. Their mode of expression was governed by growing tensions in an increasingly divided Northern Ireland. Militant politicians, Ulster and Irish, had stirred up strife with little concern for the consequences. Young people were caught up in the violence but many eventually realised the futility of violence and worked to find a better way.' Roy Garland'...fascinating exploration of early 1970s Loyalism.' Ed Moloney, The Broken Elbow'This is an important and valuable book. The story it tells is an important one and the concluding paragraph is bang on the money. Lessons still haven’t been learned from that journey from Tartan gang to paramilitary gang, so I hope that politicians – from all parties – will read this book.' Alex Kane, News Letter'Tartan Gangs makes an important contribution to one of the most contentious features of post-conflict Northern Ireland, namely the notion of 'legacy'. The author has publicly expressed frustrations that amid much focus on issues of collusion and the role of the state, the Loyalist experience, still generally portrayed as brutal and unsophisticated, remains at the edges of the “uncomfortable conversations”. Mulvenna’s study is a valiant attempt at teasing out the often overlooked motivations of Loyalism, its notions of defending its areas, its cultural and social way of life and where Republicanism is viewed, not as part of a world revolutionary movement, but as the catalyst for sectarian carnage in their communities.' Gerry Braiden, Herald Scotland'Rather than romanticise or glorify the loyalist violence that followed from what were originally small gangs of young men dressed in tartan scarves to organised paramilitary organisations, Mulvenna breaks it down in a way that I admit made me think for the first time about my own understanding of loyalism. His book does not make for easy reading at times, but it is nonetheless an important study of the past which is incredibly relevant in the here and now. The now old men who spoke to Mulvenna about their experiences use the same language the young men of east Belfast are using now. That fear of cultural erosion may well be based on perception rather than reality but what this book demonstrates if nothing else is how unwise it is dismiss those fears and risk history repeating itself.' Allison Morris, The Irish News'Mulvenna has made an important contribution to existing work on the loyalist paramilitaries, including that by Scottish academics Steve Bruce and Ian S Wood. The book is among the best accounts of the sweaty, bloody chaos of the early troubles and further confirmation that the best work about the conflict is that which uses oral history to full effect.'Alasdair McKillop, Scottish Review'This is an important and valuable historical work that humanises those who suffered and those who fought in the conflict.'Sean Huddleston, Irish Studies ReviewTable of ContentsIllustrationsAcknowledgementsPrologueIntroduction1. Drills, Fights and Defence2. ‘Civil rights, unrest, death’ (1960s)3. Football, Flags and Fighting (1970–71)4. Protestants at War? (1971–72)5. Convergence (1972)6. From Boys Brigade Belts and Bibles to Bombs and Bullets (1972–75)ConclusionBibliographyIndex

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Book SynopsisOne hundred years ago, Easter 1916, Irish revolutionaries rose against the British Empire proclaiming a Republic from the steps of the General Post Office in Dublin. The men and women of the Easter Rising were defeated by the overwhelming force of the British Army, in five days of intense fighting. Their leaders were executed. But the Easter Rising lit a fire that ended with the whole country turning against Westminster's rule, and founding a nation. But today, the heirs to the Irish state are embarrassed about 1916. They are ashamed that their state owes its origins to a revolution. Along with academics and other commentators in the press and on television they dismiss the Rising as the work of violent fanatics, and the defeat of constitutional politics. Who's Afraid of the Easter Rising? explains why today's Dublin elite are recoiling from the origins of their state in a popular struggle. Where the critics paint the Rising as an armed conspiracy, we explain that it was in fact a revolt against war; not a militaristic upsurge, but the first challenge to the awful slaughter of the First World War. The Statesmen of Europe sacrificed millions upon the altar of war. Their recruiting sergeants in Ireland, Edward Carson and John Redmond sent 200,000 Irishmen into the slaughter and nearly 50,000 were killed. The Easter Rising drew a halt to British recruitment, and the blow to the Empire was the first crack in a growing revolt against the war, followed by the Russian Revolution in 1917, and the German revolution the following year - which ended the conflict. The Easter Rising was an inspiration to those who were challenging the Empires of Europe, from India to Vietnam, from New Zealand to Moscow; it was an inspiration to British activists like John Maclean and Sylvia Pankhurst; and it was an inspiration to the Irish men and women who rose up against British rule to free their nation.

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Book SynopsisWritten in a lively and engaging style, and designed to be accessible to a broader audience, this collection combines new research with the latest scholarship to provide a fresh and invigorating introduction to the revolutionary period that transformed Britain and its empire. There has been an explosion of interest in the 'Glorious' Revolution in recent years. Long regarded as the lesser of Britain's seventeenth-century revolutions, a faint after tremor following the major earthquake of mid-century, itis now coming to be seen as a major transformative episode in its own right, a landmark event which marked a distinctive break in British history. This collection sheds new light on the final crisis of the Stuart monarchy by re-examining the causes and implications of the dynastic shift of 1688-9 from a broad chronological, intellectual and geographical perspective. Comprising eleven essays by specialists in the field, it ranges from the 1660s to the mid-eighteenth century, deals with the history of ideas as well as political and religious history, and not only covers England, Scotland and Ireland but also explores the Atlantic and European contexts. Encompassing high politics and low politics, Tory and Whig political thought, and the experiences of both Catholics and Protestants, it ranges from protest and resistance to Jacobitism and counter-revolution and even offers an evaluation of British attitudes towards slavery. Written in a lively and engaging style and designed to be accessible to a broader audience, it combines new research with the latest scholarship to provide a fresh and invigorating introduction to the revolutionary period that transformed Britain and its empire. TIM HARRIS is Munro-Goodwin-Wilkinson Professor in European History at Brown University STEPHEN TAYLOR is Professor in the History of Early Modern England and Head of Department at Durham University.Trade ReviewThe essays in this excellent collection are all written to a uniformly high standard of scholarship and clarity and should be both instructive and entertaining reading to those interested in gaining a perspective on the most recent work being done on the period and events so central to the history of the Huguenot diaspora. * HUGUENOT SOCIETY JOURNAL *[P]romises to provide new insights on the final crisis of the last wholly British ruling dynasty. * CANADIAN JOURNAL OF HISTORY *

