Politics and government Books

Book SynopsisOn the basis of three carefully drawn surveys of Beijing residents between 1995 and 1999, the author finds that diffuse support for the current political systembased on attitudes toward institutions and valuesremains strong, at least among city-dwellers, though it is gradually declining.Trade Review"It is sometimes assumed that popular support for the current regime in Beijing has fallen in recent years. . . . In Popular Political Support in Urban China Jie Chen presents evidence both supporting and challenging this view. . . . Chen's book contributes to our understanding of popular attitudes and reminds us that the Chinese Communist Party continues to enjoy considerable legitimacy. It is highly recommended to readers." -- China Review"Despite obstacles presented by Chinese authorities, the number of reliable survey-based studies of politics in China by scholars based abroad has grown considerably since the late 1980s. Among such scholars, Jie Chen has engaged in a cross-sectional study: a set of representative sample surveys of Beijing residents, conducted in 1995, 1997 and 1999. The surveys explore the distribution, sources and consequences of political support, an issue of clear relevance to our understanding of regime stability and Communist Party survival. . . . Popular Political Support in Urban China is a thoroughly empirical study. . . . The evidence is presented throughout in a clear style that assumes the reader has no prior knowledge of survey methods, statistical inference, political science. . . . This is undoubtedly a strength." -- The China Journal"A fascinating study. . . . Highly recommended."Choice

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Book SynopsisThe reality of the Arab-Israeli balance consists of two subordinate balances: Israel versus Syria and Israel versus the Palestinians. This book analyzes these two balances and their impact on defense planning in each country and on the overall strategic risk to the region as a whole.Trade Review"This is a valuable reference book for those interested in the Arab-Israeli conflict."—Middle East Studies Association Bulletin"This book contains an exhaustive array of information and graphics on the quantities and types of weapons for ground, air, air defense, naval, and paramilitary forces as well as weapons of mass destruction capabilities in each of the actors at the core of the Arab-Israeli conflict. These actors are the nation-states of Israel, Egypt, Jordan, Syria, and Lebanon, as well as the Palestinians. The comprehensive order-of-battle information is complemented by rich qualitative analysis of the strengths and weaknesses of military and security forces in combat. The book is an important reference work for graduate students, scholars, and practitioners who study Middle East security issues. It is especially recommended for libraries intent on maintaining important reference volumes for the Middle East. Highly recommended. Graduate students, faculty, and practitioners."—Choice"Anthony Cordesman here does what he does best. In his latest of a long series of books on the Middle East, he evaluates the military forces of Israel and its surrounding Arab neighbors with particular emphasis on unconventional warfare, or what is now called asymmetric warfare, meaning war where one side mingles with the civilian population causing moral confusion to the enemy. His book consists of an overview along with a segment for each of the countries involved. His findings are what most of us have already surmised: that in a conventional army-to-army war, Israel will triumph. He gives us detailed proof as to why, and as we learn more about their armies, we get a better understanding of each of the countries....Mr. Cordesman simply reports the facts with masses of corroborating detail and leaves moral judgments to others. We need not ask for more."—The Washington Times

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Book SynopsisAre war crimes trials impartial, apolitical forums? Has international justice for war crimes become an entrenched aspect of globalization? This title examines the phenomenon of war crimes trials from an unusual, political perspective - that of an "anarchical" international society.Trade Review"Kingsley Moghalu is a sure-footed guide through the thicket of international law and the imbalances among nations—political, economic, and military—that have made it very difficult to achieve true global standards and philosophies of justice for war crimes and atrocities against civilians." -- Barbara Crossette * former New York Times foreign correspondent and New York Times UN bureau chief *"In Global Justice: The Politics of War Crimes Trials, Kingsley Chiedu Moghalu posits that international criminal courts and tribunals 'are more instruments of political engineering than impartial justice for war crimes' Global Justice is a valuable book that reminds us of the importance of politics in the creation and implementation of international criminal law." -- Law and Politics Book Review"This book is a must read for anyone concerned with the future of war crimes prosecutions and humanitarian law. Moghalu challenges many common assumptions with controversial views on state sovereignty, the liberal hopes sired at Nuremberg and international justice at large. Wherever you stand on these questions you will be unable to return this volume to your shelf once you pick it up. His lucid writing, trenchant analysis and experience with Rwandan justice require every human rights activist, scholar or concerned citizen to hear his authentic voice." -- Raymond M. Brown, Chair, White Collar Criminal Defense Practice Group Greenbaum, Rowe * Smith & Davis *

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Book SynopsisIn a country or community fractured by war and mass violence, who is to determine justice and how it should be achieved? Truth commissions, international courts, and financial restitution are some of the various solutions that have been used in recent years. However, these broad efforts at transitional justice may themselves backfire, and sometimes lead to further injustice. Given its own limitations and battered by political pressure from all sides, transitional justice is an imperfect solution. Yet as Pierre Hazan contends in his new book, it constitutes our best hope for liberation from a cycle of violence begetting vengeance and more violence.Judging War, Judging History takes a hard look at the growing use and influence of truth and reconciliation commissions and the increasing importance of transitional justice in contemporary conflict resolution. From the Nuremberg Trials to current-day conflicts in South Africa, Morocco, and Uganda, Pierre Hazan reveals the extTrade Review"In Judging War, Judging history, Pierre Hazan offers an erudite account of the genesis of transitional justice. He tells a compelling tale of how it emerged and rapidly developed over the last two decades."—Thierry Cruvellier, African Affairs"A very ambitious gamble, a remarkable analysis."—Le Monde"Few people have analyzed as thoughtfully as Pierre Hazan the potential conflicts between peace and justice, and the tensions between righting the wrongs of the past and assuring harmony in the present. Skeptical and inquisitive, Hazan goes beyond clichés and dogmas to explore the rise—and the limits—of international law in resolving historical injustices."—Reed Brody, Human Rights Watch"From the trauma of the first Durban conference on racism to the ambivalence of Africa vis-a-vis the International Criminal Court, Pierre Hazan examines brilliantly the marketplace of grievances, justice, memory, and vindication. A beautifully written book, intellectually challenging, honest, and hard-hitting."—Louise Arbour, President and CEO, International Crisis Group; Former UN High-Commissioner for Human Rights; Former Prosecutor of the International Criminal Tribunals for Former Yugoslavia and for Rwanda"Judging War, Judging History tackles issues of global justice head on: including probing issues of accountability regarding the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia and the International Criminal Court, as well as compelling discussions of the UN meeting at Durban and local truth and reconciliation efforts. Always nuanced, full of interesting insights on the critical events of our time, this is a great pleasure to read!"—Ruti Teitel, New York Law School, author of Transitional Justice (2000)"Pierre Hazan, in a brilliant and erudite book beautifully written, analyzes the fascinating account of the judicial and cultural revolution that started after the end of the Cold War."—Le Monde Diplomatique"Pierre Hazan decodes the ideological and political story of the tools of international justice and national reconciliation."—Joelle Schachi, Amnesty International"Hazan casts a critical eye at the grand redemptive promise of transitional justice, particularly the belief that the memory of mass violence, exposed to the clean light of technocratic solutions, can be relegated to an inert and complacent past. Atrocities reduce abstract, prepackaged formulas to raw humanity, to yardsticks and scales, yet Hazan remains hopeful that truth has a life and weight of its own."—Emily Geminder, The Global Journal"Hazan, a Swiss journalist by trade but with graduate degrees and varied experience, has written a personalized account of transitional justice . . . Strong points of the book include a discussion of the politics of constructing victimhood... Recommended."—D. P. Forsythe, University of Nebraska, Choice

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Book SynopsisFisher examines how China's People's Liberation Army (PLA) remains critical to the existence of the Chinese Communist government and looks at China's political and military actions designed to protect its expanded strategic interests in both the Asia-Pacific and Central to Near-Asian regions.Trade Review"A must read for serious students of China's military and future strategic objectives." -- ADM James "Ace" Lyons, U.S. Navy (ret.) * Former commander-in-chief of the U.S. Pacific Fleet *"Read this book...Fisher has produced the best comprehensive study of China's military modernization in a decade." -- Larry M. Wortzel, Colonel U.S. Army (ret.), Vice Chairman * U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission *

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Book SynopsisThe Egyptian protests in early 2011 took many by surprise. In the days immediately following, commentators wondered openly over the changing situation across the Middle East. But protest is nothing new to Egypt, and labor activism and political activism, most notably the Kifaya (Enough) movement, have increased dramatically over recent years. In hindsight, it is the durability of the Mubarak regime, not its sudden loss of legitimacy that should be more surprising. Though many have turned to social media for explanation of the events, in this book, Samer Soliman follows the age-old adagefollow the money.Over the last thirty years, the Egyptian state has increasingly given its citizens less money and fewer social benefits while simultaneously demanding more taxes and resources. This has lead to a weakened statedeteriorating public services, low levels of law enforcement, poor opportunities for employment and economic developmentwhile simultaneously inflated the security machineTrade Review"Samer Soliman's The Autumn of Dictatorship: Fiscal Crisis and Political Change in Egypt Under Mubark was well-received in opposition circles when first published in Arabic in 2004. Critics of the regime welcomed the careful documentation of just how draining the immense security apparatus has been. . . How good it is to have these arguments placed on solid empirical ground. Evidence-based arguments in Middle East studies are a threatened species so this book should have a place on all our shelves."—Raymond William Baker, Middle East Journal"Drawing on Western social science and financial data gleaned from the balance sheet of the Egyptian general budget, Soliman provides a rigorous analysis of the chronic fiscal crisis that has plagued Egypt since the mid-1980s . . . Soliman's thesis is simple and persuasive . . . [and] reveal[s] how much Western readers stand to gain from Arab scholarship."—Eugene Rogan, Times Literary Supplement"Samer Soliman has followed the wise adage to 'follow the money as it shall lead you to the truth.' By tracing the authoritarian state's patterns of extraction and allocation, he helps us better to understand not only the workings of that state, but its consequences for economic growth, including the possible fostering of capitalism. His study is a valuable contribution to the political economy literature on Egypt and the Middle East more generally."—Robert Springborg, Naval Postgraduate School"Soliman follows the money, using previously inaccessible data from Egyptian state budgets to make interesting and convincing arguments about the character of the Egyptian state and regime, and about authoritarian politics more generally. A serious and refreshing interrogation."—Samer Shehata, Georgetown University, author of Shop Floor Culture and Politics in Egypt"A first-rate analysis."—Joseph A. Kéchichian, Gulf News

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Book SynopsisTrade Review"The book is a tour de force on comparatively approaching the question of secularism and cultural pluralism in postcolonial societies in Africa and Asia It will be an excellent resource for teaching graduate courses and will become a standard study to be cited in scholarly debates on comparative secularism and multiculturalism." -- Balmurli Natrajan * H-Net *"Nation and Family takes on the divisions of culture and religion in India and explores how they have played out in an unlikely setting: the courts and laws that adjudicate and regulate family life. Subramanian reveals how the experiences and struggles of diverse groups in fashioning personal law shaped the national project and the very meaning of modernity. A masterful exploration of nation-formation." -- Joel S. Migdal, Robert F. Philip Professor of International Studies * University of Washington *"Subramanian has generated [his] explanatory framework based on a magnificent summary of family laws and their evolution across . . . the Islamic world from Morocco to Indonesia in the second half of the twentieth century. I admired Subramanian's quiet rejection of both the area-specialist's tendency to explain fairly common trajectories in terms of the specificities of a particular area's history . . . and the political scientist's propensity for building evaluative models based on culturally specific ideal types. The study of case law is excellent and illuminating, as are the discussions regarding Muslim institutions and associations concerned with the study and development of classical Islamic jurisprudence [fiqh] and of the efforts to connect that tradition to modern Indian law. Subramanian's overall recommendation is for culturally sensitive legal reform, [which] looks both plausible and admirable." -- Nandini Chatterjee * Comparative Studies in Society and History *"Nation and Family shines a spotlight on the intersection of group identity, law reform, and minority rights. Focusing on Indian family law, Subramanian examines changing group norms and conceptions of equality in a developing democracy. An insightful investigation of ethnic politics and the response of policy makers in the domain of legal pluralism." -- Donald Horowitz, James B. Duke Professor of Law and Political Science * Duke University *"In this book Subramanian addresses the complicated and often vexed relationship between personal law and the larger political/historical/legal milieu within which it develops and functions . . . He utilizes a comparative framework with appropriate references to several other countries to clarify and strengthen his case. The discussion is rich and astute, the scholarship careful and rigorous, and the language judicious and elegant . . . Summing Up: Highly Recommended." -- A. Ahmad * CHOICE *"[This book's] scholarship and empirical details and the body of literature and archival sources that it marshals which will be of immense use to students . . . [I]ts historical perspective and comparative analysis opens up the issue in a very different manner than has played out in India's dominant public discourse . . . [I]t deploys key social science categories such as institutions, ideas, interests, and social movements to understand the detours that personal law debates take. In doing so, this study breaks from the theoretical trend that has dominated academia in the last two decades or more, namely one that has paid disproportionate attention to textual analysis with a focus on specific texts and discourses to the neglect of empirical study of how groups of people act in resistance or domination, negotiation and alliance." -- Maitrayee Chaudhuri * Pacific Affairs *"With tremendous insight and fine scholarship, Subramanian traces the debates and advances in religious family law in India, but also places that story in a broad framework. Nation and Family advances a clear argument in comparative politics and undertakes the detailed analysis of legal reform in India." -- John Bowen, Dunbar-Van Cleve Professor in Arts and Sciences * Washington University in Saint Louis *"Nation and Family takes a new approach to the study of religion-based personal laws, particularly in India . . . The most important contribution of this book is its exploration of the relationship between the nation and the family within the context of the consolidation of state authority in postcolonial countries . . . Nation and Family is a truly multifaceted work which will be of value not only to scholars of religion and politics, but also to those interested in political history, comparative history, and gender studies." -- Varsha Chitnis * Politics and Religion *"Meticulously researched and cogently argued, Narendra Subramanian's Nation and Family is a welcome corrective to simplications inherent in much postcolonial discourse on Indian secularism. It demonstrates that neither the persistence of colonial legal categories nor the alleged self-ghettoisation of religious minorities can explain postcolonial changes in personal law. In addition, it offers important comparative insights into relations among secularism, family law, and visions of national community in other postcolonial nation-states." -- Rupa Viswanath * Professor of Religions, Commonwealth and Comparative Politics *