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Book SynopsisThis socialist history of modern Greece tells the story of its rebirth in struggle, the heroic resistance to Nazi occupation, the civil war and its aftermath, the colonels' dictatorship and its overthrow, the rise and fall of PASOK, the debt crisis, the popular uprising of 2010-12, the election of SYRIZA, the referendum and the subsequent capitulation. What lessons can Greece's experience teach those campaigning against austerity throughout Europe? This book includes an Appendix by Eric Toussaint.

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Book SynopsisAn exploration of the Totonac native community of Papantla, Veracruz, during the last half of the eighteenth century. Told through the lens of violent revolt, this is the first book-length study devoted to Papantla during the colonial era. The book tells the story of a native community confronting significant disruption of its agricultural tradition, and the violence that change provoked. Papantla's story is told in the form of an investigation into the political, social, and ethnic experience of an agrarian community. The Bourbon monopolisation of tobacco in 1764 disturbed a fragile balance, and pushed long-term native frustrations to the point of violence. Through the stories of four uprisings, Jake Frederick examines the Totonacs increasingly difficult economic environment, their view of justice, and their political tactics. Riot! argues that for the native community of Papantla, the nature of colonial rule was, even in the waning decades of the colonial era, a process of negotiation rather than subjugation. The second half of the eighteenth century saw an increase in collective violence across the Spanish American colonies as communities reacted to the strains imposed by the various Bourbon reforms. Riot! provides a much needed exploration of what the colony-wide policy reforms of Bourbon Spain meant on the ground in rural communities in New Spain. The narrative of each uprising draws the reader into the crisis as it unfolds, providing an entree into an analysis of the event. The focus on the community provides a new understanding of the demographics of this rural community, including an account of the as yet unexamined black population of Papantla.

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Book SynopsisStirring the Pot of Haitian History is the first-ever translation of Ti dife boule sou istoua Ayiti (1977), the earliest book written by Haitian anthropologist Michel-Rolph Trouillot. Challenging understandings of two centuries of Haitian history, Trouillot analyzes the pivotal role of formerly enslaved Haitian revolutionaries in the Revolution and War of Independence (1791–1804), a generation of people who became the founders of the modern Haitian state and advanced the vibrant culture that flourishes in Haiti. This book confronts Haiti’s political culture and the racial mythologizing of historical figures such as Jean-Jacques Dessalines, Toussaint Louverture, Andre Rigaud, and Alexandre Petion. Trouillot examines the socio-economic and political contradictions and inequalities within the French colony of Saint-Domingue, traces the unraveling of the racist class system after 1790, and argues that Vodou and the Haitian Creole language provided the underlying cultural cohesion and resistance that led Haiti to independence.This groundbreaking book blends Marxist criticism with Haiti’s rich oral storytelling traditions to provide a playful yet incisive account of Haitian political thought that is rooted in the style and culture of Haitian Creole speakers. Proverbs, wordplay, and songs from popular culture and Vodou religion are interspersed with explorations of complex social and political realities and historical hypotheses; readers are thus drawn into a captivating oral performance.In a nation where the Haitian Creole majority language is still marginalized in government and education, Ti dife boule leaps out as a major contribution in the effort to expand Haitian Creole scholarship. Stirring the Pot of Haitian History holds a significant place in the expanding canon of Caribbean literature. The English translation of Trouillot’s first book—showing how historical problems continue to reverberate within the contemporary moment—provides readers with a one-of-a-kind Haitian perspective on Haitian revolutionary history and its legacies.This book received Honorable Mentions for both the Modern Languages Association's Lois Roth Award for a Translation of a Literary Work and the Latin American Studies Association's Isis Duarte Book Prize.Trade Review\‘Thanks to Past and Hebblethwaite, Stirring the Pot offers a fresh opportunity to understand Haitian history through the lens of one of the most brilliant theorists of our time.\’ Alyssa Goldstein Sepinwall, Age of Revolutions‘Challenging settled knowledge about the modern Western world for a quarter-century, [Trouillot] had used philosophy, history, anthropology, and political economy to map new paths for understanding intimate connections between knowledge and power, always posting guardrails against false assumptions, simplistic reasoning, mythology masquerading as history, misinterpretation of facts, and flawed analysis spawning distorted conclusions or generalizations… co-translators Mariana Past and Benjamin Hebblethwaite help English readers begin to appreciate the letter, spirit, rhythm, playfulness, and goals of this multilayered text, as well as the complex Haitian culture-historical realities that prompted its writing.’ Drexel G. Woodson, New West Indian GuideTable of ContentsPreface by Lyonel Antoine TrouillotEnglish translation of preface by Mariana F. Past and Benjamin J. HebblethwaiteTranslators’ Note and AcknowledgementsStirring the Pot of Haitian History1. I’m holding a gathering2. A Kòd Noua [Black Code/Cord] to tie up little pigs3. Keep reading and you’ll understand4. Fire in the house5. Open the gate6. The little orange tree grew7. Cousin, that’s not what you told me8. Bibliography of original (1977) text9. Afterword by Jean Jonassaint10. Bibliography for English Translation, Translators’ Note, and Afterword 11. Appendix‘ki mò ki toué lanpérè’ (‘What spirit of the dead killed the emperor’)by L. Raymond, pseudonym of M-R. Trouillot (Lakansièl 3, 1975, pp. 37-39)‘lindépandans dévan-dèyè: dapiyanp sou révolision’ (‘Upside-down independence: raiding revolution’)by L. Raymond (Lakansièl, Spécial nouvelle année, 1976 (Haiti Art Inc.), pp. 46-50)

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Book SynopsisThe recently-discovered letters of the wealthy counter-revolutionary aristocrat, Innocente-Catherine de Rougé, dowager duchess d’Elbeuf (1707-94), offer a vivid and exciting new eye-witness perspective on the French Revolution and the Terror. Hostile witness to everything about the Revolution, from the noble revolt, the storming of the Bastille and the peasant revolution in 1788-91, through to the outbreak of war, the overthrow and trial of Louis XVI and the Terror in 1791-4, the duchess’s letters to an unknown friend offer an unparalleled real-time narrative by an aristocratic woman struggling to understand radical change. Though tempted by emigration to the Low Countries, the duchess was unusual among her contemporary fellow-aristocrats in remaining in France down to her death in 1794, based in her two homes in Picardy and at the heart of Paris. As well as providing a detailed account of all she saw and read, the correspondence also portrays the anguished mental and spiritual odyssey of a highly devout octogenarian woman, who persisted inplangently declaring her outspokenly counter-revolutionary views even as she approached her own death in conditions of great personal danger. The letters constitute a remarkable example of female life-writing at the heart of the Age of Revolutions from a unique perspective.Table of ContentsIntroduction: The Duchesse d’Elbeuf before 1789 The Duchesse d’Elbeuf’s Revolution The hôtel d’Elbeuf and the Paris political world Paris and Moreuil, 1788-91 Flirting with emigration, 1791-92 Paris under terror The end of the line The Text: form, style and genre Note on the text LETTERS AND NOTES SECTION 1: 1788–89 Summary Letter 1. Paris, Saturday, 13 December 1788 Letter 2. Paris, Thursday, 22 January 1789 Letter 3. Paris, Tuesday, 10 February 1789 Letter 4. Paris, Tuesday, 24 March 1789 Letter 5. Paris, Thursday, 31 April 1789 Letter 6. Paris, Saturday, 9 May 1789 Letter 7. Paris, Friday, 22 May 1789 Letter 8. Paris, Monday, 15 June 1789 Letter 9. Paris, Wednesday, 24 June 1789 Letter 10. Paris, Thursday, 1 July 1789 Letter 11. Paris, Thursday, 16 July 1789 Letter 12. Paris, Wednesday, 22 July 1789 Letter 13. Moreuil, Saturday, 8 August 1789 Letter 14. Moreuil, Thursday, 10 September 1789 Letter 15. Moreuil, Wednesday, 14 October 1789 Letter 16. Moreuil, Saturday, 17 October 1789 Letter 17. Moreuil, Wednesday, 18 November 1789 Letter 18. Moreuil, Tuesday, 22 December 1789 SECTION 2: 1790 Summary Letter 19. Moreuil, Monday, 1 February 1790 Letter 20. Paris, Saturday, 10 March 1790 Letter 21. Moreuil, Thursday, 15 April 1790 Letter 22. Moreuil, Friday, 28 May 1790 NOTES 4–19 June 1790 Letter 23. Moreuil, Friday, 21 June 1790 NOTES 28 June–4 July 1790 Letter 24. Moreuil, Monday, 5 July 1790 NOTES 8–28 July 1790 Letter 25. Moreuil, Saturday, 31 July 1790 NOTES 4–28 August 1790 DELETED NOTES 3–9 September 1790 Letter 26. Moreuil, Monday, 30 August 1790 NOTES 31 August–28 December 1790 Letter 27. Moreuil, Wednesday, 29 December 1790 SECTION 3: 1791 Summary NOTES 2 January–7 February 1791 Letter 28. Saturday, Moreuil, 12 February 1791 NOTES 15 February–19 March 1791 Letter 29. Paris, Saturday, 19 March 1791 NOTES 23 March–27 April 1791 Letter 30. Paris, Friday, 29 April 1791 NOTES 1–16 May 1791 Letter 31. Paris, Monday, 16 May 1791 NOTES 21 May–30 June 1791 Letter 32. Paris, Thursday, 30 June 1791 NOTES 3–27 July 1791 Letter 33. Paris, Friday, 29 July 1791 NOTES 1–25 August 1791 Letter 34. Paris, Saturday, 27 August 1791 NOTES 29 August–3 September 1791 Letter 35. Paris, Monday, 5 September 1791 NOTES 8–14 September 1791 Letter 36. Tournai, Monday, 3 October 1791 Letter 37. Tournai, Monday, 7 November 1791 Letter 38. Tournai, Thursday, 25 December 1791 SECTION 4: 1792 Summary Letter 39. Tournai, Saturday, 7 January 1792 Letter 40. Tournai, Wednesday, 31 January 1792 Letter 41. Tournai, Wednesday, 29 February 1792 NOTES March 1792 Letter 42. Paris, Thursday, 22 March 1792 NOTES 8 April 1792 Letter 43. Paris, Monday, 9 April 1792 NOTES 11–26 April 1792 Letter 44. Paris, Monday, 16 April 1792 NOTES 17–28 April 1792 Letter 45. Paris, Tuesday, 24 April 1792 NOTES 25 April–25 May 1792 Letter 46. Paris, Thursday, 25 May 1792 NOTES 28–30 May 1792 Letter 47. Paris, Thursday, 31 May 1792 NOTES 31 May–16 June 1792 Letter 48. Paris, Saturday, 16 June 1792 NOTES 18 June–7 July 1792 Letter 49. Paris, Monday, 9 July 1792 NOTES 10–20 July 1792 Letter 50. Paris, Wednesday, 18 July 1792 NOTES 16–28 July 1792 Letter 51. Paris, Wednesday, 25 July 1792 NOTES 25 July–13 August 1792 Letter 52. Paris, Tuesday, 14 August 1792 NOTES 15–23 August 1792 Letter 53. Paris, Friday, 24 August 1792 NOTES 24 August–3 September 1792 Letter 54. Paris, Tuesday, 4 September 1792 NOTES 4–21 September 1792 Letter 55. Paris, Saturday, 22 September 1792 NOTES 25 September–13 October Letter 56. Paris, Saturday, 15 October 1792 NOTES 16 October–20 November 1792 Letter 57. Paris, Thursday, 22 November 1792 NOTES 23 November–13 December 1792 Letter 58. Paris, Saturday, 15 December 1792 NOTES 16–26 December 1792 Section 5: 1793–94 Summary NOTES 4–21 January 1793 Letter 59. Paris, Tuesday, 22 January 1793 NOTES 24 January–1 March 1793 Letter 60. Paris, Friday, 1 March 1793 NOTES 3–29 March 1793 Letter 61. Paris, Friday, 29 March 1793 NOTES 1–9 April 1793 Letter 62. Paris, Wednesday, 10 April 1793 NOTES 12 April–13 May 1793 Letter 63. Paris, Tuesday, 14 May 1793 NOTES 16 May–5 June 1793 Letter 64. Paris, Wednesday, 5 June 1793 NOTES 10 June–6 July 1793 Letter 65. Paris, Wednesday, 10 July 1793 NOTES 13–31 July 1793 Letter 66. Paris, Friday, 31 July 1793 NOTES 1 August–20 September 1793 Letter 67. Paris, Friday, 20 September 1793 NOTES 24 September–20 October 1793 Letter 68. Paris, Monday, 22 October 1793 NOTES 31 October–5 November 1793 Letter 69. Paris, Wednesday, 6 November 1793 NOTES 7 November 1793–8 January 1794 APPENDIX: Other d’Elbeuf letters, 1793-4 1.To Jules-François Paré, minister of the Interior, 11 October 1793 2.To Georgette de Rougé du Plessis-Bellière, 26 October 1793. 3.To Paré, minister of the Interior, 11 December 1793. 4.To an unknown individual, early 1794. 5.To Rosalie de Rougé, 14 February 1794. List of Persons Mentioned Sources and Bibliography Acknowledgements Illustrations and Maps Index