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Book SynopsisUntil the recent uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa, the resilience of authoritarian regimes seemed a fundamental feature of regional politics. While economic, political, and internal security policies are most often considered in discussions of regime maintenance, Laurie Brand introduces a new factor, that of national narratives. Portrayals of a country''s founding, identity, and bases of unity can be a powerful strategy in sustaining a ruling elite. Brand argues that such official stories, which are used to reinforce the right to rule, justify policies, or combat opponents, deserve careful exploration if we are to understand the full range of tools available to respond to crises that threaten a leadership''s hold on power.Brand examines more than six decades of political, economic, and military challenges in two of North Africa''s largest countries: Egypt and Algeria. Through a careful analysis of various textshistory and religion textbooks, constitutions, nationTrade Review"[Laurie A. Brand's] book provides us with the valuable findings of enterprising and careful research and will be read with profit by all students of Middle Eastern and North African politics and history, and not only Egypt and Algeria specialists. If, as is likely, it provokes debate, so much the better and, if it leaves work for others to do, it should also encourage some of them to do it." -- Hugh Roberts * Middle East Journal *"This very interesting book looks at how the regimes in Algeria and Egypt have presented themselves to their local audiences over the past half-century or so . . . This book is a must read for students of Middle East politics and for anyone interested in how national narratives are constructed and disseminated." -- H. Shambayati * Choice *"An imaginative re-conceptualizing of competing political narratives in the Arab world's two most important countries, Egypt and Algeria. Originally conceived and brilliantly defended, Laurie Brand carefully deconstructs how embattled regimes seek to sustain their legitimacy in the face of political and economic crises. Scholars, specialists, and students of political transitions in authoritarian settings will find Brand's book compelling." -- John P. Entelis * Fordham University *"Both convincing and beautifully written. Laurie Brand does it again with her 'brand' of in-depth, comparative analysis. Meticulously tracing official stories, with fine distinctions from national memory, national myth, national identity, she both illuminates how authoritarian regimes use their soft power to maintain and reproduce themselves, and does it in truly enjoyable fashion. Once you pick up the book, it is hard to put down." -- Bahgat Korany * The American University in Cairo *"Brand has produced a thorough, well-contextualized study with far richer detail than can be conveyed in a brief review. It is this detail and the clarity with which Brand presents it that is so valuable. Scholars with in-depth knowledge of both countries will learn new nuances, and students and casual readers will gain a clear overview, of how these regimes have portrayed themselves and sought to define what it means to be Algerian or Egyptian." -- Carolyn L. Barnett * The Journal of North African Studies *

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Book SynopsisUntil the recent uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa, the resilience of authoritarian regimes seemed a fundamental feature of regional politics. While economic, political, and internal security policies are most often considered in discussions of regime maintenance, Laurie Brand introduces a new factor, that of national narratives. Portrayals of a country''s founding, identity, and bases of unity can be a powerful strategy in sustaining a ruling elite. Brand argues that such official stories, which are used to reinforce the right to rule, justify policies, or combat opponents, deserve careful exploration if we are to understand the full range of tools available to respond to crises that threaten a leadership''s hold on power.Brand examines more than six decades of political, economic, and military challenges in two of North Africa''s largest countries: Egypt and Algeria. Through a careful analysis of various textshistory and religion textbooks, constitutions, nationTrade Review"[Laurie A. Brand's] book provides us with the valuable findings of enterprising and careful research and will be read with profit by all students of Middle Eastern and North African politics and history, and not only Egypt and Algeria specialists. If, as is likely, it provokes debate, so much the better and, if it leaves work for others to do, it should also encourage some of them to do it." -- Hugh Roberts * Middle East Journal *"This very interesting book looks at how the regimes in Algeria and Egypt have presented themselves to their local audiences over the past half-century or so . . . This book is a must read for students of Middle East politics and for anyone interested in how national narratives are constructed and disseminated." -- H. Shambayati * Choice *"An imaginative re-conceptualizing of competing political narratives in the Arab world's two most important countries, Egypt and Algeria. Originally conceived and brilliantly defended, Laurie Brand carefully deconstructs how embattled regimes seek to sustain their legitimacy in the face of political and economic crises. Scholars, specialists, and students of political transitions in authoritarian settings will find Brand's book compelling." -- John P. Entelis * Fordham University *"Both convincing and beautifully written. Laurie Brand does it again with her 'brand' of in-depth, comparative analysis. Meticulously tracing official stories, with fine distinctions from national memory, national myth, national identity, she both illuminates how authoritarian regimes use their soft power to maintain and reproduce themselves, and does it in truly enjoyable fashion. Once you pick up the book, it is hard to put down." -- Bahgat Korany * The American University in Cairo *"Brand has produced a thorough, well-contextualized study with far richer detail than can be conveyed in a brief review. It is this detail and the clarity with which Brand presents it that is so valuable. Scholars with in-depth knowledge of both countries will learn new nuances, and students and casual readers will gain a clear overview, of how these regimes have portrayed themselves and sought to define what it means to be Algerian or Egyptian." -- Carolyn L. Barnett * The Journal of North African Studies *