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Book SynopsisStirring the Pot of Haitian History is the first-ever translation of Ti dife boule sou istoua Ayiti (1977), the earliest book written by Haitian anthropologist Michel-Rolph Trouillot. Challenging understandings of two centuries of Haitian history, Trouillot analyzes the pivotal role of formerly enslaved Haitian revolutionaries in the Revolution and War of Independence (1791–1804), a generation of people who became the founders of the modern Haitian state and advanced the vibrant culture that flourishes in Haiti. This book confronts Haiti’s political culture and the racial mythologizing of historical figures such as Jean-Jacques Dessalines, Toussaint Louverture, Andre Rigaud, and Alexandre Petion. Trouillot examines the socio-economic and political contradictions and inequalities within the French colony of Saint-Domingue, traces the unraveling of the racist class system after 1790, and argues that Vodou and the Haitian Creole language provided the underlying cultural cohesion and resistance that led Haiti to independence.This groundbreaking book blends Marxist criticism with Haiti’s rich oral storytelling traditions to provide a playful yet incisive account of Haitian political thought that is rooted in the style and culture of Haitian Creole speakers. Proverbs, wordplay, and songs from popular culture and Vodou religion are interspersed with explorations of complex social and political realities and historical hypotheses; readers are thus drawn into a captivating oral performance.In a nation where the Haitian Creole majority language is still marginalized in government and education, Ti dife boule leaps out as a major contribution in the effort to expand Haitian Creole scholarship. Stirring the Pot of Haitian History holds a significant place in the expanding canon of Caribbean literature. The English translation of Trouillot’s first book—showing how historical problems continue to reverberate within the contemporary moment—provides readers with a one-of-a-kind Haitian perspective on Haitian revolutionary history and its legacies.This book received Honorable Mentions for both the Modern Languages Association's Lois Roth Award for a Translation of a Literary Work and the Latin American Studies Association's Isis Duarte Book Prize.Trade Review\‘Thanks to Past and Hebblethwaite, Stirring the Pot offers a fresh opportunity to understand Haitian history through the lens of one of the most brilliant theorists of our time.\’ Alyssa Goldstein Sepinwall, Age of Revolutions‘Challenging settled knowledge about the modern Western world for a quarter-century, [Trouillot] had used philosophy, history, anthropology, and political economy to map new paths for understanding intimate connections between knowledge and power, always posting guardrails against false assumptions, simplistic reasoning, mythology masquerading as history, misinterpretation of facts, and flawed analysis spawning distorted conclusions or generalizations… co-translators Mariana Past and Benjamin Hebblethwaite help English readers begin to appreciate the letter, spirit, rhythm, playfulness, and goals of this multilayered text, as well as the complex Haitian culture-historical realities that prompted its writing.’ Drexel G. Woodson, New West Indian GuideTable of ContentsPreface by Lyonel Antoine TrouillotEnglish translation of preface by Mariana F. Past and Benjamin J. HebblethwaiteTranslators’ Note and AcknowledgementsStirring the Pot of Haitian History1. I’m holding a gathering2. A Kòd Noua [Black Code/Cord] to tie up little pigs3. Keep reading and you’ll understand4. Fire in the house5. Open the gate6. The little orange tree grew7. Cousin, that’s not what you told me8. Bibliography of original (1977) text9. Afterword by Jean Jonassaint10. Bibliography for English Translation, Translators’ Note, and Afterword 11. Appendix‘ki mò ki toué lanpérè’ (‘What spirit of the dead killed the emperor’)by L. Raymond, pseudonym of M-R. Trouillot (Lakansièl 3, 1975, pp. 37-39)‘lindépandans dévan-dèyè: dapiyanp sou révolision’ (‘Upside-down independence: raiding revolution’)by L. Raymond (Lakansièl, Spécial nouvelle année, 1976 (Haiti Art Inc.), pp. 46-50)

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Book SynopsisEssays exploring the dynamics of rebellion across Europe - from Sweden and Slovakia to the Iberian Peninsula and Hungary - over five centuries.Rebellion was a fundamental part of the political ecosystem of the Middle Ages. Medieval Europe witnessed numerous instances of noble rebellion, popular protest and communal resistance against political authority. However, most scholarship has focused on the causes and/or life cycle of the most famous individual movements, such as the Barons' War in England, the Hussites in Bohemia and the Burgundian-Armagnac conflict in France, and there has been relatively little comparative analysis of political protest across both time and "national" borders. Where it exists, it tends to favour a thematic approach and be narrowly focused in terms of geographical coverage. Conversely, this book breaks new ground in its wide geographical and chronological range, from twelfth-century Sicily to late fifteenth-century Ireland, exploring the various forms that active resistance could take. Its essays offer fresh perspectives on rebellion: as a political act, its theoretical justifications, the role of language and propaganda, the royal counter-responses that it provoked, and its ramifications, both personal and communal. Together they shine a new light on the complex interrelationship between legal authority, violence and politics, and significantly enhance our understanding of rebellion during this period.

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Book SynopsisWritten in a lively and engaging style, and designed to be accessible to a broader audience, this collection combines new research with the latest scholarship to provide a fresh and invigorating introduction to the revolutionary period that transformed Britain and its empire. There has been an explosion of interest in the "Glorious" Revolution in recent years. Long regarded as the lesser of Britain's seventeenth-century revolutions, a faint after tremor following the major earthquake of mid-century, itis now coming to be seen as a major transformative episode in its own right, a landmark event which marked a distinctive break in British history. This collection sheds new light on the final crisis of the Stuart monarchy by re-examining the causes and implications of the dynastic shift of 1688-9 from a broad chronological, intellectual and geographical perspective. Comprising eleven essays by specialists in the field, it ranges from the 1660s to the mid-eighteenth century, deals with the history of ideas as well as political and religious history, and covers not just England, Scotland and Ireland but also explores the Atlantic and European contexts. Covering high politics and low politics, Tory and Whig political thought, and the experiences of both Catholics and Protestants, it ranges from protest and resistance to Jacobitism and counter-revolution and even offers an evaluation of British attitudestowards slavery. Written in a lively and engaging style and designed to be accessible to a broader audience, it combines new research with the latest scholarship to provide a fresh and invigorating introduction to the revolutionary period that transformed Britain and its empire. TIM HARRIS is Munro-Goodwin-Wilkinson Professor in European History at Brown University. STEPHEN TAYLOR is Professor in the History of Early Modern England at Durham University. Contributors: Toby Barnard, Tony Claydon, John Gibney, Lionel K.J. Glassey, Gabriel Glickman, Mark Goldie, Tim Harris, John Marshall, Alasdair Raffe, Owen Stanwood, Stephen TaylorTrade ReviewHarris and Taylor have produced an exceptionally fine collection with remarkable cohesion that helps to establish, in no small way, a new paradigm for studying 'the Final Crisis of the Stuart Monarchy. * THE HISTORIAN *The essays in this excellent collection are all written to a uniformly high standard of scholarship and clarity and should be both instructive and entertaining reading to those interested in gaining a perspective on the most recent work being done on the period and events so central to the history of the Huguenot diaspora. * HUGUENOT SOCIETY JOURNAL *[P]romises to provide new insights on the final crisis of the last wholly British ruling dynasty. * CANADIAN JOURNAL OF HISTORY *Table of ContentsIn Search of the Mot Juste: Characterizations of the Revolution of 1688-1689 - Lionel K. J. Glassey The Damning of King Monmouth: Pulpit Toryism in the Reign of James II - Mark A Goldie Whig Thought and the Revolution of 1688-91 - The Restoration, the Revolution and the Failure of Episcopacy in Scotland - Alasdair Raffe Scotland under Charles II and James II and VII: In Search of the British Causes of the Glorious Revolution - Tim Harris Ireland's Restoration Crisis - John Gibney Ireland, 1688-91 - Toby C Barnard Rumours and Rebellions in the English Atlantic World, 1688-89 - Owen Stanwood The Revolution in Foreign Policy, 1688-1713 - Tony Claydon Political Conflict and the Memory of the Revolution 1689-1745 - Gabriel Glickman Afterword: State Formation, Political Stability and the Revolution of 1688 - Stephen Taylor