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Book SynopsisTrade Review"Nahid Siamdoust's beautiful writing paints a vivid portrait of the struggles over popular music in the Islamic Republic and brings to life some of the most unique and colorful characters in Iranian society today. An instant classic that will launch conversations on Iran and contemporary popular music globally." -- Mark LeVine * author of Heavy Metal Islam *"Nahid Siamdoust's Soundtrack of the Revolution is a groundbreaking study of a potent cultural register in post-revolutionary Iran. For both the casual reader and the aficionado, Siamdoust's pioneering insights are revelatory." -- Hamid Dabashi * author of Iran: A People Interrupted *"Music is the language of liberation. Nahid Siamdoust, who knows all the players and has taken personal risks to tell this story, has written a lovely tribute to the courage and creativity of Iran's musicians. This is a book that, like Iran itself, is filled with hope and sadness—and the universal human desire for freedom." -- Joe Klein * Time Magazine *"Siamdoust manages to capture valuable qualities about the practice of popular music in Iran in depth, while also covering a broad period. This is a premium resource for students and researchers at the intersection of popular music and politics. Overall, it is an eye-opening and enjoyable work." -- Amin Hashemi * Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication *Table of ContentsContents and Abstracts1The Politics of Music chapter abstractThis chapter provides the historical and political context for an understanding of the issue of music in post-revolutionary Iran. It narrates the process of the Islamization of Iranian politics after the revolution and the problematic of music within Islamic tradition, and posits music as an alternative public sphere. It also provides short overviews of the history of Persian music, music education in Iran, as well as government regulations on music and female musicians, in particular. 2The Nightingale Rebels chapter abstractChapter Two offers insight into the status of music in the immediate years before the revolution and goes on to highlight the trajectory of Iran's preeminent vocalist of Persian classical music, Mohammad Reza Shajarian. It delves into discussions about Persian art music versus popular music, pop music in Shah-era Iran, evolving forms of poetic protest in twentieth-century Iran, and the important role of radio both for Persian classical music as well as for the making of Shajarian. 3The Musical Guide: Mohammad Reza Shajarian chapter abstractThis chapter follows Mohammad Reza Shajarian's trajectory from a "revolutionary" singer and one of the most prominent voices of the Chavosh group—at the onset of the 1979 revolution—to a vocalist whose "popular" politics are increasingly at odds with those of the new state. It provides the necessary background for an understanding of evolutions in state policy and media technology before returning to a closer look at Shajarian's carefully charted repertoire of resistance. As he breaks into open opposition to state policy following the 2009 Green Uprising, he is increasingly portrayed as a lowly entertainer and traitor by hardline state media. 4Revolution and Ruptures chapter abstractChapter Four examines the approach of the new state and its leader Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini to music, and to cultural policymaking more generally. Initially Khomeini had pronounced music forbidden, but what did he mean by "music," and how did "music" come to be permitted eventually? What Islamic traditions have Islamic Republic officials abided by for their understanding of music's permissibility? This chapter also examines the musical fare on state media during the revolution's first decade, and provides an in-depth look at the official structures that regulate music in the Islamic Republic. 5Opening the Floodgates to Pop Music: Alireza Assar chapter abstractThis chapter tells the as yet untold story of the creation of state-approved pop music in Islamic Iran, as shared by the officials and musicians at the center of its making. Pop music, once banned because the new state perceived it as representing the cultural promiscuity of Shah-era Iran, was greenlighted and broadcast from within conservative state media toward the end of the 1990s, following President Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani's reconstruction period. This chapter presents the musicians that spearheaded this process. It highlights the work of one of the most popular stars among post-revolutionary Iran's first generation of pop singers, Alireza Assar, and argues that his projection of an alternative religiosity in contradistinction to the state's dogmatic Islam attracted Iran's post-1980–88 war youth. 6The Rebirth of Independent Music chapter abstractChapter Six examines the rebirth of independent music in post-revolutionary Iran, which flourished during the terms of reformist President Mohammad Khatami and his government's more liberal music policy. The chapter narrates the beginnings of rock and fusion music starting in the late 1980s and onward to Iran's "first" semi-public underground rock concert, as well as the importance of the webzine Tehranavenue in bringing to light Iran's active underground music scene. The chapter follows the trajectory of the musician Mohsen Namjoo in delineating these processes. 7Purposefully Fālsh: Mohsen Namjoo chapter abstractThis chapter is a study of the coming of age of the alternative musician Mohsen Namjoo, and his struggles to emerge as a musician under politically repressive circumstances. It narrates his cultivation of a discourse of absurdist nihilism, which finds great resonance with a community of post-ideological cynics, as well as his rhetorical and musical iconoclasm. It traces his arc from a student struggling to make it as a musician in Iran to his emigration and self-stated decision to break his "self-censorship" following the 2009 unrest. 8Going Underground chapter abstractChapter Eight proceeds in the book's chronological treatment of music in post-revolutionary Iran to discuss the changes in cultural policy from the more liberal government of Mohammad Khatami to that of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. This transition coincided with a period of great technological transformation around 2005, when the impact of new media was changing the face of music production, distribution, and consumption in Iran. It then goes on to describe discussions of the category of underground music, how it is defined and categorized internally, and the government's reckoning with this new reality. 9Rap-e Farsi: Hichkas chapter abstractThis chapter delves deeper into the underground music scene by foregrounding one of its best-known performers, Soroush Lashkary, aka Hichkas. It discusses categorizations of Rap-e Farsi and the coming of age of Hichkas, the "Godfather of Rap-e Farsi," from a middle-class kid in Tehran to a household name. The chapter also analyzes the generational differences between Namjoo and Hichkas, and how these differences are reflected in their music. It further explores the music of Hichkas, which draws on an old Iranian honor ethic to find traction with its listeners. 10The Music of Politics chapter abstractChapter Ten narrates developments in music during the 2009 Green Uprising, and draws comparisons to musical trajectories at the time of the 1979 revolution, as discussed in Chapters One and Two. It also discusses the election of President Hassan Rouhani as a continuation of the political sentiments of the Green Movement, and proceeds to narrate more recent musical developments. The chapter then offers some conclusions on the bigger questions in the book about expressions of joy, freedom, and political repression.