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Book SynopsisWith the outbreak of the Palestinian Intifadat al-Aqsa in September 2000 that followed the failure of the Camp David II summit, the chain of belligerent events took Egypt by surprise. Facing a dilemma in its search for an appropriate policy towards the Palestinian-Israeli escalation, this study argues that Egypt's policy towards the second Intifada may best be understood by scrutinising several circles of reference that directly affected its policymaking process throughout the long years of the bloody Israeli-Palestinian conflict. These circles of reference comprise interests and calculations derived from Egyptian internal issues; regional factors -- Egypt's role and position in the Arab world in general, and its relations with the Palestinians in particular; Egypt's relations with Israel; and its strategic ties with the United States. The growing strength and the expansion of the global Islamic terrorist network that challenges the stability of the present Arab regimes constitutes a lynchpin at every layer. Egypt's foreign policy is based on Realpolitik, that is, on pragmatic and material factors rather than on ideological or moral considerations. Safeguarding its national interests is Egypt's prime goal. In this regard, Egypt considers the peace with Israel as a strategic national asset. For Mubarak's regime, the abrogation of the peace treaty with Israel has never been an option, even during the worst days of the Intifada. Mubarak has shown exemplary restraint throughout the conflict. Despite occasional harsh anti-Israeli statements aimed mainly at easing internal and external pressures, Mubarak's regime can, on the whole, be seen as a responsible and stabilising factor vehemently striving to prevent regional escalation. This study is based primarily on Egyptian sources as well as interviews and conversations with senior members of the Al-Ahram Center for Strategic Studies. It also draws on other primary and secondary sources in Arabic, Hebrew and English. The book is essential reading for all scholars involved and engaged with the Israel-Arab conflict.

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Book SynopsisThis is the story of the French Revolution told from a psychological and group dynamic perspective. The aim is to throw light on the workings of the revolutionary mind and the emotions at work in society which pave the way towards revolution and war. Louis XVI and Marie Antoinette are presented as a couple trapped by the symbolism invested in them, a circumstance that turned them into scapegoats. The contrasting personalities of the two most controversial leaders of the Revolution Robespierre and Danton provide psychologically informed explanations of their success and failure as leaders. The group perspective the nature of crowd behaviour and mob violence links to the complex relationship between leaders and groups. In the Parisian case of 1789 group emotions fear, rage, euphoria and fervour influenced the course of the Revolution. The assassination of Marat and the struggle to the death between the extremists of the Left and the Moderates is a classic study in group paranoia culminating in a Reign of Terror destined to end in self-destructive violence. The conflict between the Revolution and the Church as an expression of belief in an ideal society led to a battle for the minds of a people facing two incompatible ideologies. The French Revolution was an important milestone in western social and political development. It carried within itself the seeds of a humane society, but turned into murder and execution. The dichotomies arising echo down the generations. The same split in our thinking applies to how we view today's social upheavals and conflicts conflicts of opposing mythologies with their psychological overtones interpreted as political doctrines as evinced currently in Russia's territorial claims to Eastern Ukraine, Islamic fundamentalist wars, and the IsraeliPalestinian conflict. Hope lies in the application of therapeutic principles garnered from the field of group dynamics.Trade ReviewThis is a great book, the result of many years of concentrated research on the psychodynamics of the French Revolution.Behr writes about the paranoid group dynamic as one in which those inside the group battle to protect themselves from those outside who were perceived as enemies. Such groups are endemic in human relationships. They impinge on our lives, the diversity which ranges from family jealousies, to petty business rivalries, to large-scale social conflict and global warfare. The paranoid dynamic reflects a state of mind in which there is a clear belief that good is located within the group self and bad within the other group. A notable phrase, taken from p 125, is: one mans martyr is another mans demon..This book is a major achievement and conveys to us the deep advances in our understanding of socio-political convulsions..This remarkably timely and well-crafted book is essential reading for us to understand the convulsions of the French Revolution which eventually underlay the constitution of European societies as laid down by Bonaparte whose bicentenary we are now celebrating- Malcolm Pines in Group Analysis September 2015Regarding these carefully chiselled portraits [of Louis XVI, Danton and Robespierre] one is reminded that psychiatry as a descriptive science has become a kind of lost art which Behr brings to life againIf it were only for these few lines of elegant prose, and even if one would set aside all of its (weighty) arguments, Harold Behrs book on the French Revolution would be a pleasure to readIt is to be hoped that Behrs book on the French Revolution is met with the same enthusiasm anong group analysts that Kant observed among his contemporaries with regard to this great historical event. - Dieter Nitzgen in Group Analysis September 2015"Victor Hugo meets Sigmund Freud (or rather, S.H. Foulkes) in this engaging group analytic account of the French Revolution. Psychiatrist Harold Behr describes a lifelong interest in this period of history, beginning in his South African childhood and developed by devouring biographies of Maximilien Robespierre, the idealist turned monster. He experienced a growing awareness of controversies and contradictions at the heart of the history and decided that the only way to unmuddle myself was to pull a few clinical tricks out of the psychiatrists bag and examine some of the dramatis personae of the Revolution as if they were patients. This would force me into empathic mode by investigating their backgrounds, rooting around in their childhoods and doing my level best to see the Revolution as they might have seen it... This interesting book has stimulated me to think more about groups and leaders, which can only be a good thing but who knows if we will ever fully understand the significance of the times in which we live?"Tom C. Russ in The British Journal of Psychiatry (November 2015)

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Book SynopsisParty-States and their Legacies in Post-Communist Transformation is a unique investigation into the construction, operation, self-destruction and transition of Hungarian politics from the 1960s to the mid- 1990s. It presents a rich picture which draws upon an extraordinary body of data and provides not just simply a retrospective theoretical analysis of the system, but details of everyday life within the state apparatus.This remarkable book includes extensive interviews with over four hundred key individuals in the party, state and the economy from 1975 onwards. In addition, Dr Csanadi draws upon other unique empirical research including internal memos and secret state documents as well as a full range of studies by East and West European scholars to reveal the realities of the system as observed by those closest to it. She not only considers the workings of the system during the communist era, but also analyses the legacy it continues to exert on the period of the transformation. As such the book contributes to our understanding of the Hungarian transformation and sheds new light on how party states worked throughout Eastern and Central Europe during the communist era and what the consequences of their self-similar features on the transformation are. In addition the book offers comparisons with other formerly centrally planned systems to reveal the structural differences in the distribution of power in party states and the very different legacies they leave for post-communist transformation. This comprehensive book will be welcomed by researchers, academics and postgraduates interested in the politics, economics, history and political science of Hungary and other East and Central European countries in transition.Trade Review'This meticulously researched contribution by a Hungarian scholar offers a fresh analysis of the evolution and collapse of the communist system. A welcome addition to the literature on the rise and fall of state socialism, the book traces the tension between the system's sustainability and its inherent weakness. . . . the very richness of the data presented in the book merits careful consideration.' -- Andrew A. Michta, Slavic ReviewTable of ContentsContents: Introduction Part I: The Structure Part II: The Functioning Part III: The Disintegration Part IV: The Legacies Part V: Conclusions Appendices References Index

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Book SynopsisBetween March and May 1871, the Parisian Communards fought for a revolutionary alternative to the status quo grounded in a vision of internationalism, radical democracy and economic justice for the working masses that cut across national borders. The eventual defeat and bloody suppression of the Commune resonated far beyond Paris. In Britain, the Commune provoked widespread and fierce condemnation, while its defenders constituted a small, but vocal, minority. The Commune evoked long-standing fears about the continental ‘spectre’ of revolution, not least because the Communards’ seizure of power represented an embryonic alternative to the bourgeois social order.This book examines how a heterogeneous group of authors in Britain responded to the Commune. In doing so, it provides the first full-length critical study of the reception and representation of the Commune in Britain during the closing decades of the nineteenth century, showing how discussions of the Commune functioned as a screen to project hope and fear, serving as a warning for some and an example to others. Writers considered in the book include John Ruskin, Edward Bulwer-Lytton, Eliza Lynn Linton, Mary Elizabeth Braddon, Anne Thackeray Ritchie, Margaret Oliphant, George Gissing, Henry James, William Morris, Alfred Austin and H.G. Wells. As the book shows, many, but not all, of these writers responded to the Commune with literary strategies that sought to stabilize bourgeois subjectivity in the wake of the traumatic shock of a revolutionary event. The book extends critical understanding of the Commune’s cultural afterlives and explores the relationship between literature and revolution.Trade ReviewThis superb book on the Commune's reception in late nineteenth-century Britain, which scrupulously and perceptively reconstructs the reactions of writers on both the Left and Right of the political spectrum, across a generous range of discursive forms, is a fine testament to Owen Holland's politically committed scholarship. -- Matthew Beaumont * author of The Walker: On Finding and Losing Oneself in the Modern City *This timely book explores the Paris Commune’s reverberations in Victorian literature, offering spirited readings of the many popular and canonical British writers who sought to contain (or revivify) it. The result is a fascinating meditation on literature and revolution which stands to make sizeable contributions to both our understanding of the Commune and late-nineteenth-century British literature and culture. -- J. Michelle Coghlan * author of Sensational Internationalism: the Paris Commune and the Remapping of American Memory in the Long Nineteenth Century *This superb book on the Commune's reception in late nineteenth-century Britain, which scrupulously and perceptively reconstructs the reactions of writers on both the Left and Right of the political spectrum, across a generous range of discursive forms, is a fine testament to Owen Holland's politically committed scholarship. -- Matthew Beaumont * author of The Walker: On Finding and Losing Oneself in the Modern City *This timely book explores the Paris Commune’s reverberations in Victorian literature, offering spirited readings of the many popular and canonical British writers who sought to contain (or revivify) it. The result is a fascinating meditation on literature and revolution which stands to make sizeable contributions to both our understanding of the Commune and late-nineteenth-century British literature and culture. -- J. Michelle Coghlan * author of Sensational Internationalism: the Paris Commune and the Remapping of American Memory in th *Table of ContentsPreface1 Introduction: A Commune in Literature2 Refugees, Renegades, and Misrepresentation: Edward Bulwer Lytton and Eliza Lynn Linton3 Dangerous Sympathies: Mary Elizabeth Braddon, Anne Thackeray Ritchie, and Margaret Oliphant4 “Dreams of the Coming Revolution”: George Gissing’s Workers in the Dawn5 Revolution and Ressentiment: Henry James’s The Princess Casamassima6 The Uses of Tragedy: Alfred Austin’s The Human Tragedy and William Morris’s The Pilgrims of Hope7 “It Had to Come Back”: H. G. Wells’s When the Sleeper Wakes8 Conclusion: Looking without SeeingAcknowledgmentsNotesBibliography

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Book SynopsisIn 1920, on the third anniversary of the October Revolution, dramatist Nikolai Evreinov directed a cast of 10,000 actors, dancers, and circus performers as well as a convoy of armored cars and tanks in The Storming of the Winter Palace. The mass spectacle, presented in and around the real Winter Palace in Petrograd, was intended to recall the storming as the beginning of the October Revolution. But it was a deceptive reenactment because, in producing the events it sought to reenact, it created a new kind of theater, agit-drama, promulgating political propaganda and deliberately breaking down the distinction between performers and spectators.Nikolaj Evreinov: "The Storming of the Winter Palace" tells the fascinating story of this production. Taking readers through the relevant history, the authors describe the role of The Storming of the Winter Palace in commemorating Soviet power. With a wealth of illustrations, they also show how photographs of Evreinov's theatrical storming eventually became historical documents of the October Revolution themselves.