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Book SynopsisThe neighboring north Indian districts of Jaipur and Ajmer are identical in language, geography, and religious and caste demography. But when the famous Babri Mosque in Ayodhya was destroyed in 1992, Jaipur burned while Ajmer remained peaceful; when the state clashed over low-caste affirmative action quotas in 2008, Ajmer''s residents rioted while Jaipur''s citizens stayed calm. What explains these divergent patterns of ethnic conflict across multiethnic states? Using archival research and elite interviews in five case studies spanning north, south, and east India, as well as a quantitative analysis of 589 districts, Ajay Verghese shows that the legacies of British colonialism drive contemporary conflict.Because India served as a model for British colonial expansion into parts of Africa and Southeast Asia, this project links Indian ethnic conflict to violent outcomes across an array of multiethnic states, including cases as diverse as Nigeria and Malaysia. The Colonial OriTrade Review"This is a truly excellent and original book, deeply researched, carefully argued, and offering a powerful new understanding of caste and religious cleavages and violence in India. Unlike most previous studies, Verghese combines religious and caste violence within a single framework. A model book for comparative historical research in political science." -- David D. Laitin, Watkins Professor of Political Science * Stanford University *"This outstanding book is a model of both theory generation and theory testing. Verghese offers fresh hypotheses about the sources of different types of ethnic violence across India, which he rigorously evaluates using a sophisticated comparative case study design that is supplemented by a meaningful statistical test. A major contribution to our understanding of colonialism and ethnic violence." -- James Mahoney * Northwestern University *"In this clearly written and closely argued work, Verghese proposes that religious or communal violence is associated with the former princely states, while tribal and caste violence is associated with British colonial rule. This important book challenges prevailing ideas about ethnic violence, and will further research on India and other formerly British colonial states." -- Karen Leonard * UC Irvine *"In this bold and innovative analysis, Verghese argues that the seemingly endemic problem of ethno-religious violence in India is fundamentally shaped by the different historical traditions of governance and sovereignty in different parts of the country. The breadth and historical depth of data and context makes this a compelling contribution to the literature." -- Thomas Blom Hansen, Center for South Asia * Stanford University *Table of ContentsContents and AbstractsIntroduction chapter abstractThis chapter lays out the puzzle driving this book: why does ethnic violence in multi-ethnic states revolve around one identity rather than another? The origins of patterns of ethnic conflict in India, one of the most diverse countries in the world, lie in the era of British colonialism. Three-fourths of India's population was governed by colonial officials, but the remainder lived under largely autonomous native 'princes'. These two sets of rulers had different ways of thinking about ethnicity, stratifying ethnic groups, and their disparate policies led to different fault lines of conflict. Former British provinces experience more caste and tribal violence in contemporary India, but former princely states experience more religious conflict. This chapter details the book's multi-method research design, and concludes by discussing how this project contributes to important social science debates on Hindu-Muslim riots, ethnic salience, and the impact of colonialism on ethnic violence. 1Colonialism, Institutions, and Ethnic Violence in India chapter abstractThis chapter offers a new interpretation of British Indian history and its effect on modern ethnic conflict. It begins with a discussion of pre-colonial India, where religious conflict occurred extensively but caste and tribal violence was less prevalent. British influence began in the 17th century and increased until the Rebellion of 1857, a revolt that left a quarter of the population under the control of native princes. British administrators promoted caste as the central organizing principle of their territories, but princes continued to emphasize religion. These rulers then instituted different policies of ethnic stratification: the British favored high castes, discriminated against low castes and tribals, but protected religious minorities. Princes did the opposite: they favored coreligionists, discriminated against non-coreligionists, but protected low castes and adivasis. Colonial patterns of violence were reinforced in post-independence India through formal and informal institutions, as well as the failure of reform efforts. 2Violence in North India: Jaipur and Ajmer chapter abstractThis chapter examines ethnic conflict in a controlled historical comparison of Jaipur and Ajmer districts in the north Indian state of Rajasthan. These two areas are similar except for their colonial history: Jaipur was ruled by a Hindu dynasty whereas Ajmer came under British control. Drawing on primary source research from a variety of archives, this chapter begins by showing that the Hindu rajas of Jaipur discriminated against Muslims, creating a long legacy of religious violence, but protected low castes and adivasis, stunting the development of caste and tribal conflict. In Ajmer, on the other hand, discriminatory British policies against low castes and tribals generated conflict in the countryside, but protective policies for religious minorities prevented Hindu-Muslim discord. Utilizing elite interviews and a variety of data sources on local conflict, this chapter then shows that this pattern of violence became embedded in formal and informal institutions in modern Rajasthan. 3Violence in South India: Malabar and Travancore chapter abstractThis chapter examines ethnic conflict in a controlled historical comparison from the south Indian state of Kerala. The northern region of Malabar, which came under British rule, is compared with the southern princely kingdom of Travancore. This comparison has strong analytical leverage because there is evidence that the British wanted to conquer all of Kerala, but – for various historical reasons – they were unable to annex the south. Although Kerala is not an extremely violent state, this chapter highlights that even in this largely tranquil territory there is a pattern of ethnic discord that stems from the colonial era. British rule in Malabar created a long history of caste antagonism, but princely rule in Travancore generated communal conflict among the state's Hindus, Muslims, and Christians. Kerala is also a noteworthy case because post-colonial reforms here, unlike elsewhere in India, successfully reduced the total amount of ethnic violence in the state. 4Explaining Violence in East India: Bastar chapter abstractThis chapter examines the largest deviant case for the theory of ethnic violence proposed in this book: the tiny Hindu kingdom of Bastar, located in the eastern state of Chhattisgarh. Since the mid-19th century, this remote princely state has been the bloodiest battleground for tribal violence in India. Drawing on a variety of archival sources, this chapter shows that tribal rebellions began in Bastar precisely because the British interfered repeatedly in the politics of the kingdom, a level of intervention that was unique compared to other princely states in India. After independence, the post-colonial government continued most of the same British policies that had initially sparked tribal rebellion. This led to the extraordinary growth of the adivasi-led Naxalite movement in the region. This chapter therefore confirms one of the major arguments of this book: wherever the British ruled, tribal revolts subsequently followed. 5Patterns of Ethnic Violence Across Contemporary India chapter abstractThis chapter builds on the qualitative research from Chapters 2-4 by presenting the results of a quantitative study of colonialism and ethnic violence across 589 contemporary Indian districts. This large-n analysis draws on new sources of data on ethnic conflict in India, as well as information aggregated from various British government reports, the census, and private statistical firms. This study shows that former British districts experience significantly more caste and tribal violence in contemporary India, but former princely districts experience significantly more religious conflict. These results confirm that the patterns of ethnic violence evident at the case study level are also visible across the entire country. These results are significant even when controlling for a number of alternative explanations of violence that focus on poverty, geography, and demographic factors. They are also sensitive to robustness checks for endogeneity concerns: a propensity score matching design and an instrumental variable analysis. 6The Indian Model of Colonialism chapter abstractThis chapter uses colonialism in India as a foundation for examining patterns of ethnic conflict in three other British post-colonial states: Myanmar, Malaysia, and Nigeria. While the Rebellion of 1857 upended British plans to control the entire subcontinent, colonial officials over time came to realize the value of combining direct and indirect rule in a colony, most of all because it prevented further uprisings. Administrators began extoling the virtues of this 'Indian model' of colonialism. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, the British exported this model to other territories across the vast expanse of the Indian Ocean. In Burma, Malaya, and Nigeria, British officials shared power with the sawbwa, sultans, and emirs. Through analyzing these cases, this chapter shows that the exporting of the Indian model led to discernible patterns of ethnic conflict abroad, patterns that are still evident in the contemporary politics of these three countries. Conclusion chapter abstractThis chapter offers a complete summary of the book, its relevance for several academic debates within the social sciences, and some social policy implications. It first recaps the book's central argument, and then details the extensive archival and interview evidence marshalled in support of this theory in Chapters 2-4. Former British provinces like Ajmer and Malabar primarily experience caste and tribal violence today, but former princely states like Jaipur and Travancore tend to experience religious conflict. The statistical analysis in Chapter 5 showed that these patterns of violence are evident across 589 contemporary Indian districts, and the comparative analysis in Chapter 6 highlighted that India served as a model for the colonization of other states in Asia and Africa. This chapter concludes by detailing the contributions this project makes to several academic debates – above all, this book emphasizes the key role of historical legacies in driving modern ethnic violence.