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Book SynopsisIt’s midnight and there are fists pounding on the door. Authoritative voices shouting, “We’re coming in! Get on the floor!” A few terrorized minutes later a family member is dragged out by armed men, disappearing into the night. This scenario is the greatest fear of many twentieth-century families—and to the unlucky, it’s a lived reality. For the ethnic Chinese who had been settled in Northern India for many years, 1962 was filled with moments of terror like these. After the Sino-Indian Border War broke out in 1962, on the authorization of Prime Minister Nehru more than two thousand Chinese-Indians were torn from their homes and placed in local jails before being transported more than one thousand miles to the Deoli internment camp in the Rajasthan desert. Born in Calcutta in 1949 and raised in Darjeeling, Yin Marsh was just thirteen years old when first her father was taken and then she, her grandmother, and eight year old brother were forcibly removed from their home and thrown first into Darjeeling Jail. Upon arrival in Deoli, Yin and her family were assigned to the same bungalow where Prime Minister Nehru himself had done time during India’s war for independence. Eventually released, Yin emigrated to America with her mother. She attended college, married, and raised her own family, all without telling the story of her emotional trauma. It wasn’t until her own college-age daughter began to ask questions and when a friend’s wedding would require her to return to her homeland that Yin was finally able to face what had happened to her and her family. In the fascinating memoir Doing Time with Nehru, the little-known history of how the Chinese were treated in post-Independence India is brought to light and through Yin’s story, readers can glimpse the hardship, cruelty, and harsh lessons required for survival.

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Book SynopsisThe study shows how rebels who surrendered their arms in exchange for formal authority were unable to compete with powerful clans and local elites who provided basic security; captured increasing amounts of internal revenue allotments under a regime of devolution; and enabled the spread of a shadow economy that boosted their power and allowed citizens to secure their livelihoods with little taxation by the state. The implications are quite startling. Political legitimacy is not necessarily about building a strong state, but about weakening it. Legitimacy may be less about building peace, and more about demonstrating an ability to inflict violence. This book is useful to scholars interested in other contexts of insurgency and rebellion, and in understanding the challenges that lie behind sub-national sub-national state building and political settlements

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Book SynopsisMyanmar in Crisis brings together scholars from across the social sciences to analyse the dual crises of COVID-19 and the 2021 military coup. All of the essays address one of four themes around the concept of crisis: society in crisis, a state in crisis, an economy in crisis, and international relations in crisis. Several authors examine the contested nature of state authority in the post-coup revolutionary context, including the emergence of new governance dynamics; others discuss heterogenous forms of resistance and the potential for building a more inclusive, just, and tolerant society in the future of Myanmar.The volume also explores the economic crisis caused by the pandemic and the coup and its devastating effects on people's lives and livelihoods: the authors provide a deep dive into the impacts of restrictive COVID-19 prevention measures on local communities, the growing livelihoods crisis since the coup, and the impacts of both crises on foreign trade and investment. Scaling up from that local perspective, the book also looks at Myanmar's history of foreign relations, the response of the international community to the coup and the challenges faced by foreign governments and regional bodies in navigating the deteriorating political situation. Held together, the volume highlights the ongoing state of crisis in Myanmar, its impact on society and the possibilities for recovery and reform, amidst a powerful new revolutionary movement. Beyond providing crucial insights to Southeast Asian area specialists, the book offers deep insights into the way that multiple crises interact, amplify one another, and open up possibilities for hope amidst tragedy.

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Book SynopsisRed Star Over Malaya is an account of the inter-racial conflicts between Malays and Chinese during the final stages and the aftermath of the Japanese occupation. As Japanese forces retreated into the big cities, the Chinese guerrillas of the communist-led resistance movement, the Malayan People's Anti-Japanese Army (MPAJA), emerged from the jungle and took control of some 70 per cent of the country's smaller towns and villages. The ensuing conflict involving the Malayan Communist Party, the Malay population and the British Military Administration marked a crucial stage in the history of Malaya. Based on extensive archival research in Malaysia, Great Britain, Japan and the United States, Red Star Over Malaya provides a riveting account of the way the Japanese occupation reshaped colonial Malaya, and of the tension-filled months that followed surrender. This book is fundamental to an understanding of social and political developments in Malaysia during the second half of the 20th century. First published in 1987, this book is a 'must' for any student of history in Southeast Asia. This edition contains a new foreword from the author.

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a huge range and FREE tracked UK delivery on ALL orders.

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a huge range and FREE tracked UK delivery on ALL orders.

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a huge range and FREE tracked UK delivery on ALL orders.

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a huge range and FREE tracked UK delivery on ALL orders.

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a huge range and FREE tracked UK delivery on ALL orders.

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a huge range and FREE tracked UK delivery on ALL orders.

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a huge range and FREE tracked UK delivery on ALL orders.

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a huge range and FREE tracked UK delivery on ALL orders.

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a huge range and FREE tracked UK delivery on ALL orders.

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a huge range and FREE tracked UK delivery on ALL orders.

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a huge range and FREE tracked UK delivery on ALL orders.

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a huge range and FREE tracked UK delivery on ALL orders.

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