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Book SynopsisTrade Review"Tongfi Kim adds to recent literature on alliance dependability, breakup, signalling, and deterrence effectiveness with his market theory of alliances. The application of mainstream international relations theory to Asia is welcome, given that the U.S. alliance system in this region will play such a critical role in contending with China's enlarging footprint." -- Victor Cha, Georgetown University and former director of Asian affairs * National Security Council (2004-2007) *"Tongfi Kim's book is a welcome addition to alliance scholarship. Kim examines how systemic and domestic factors influence bargaining among allies and the evolution of alliances over time. Given the importance of key bilateral alliances to Asian security, Kim's theory will be particularly relevant for those interested in East Asia." -- Brett Ashley Leeds * Rice University *Table of ContentsContents and Abstracts1Introduction chapter abstractThis chapter presents an overview of the book and discusses puzzles of Post-Cold War alliance politics and problems in the extant literature. The chapter introduces the readers to a market theory of military alliances, which treats alliances as contracts pledging a continuous exchange of goods, at least one of which is a military obligation but the others need not be. The model bases alliance politics in the demand for and supply of various goods – important examples include protection, military bases, and political and economic concessions. States and domestic actors participate in military alliances for various goals, and the common function of all alliances is to generate efficiency gains. With these assumptions, the theory explains how systemic polarity and domestic politics affect intra-alliance bargaining. 2A Market Theory of Alliances chapter abstractThis chapter presents a broad theoretical map and explains why military allies exchange various goods among them. The chapter justifies the market approach of this book and explains how the theory is related to the existing literature. The literature is mostly concerned with exchanges of military force, but a narrow focus on capability aggregation leads us to ignore a broad range of functions that military alliances play in international politics. Although combining military capabilities for defense and deterrence is an important part of exchanges between allies, alliances also provide their participants with efficiency gains based on comparative advantage, economies of scale, and informational and institutional effects of diverse exchanges. The market theory of alliances is developed according to the major characteristics of the alliance market. 3A Systemic Theory of the Alliance Market chapter abstractPolarity affects alliance politics because it is related to the number of potential security-suppliers and to the relative capabilities of actual and potential allies. This chapter develops a systemic theory of military alliances that explains both the persistence of numerous Cold War alliances and the high rate of alliance formation in the post-Cold War era that has taken place without the involvement of or balancing against the United States. This chapter also explains why China's alliance policy has so far been dormant and why it would be more active under Sino-US bipolarity. In the context of alliance politics, the chapter argues, the vice to which great powers easily succumb in a multipolar world is overreaction; in a bipolar world, overextension; in a unipolar world, inattention. 4Alliance Politics and Polarity chapter abstractThis chapter empirically tests the argument presented in Chapter 3. In addition to intra-alliance bargaining power, it also examines the theory's implications for the patterns of termination, duration, and formation of alliances in different systems. The chapter explains how much the structural shift from bipolarity to unipolarity has pushed American allies in favor of the superpower. The decline in the demand and supply of security in many parts of the world changed not only who forms alliances but also the goods exchanged within such alliances. The final section of this chapter discusses the theoretical implications of the systemic theory and offers some predictions about US alliances in the long and short terms. 5A Domestic Theory of Intra-Alliance Bargaining chapter abstractThis chapter explains the effects of three domestic variables on a state's intra-alliance bargaining power. As the existing theories of international relations argue, the presence of effective domestic opposition to cooperation increases a state's bargaining power in an alliance. The chapter advances our understanding of the domestic sources of bargaining power by further explaining disordinal interaction effects of a leader's attitude toward an alliance and his or her vulnerability. The effects of a leader's attitude and vulnerability vary, depending on the value of each variable; vulnerable pro-cooperation leaders and non-vulnerable anti-cooperation leaders have bargaining advantages in intra-alliance bargaining. 6Case Studies of Domestic Politics and Alliances chapter abstractIn this chapter, the author conducts a "structured, focused comparison" of the US alliances with Japan, South Korea, and Spain with respect to domestic opposition to alliance cooperation, the leader's attitude toward the alliance, the leader's vulnerability, and intra-alliance bargaining. The case studies explain why a leader matters in intra-alliance bargaining and why it is important to analyze the leader's attitude and vulnerability in combination. The chapter also shows that a state tends to receive less benefit from its alliance as its state resources increase, even though its influence in the alliance tends to grow with its capability. The final section discusses the implications of the findings as well as future research agendas. 7Conclusion chapter abstractThis chapter concludes the study by discussing the book's implications for international relations theory and policy of the United States, its East Asian allies and China. In particular, the chapter emphasizes that the rise of China affects both the demand-side and supply-side factors in the alliance market. The distribution of military capabilities in the international system is likely to remain unipolar for the foreseeable future, but many perceive a decline in the US power, especially relative to the rising power of China. This perception of power shift affects both the demand side and the supply side of the alliance market. Moreover, the rise of China and the relative decline of the United States alter the costs and benefits of the alliances for the United States.

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Book SynopsisTrade Review"This book, edited by Blandford and Sagan, brings together experts from a variety of institutions and disciplines (including nuclear engineering, environmental history, political science, public policy, and risk assessment) from Japan and the United States to analyze the events leading up to and following this man-made catastrophe...This book provides an easy-to-read reference guide to the disaster which will be of interest to graduate students and advanced undergraduates seeking summaries about Fukushima."—Daniel P. Aldrich, Pacific AffairsTable of ContentsIntroduction: Learning from a Man-made Disaster —Scott D. Sagan 1. Japan's Fukushima Nuclear Disaster: An Overview —Kenji E. Kushida 2. The Accident That Could Never Happen: Deluded by a Design Basis —Gregory D. Wyss 3. Security Implications of the Fukushima Accident —Kaoru Naito 4. Political Leadership in Nuclear Emergency: Institutional and Structural Constraints —Nobumasa Akiyama 5. Radiation Protection by Numbers: Another Man-made Disaster" —Toshihiro Higuchi 6. Encouraging Transnational Organizational Learning —Kazuto Suzuki 7. Were Japan's Nuclear Plants Uniquely Vulnerable? —Phillip Lipscy, Kenji E. Kushida, and Trevor Incerti Conclusion: Beyond Fukushima: Enhancing Nuclear Safety and Security in the 21st Century —Michael May and Edward Blandford

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Book SynopsisThe neighboring north Indian districts of Jaipur and Ajmer are identical in language, geography, and religious and caste demography. But when the famous Babri Mosque in Ayodhya was destroyed in 1992, Jaipur burned while Ajmer remained peaceful; when the state clashed over low-caste affirmative action quotas in 2008, Ajmer''s residents rioted while Jaipur''s citizens stayed calm. What explains these divergent patterns of ethnic conflict across multiethnic states? Using archival research and elite interviews in five case studies spanning north, south, and east India, as well as a quantitative analysis of 589 districts, Ajay Verghese shows that the legacies of British colonialism drive contemporary conflict.Because India served as a model for British colonial expansion into parts of Africa and Southeast Asia, this project links Indian ethnic conflict to violent outcomes across an array of multiethnic states, including cases as diverse as Nigeria and Malaysia. The Colonial OriTrade Review"This is a truly excellent and original book, deeply researched, carefully argued, and offering a powerful new understanding of caste and religious cleavages and violence in India. Unlike most previous studies, Verghese combines religious and caste violence within a single framework. A model book for comparative historical research in political science." -- David D. Laitin, Watkins Professor of Political Science * Stanford University *"This outstanding book is a model of both theory generation and theory testing. Verghese offers fresh hypotheses about the sources of different types of ethnic violence across India, which he rigorously evaluates using a sophisticated comparative case study design that is supplemented by a meaningful statistical test. A major contribution to our understanding of colonialism and ethnic violence." -- James Mahoney * Northwestern University *"In this clearly written and closely argued work, Verghese proposes that religious or communal violence is associated with the former princely states, while tribal and caste violence is associated with British colonial rule. This important book challenges prevailing ideas about ethnic violence, and will further research on India and other formerly British colonial states." -- Karen Leonard * UC Irvine *"In this bold and innovative analysis, Verghese argues that the seemingly endemic problem of ethno-religious violence in India is fundamentally shaped by the different historical traditions of governance and sovereignty in different parts of the country. The breadth and historical depth of data and context makes this a compelling contribution to the literature." -- Thomas Blom Hansen, Center for South Asia * Stanford University *Table of ContentsContents and AbstractsIntroduction chapter abstractThis chapter lays out the puzzle driving this book: why does ethnic violence in multi-ethnic states revolve around one identity rather than another? The origins of patterns of ethnic conflict in India, one of the most diverse countries in the world, lie in the era of British colonialism. Three-fourths of India's population was governed by colonial officials, but the remainder lived under largely autonomous native 'princes'. These two sets of rulers had different ways of thinking about ethnicity, stratifying ethnic groups, and their disparate policies led to different fault lines of conflict. Former British provinces experience more caste and tribal violence in contemporary India, but former princely states experience more religious conflict. This chapter details the book's multi-method research design, and concludes by discussing how this project contributes to important social science debates on Hindu-Muslim riots, ethnic salience, and the impact of colonialism on ethnic violence. 1Colonialism, Institutions, and Ethnic Violence in India chapter abstractThis chapter offers a new interpretation of British Indian history and its effect on modern ethnic conflict. It begins with a discussion of pre-colonial India, where religious conflict occurred extensively but caste and tribal violence was less prevalent. British influence began in the 17th century and increased until the Rebellion of 1857, a revolt that left a quarter of the population under the control of native princes. British administrators promoted caste as the central organizing principle of their territories, but princes continued to emphasize religion. These rulers then instituted different policies of ethnic stratification: the British favored high castes, discriminated against low castes and tribals, but protected religious minorities. Princes did the opposite: they favored coreligionists, discriminated against non-coreligionists, but protected low castes and adivasis. Colonial patterns of violence were reinforced in post-independence India through formal and informal institutions, as well as the failure of reform efforts. 2Violence in North India: Jaipur and Ajmer chapter abstractThis chapter examines ethnic conflict in a controlled historical comparison of Jaipur and Ajmer districts in the north Indian state of Rajasthan. These two areas are similar except for their colonial history: Jaipur was ruled by a Hindu dynasty whereas Ajmer came under British control. Drawing on primary source research from a variety of archives, this chapter begins by showing that the Hindu rajas of Jaipur discriminated against Muslims, creating a long legacy of religious violence, but protected low castes and adivasis, stunting the development of caste and tribal conflict. In Ajmer, on the other hand, discriminatory British policies against low castes and tribals generated conflict in the countryside, but protective policies for religious minorities prevented Hindu-Muslim discord. Utilizing elite interviews and a variety of data sources on local conflict, this chapter then shows that this pattern of violence became embedded in formal and informal institutions in modern Rajasthan. 3Violence in South India: Malabar and Travancore chapter abstractThis chapter examines ethnic conflict in a controlled historical comparison from the south Indian state of Kerala. The northern region of Malabar, which came under British rule, is compared with the southern princely kingdom of Travancore. This comparison has strong analytical leverage because there is evidence that the British wanted to conquer all of Kerala, but – for various historical reasons – they were unable to annex the south. Although Kerala is not an extremely violent state, this chapter highlights that even in this largely tranquil territory there is a pattern of ethnic discord that stems from the colonial era. British rule in Malabar created a long history of caste antagonism, but princely rule in Travancore generated communal conflict among the state's Hindus, Muslims, and Christians. Kerala is also a noteworthy case because post-colonial reforms here, unlike elsewhere in India, successfully reduced the total amount of ethnic violence in the state. 4Explaining Violence in East India: Bastar chapter abstractThis chapter examines the largest deviant case for the theory of ethnic violence proposed in this book: the tiny Hindu kingdom of Bastar, located in the eastern state of Chhattisgarh. Since the mid-19th century, this remote princely state has been the bloodiest battleground for tribal violence in India. Drawing on a variety of archival sources, this chapter shows that tribal rebellions began in Bastar precisely because the British interfered repeatedly in the politics of the kingdom, a level of intervention that was unique compared to other princely states in India. After independence, the post-colonial government continued most of the same British policies that had initially sparked tribal rebellion. This led to the extraordinary growth of the adivasi-led Naxalite movement in the region. This chapter therefore confirms one of the major arguments of this book: wherever the British ruled, tribal revolts subsequently followed. 5Patterns of Ethnic Violence Across Contemporary India chapter abstractThis chapter builds on the qualitative research from Chapters 2-4 by presenting the results of a quantitative study of colonialism and ethnic violence across 589 contemporary Indian districts. This large-n analysis draws on new sources of data on ethnic conflict in India, as well as information aggregated from various British government reports, the census, and private statistical firms. This study shows that former British districts experience significantly more caste and tribal violence in contemporary India, but former princely districts experience significantly more religious conflict. These results confirm that the patterns of ethnic violence evident at the case study level are also visible across the entire country. These results are significant even when controlling for a number of alternative explanations of violence that focus on poverty, geography, and demographic factors. They are also sensitive to robustness checks for endogeneity concerns: a propensity score matching design and an instrumental variable analysis. 6The Indian Model of Colonialism chapter abstractThis chapter uses colonialism in India as a foundation for examining patterns of ethnic conflict in three other British post-colonial states: Myanmar, Malaysia, and Nigeria. While the Rebellion of 1857 upended British plans to control the entire subcontinent, colonial officials over time came to realize the value of combining direct and indirect rule in a colony, most of all because it prevented further uprisings. Administrators began extoling the virtues of this 'Indian model' of colonialism. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, the British exported this model to other territories across the vast expanse of the Indian Ocean. In Burma, Malaya, and Nigeria, British officials shared power with the sawbwa, sultans, and emirs. Through analyzing these cases, this chapter shows that the exporting of the Indian model led to discernible patterns of ethnic conflict abroad, patterns that are still evident in the contemporary politics of these three countries. Conclusion chapter abstractThis chapter offers a complete summary of the book, its relevance for several academic debates within the social sciences, and some social policy implications. It first recaps the book's central argument, and then details the extensive archival and interview evidence marshalled in support of this theory in Chapters 2-4. Former British provinces like Ajmer and Malabar primarily experience caste and tribal violence today, but former princely states like Jaipur and Travancore tend to experience religious conflict. The statistical analysis in Chapter 5 showed that these patterns of violence are evident across 589 contemporary Indian districts, and the comparative analysis in Chapter 6 highlighted that India served as a model for the colonization of other states in Asia and Africa. This chapter concludes by detailing the contributions this project makes to several academic debates – above all, this book emphasizes the key role of historical legacies in driving modern ethnic violence.

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Book SynopsisTrade Review"This book makes an important contribution to the current literature on geopolitics. The theoretical approach it takes is both innovative and stimulating, and it displays an impressive synthesis of existing theoretical ideas. A milestone reinterpretation of geopolitical theory." -- Geoff Sloan * University of Reading *"This is an important work. Many teachers of IR tend to dismiss geopolitics as having been overtaken by technology, but Phil Kelly's analysis shows how mistaken they are. He makes a strong case for the applicability of geopolitical analysis to the study of IR, foreign policy, and strategic analysis. A very worthy contribution to the study of IR and security affairs in general." -- Mackubin Owens * Institute of World Politics *Table of ContentsContents and Abstracts1Introduction chapter abstractSeveral motivations of the author prompted the writing of the book, a mission primarily to elevate the visibility and legitimacy of the classical geopolitical approach as an accepted IR model. A major aim is to separate geopolitics from realism, where many have wrongly placed it. Also, this intend offers a description of "critical geopolitics" as distinct from the classical. Assumptions, concepts, and theories find depiction as parts of a model, these adhering to the classical definition. Additional topics include: political geography as separate from geopolitics, the "scientific" approach, and a methodology suggested for theory selection. 2Model and Theory chapter abstractModels are containers for theories; they are passive and lend only to bundling of theories. Theories come as simple sentences of probability. No "geopolitical theories" exist; only theories under their own labels but fitting the classical geopolitical definition. The test for probability focuses upon the common-sense appropriateness of theories showing good insights into international events. The leading IR models in addition to geopolitics are described: realism, systems, dependency, hegemonic cycles, and functionalism. A further description of Cohen and Grygiel concludes the chapter. 3Several Geopolitical Approaches of the Recent Past chapter abstractAs a way to show distortions of past ideologies that have weakened the classical version of geopolitics, three depictions of these distortions are made in this chapter – the geopolitik of General Karl Haushofer and his Munich colleagues; the Cold-War power-politics containment geopolitics of post-World War Two; and the more recent critical geopolitics or post-modern stances of critical political geography. The chapter concludes with further descriptions of classical geopolitics. 4Classical Geopolitical Assumptions chapter abstractFirst outlined is the query: Why assumptions would be important to constructing a geopolitical model, this followed by separating assumptions from theories. Eleven examples of assumptions are offered to show how such precepts provide a vital part of a geopolitical model. 5Classical Geopolitical Theories chapter abstractThis chapter begins with providing reasons why concepts and theories should be combined and not kept separate within chapter designations. Next, five categories of description are formed where sixty-odd theories receive assortment. The remaining pages define and provide short applications of each theory for testing for insights awarded by the selected generalizations. 6Applications of the Model chapter abstractSeveral suggestions for applying theories to international events happen first, followed by eight case-studies that exhibit the application of theories toward gaining deeper insights into these events. The eight studies include: the Peloponnesian war compared to South American diplomacy; the Ukraine shatterbelt; shatterbelts affecting the early United States; new shatterbelts possibly emerging; the geopolitics of the three American sectors; United States and Paraguayan geopolitics; and the geopolitics of ancient Rome. 7Setting the Course for a Rejuvenated Geopolitics chapter abstractEleven suggestions are raised for a "call to action" for setting out a reinvigorated geopolitics: legitimize the study of geopolitics; emphasize the classical over the critical; separate geopolitics from realism; clarify and agree upon an appropriate definition; agree to the model's parts – assumptions, concepts, and theories; collect geopolitical assumptions and concepts-theories; also collect applications of theories to events; and organize a support group of geopolitical enthusiasts.

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Book SynopsisCaptures George Hearst's ascent, casting light on his actions during the Civil War, his tempestuous marriage to his cousin Phoebe, his role as disciplinarian and doting father to future media magnate William Randolph Hearst, and his devious methods of building the greatest mining empire in the West.

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Book Synopsis

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Book SynopsisJoel Rosenthal's survey of five noteworthy self-proclaimed political realists explores the realists' overarching commitment to transforming traditional power politics into a form of “responsible power” commensurate with American values.

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Book SynopsisIn February 1972, President Nixon arrived in Beijing for what Chairman Mao called the “week that changed the world.” Using declassified sources from American, Chinese, European, and Soviet archives, Chris Tudda reveals how the relationship forged by the Nixon administration and the Chinese government that altered the trajectory of the Cold War.

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Book SynopsisThe Star Route scandal captured the US’s attention for more than a decade, with newspapers throughout the country characterizing it as an unprecedented case of Gilded Age graft. Shawn Francis Peters’s When Bad Men Combine provides a glimpse into this uniquely tumultuous period marked by brazen greed and duplicity.

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Book SynopsisNo political leader is more closely identified with Louisiana State University than the flamboyant governor and US senator Huey P. Long, who devoted his last years to turning an undistinguished state school into an academic and football powerhouse. Rollicking and revealing, Kingfish U is the definitive story of Long’s embrace of LSU.

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Book SynopsisThe fraught relationship between Abraham Lincoln and George McClellan is well known, so much so that many scholars rarely question the standard narrative casting the two as foils. George Rable rethinks that stance, providing a new understanding of the interaction between the president and his leading wartime general.Trade ReviewGeorge C. Rable has tackled one of the most controversial stories of the Civil War as only a master historian can. Sifting through generations of partisan bickering, he offers a crisp, candid view of the Lincoln-McClellan saga that accomplishes something truly remarkable. It proves fair to both men." - Zachery A. Fry, author of A Republic in the Ranks: Loyalty and Dissent in the Army of the Potomac

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Book SynopsisOffers a necessary intervention to help progressive educators and advocates take back public education. This book highlights how the broader Left are often talking about the “problem” in ways that were framed by forces counter to the goals of democracy and justice, and in so doing, advancing “solutions” that cannot help but be counterproductive.Table of Contents Preface Acknowledgments Introduction Naming the Moment Questioning Common Sense This Book Part One: Historicizing Common Sense Constructing Americanness Through Othering Roots and Forces Shaping Early U.S. Schooling Part Two: Systemic Oppression, Collective Action The Case of Affirmative Action The Case of Free Speech and Hate Speech The Case of Bullying and Violence The Case of Teacher Shortages The Case of Student Debt From Surrender to Movement Building About the Author

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Book SynopsisAn intellectual dialogue of the highest plane achieved in America, the correspondence between John Adams and Thomas Jefferson spanned half a century and embraced government, philosophy, religion, quotidiana, and family griefs and joys. This reissue of The Adams-Jefferson Letters brings to a broader audience one of the monuments of American scholarship.

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Book SynopsisShows how the American stake in Saudi Arabian oil challenged the US to create closer ties with the Saudi kingdom, compelling the move from isolation to involvement with the Middle East. Miller describes the growing awareness of the strategic importance of Saudi Arabia, US shrinking oil reserves and the focusing of America on gaining access to the king's oil.

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Book SynopsisThis is an analysis of the logical structure of the entire text of Aristotles ""Politics"" and each of its constitutive arguments and conclusions. A commentary on the philosophical argument in ""Politics"", it should serve as a basis for future study of Aristotle's political thought.Trade Review"A 'must read' for scholars of the Politics." - Choice "The entire edition is marked by a dashing boldness of judgment, and by confidence of tone and argumentation." - Polis

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Book SynopsisIn this succinct study, Jason Silverman investigates Abraham Lincoln's evolving personal, professional, and political relationship with the wide variety of immigrant groups he encountered throughout his life, revealing that Lincoln related to the immigrant in a manner few of his contemporaries would or could emulate.Trade ReviewWhile the national debate over immigration may seem like a strictly 21st century conversation, Lincoln and the Immigrant reveals that it has always been part of our cultural identity. Lincoln took a stand for immigrants at a time when they were particularly misunderstood and undervalued, and by welcoming them into our nation, the United States gained from their skills, work ethic, and ingenuity for generations." - Murthy Law Firm "Two subjects of enduring interest to all who study the American past are the history of immigration and the political ideology of Abraham Lincoln. Until now, no book-length study has examined these subjects together. Silverman's inspired idea was to consider them as related parts of the same story. He shows us not only how Lincoln interacted with individual immigrants from many backgrounds but also what he thought about the larger significance of immigration as a theme in American life and its relationship to freedom, economic growth, and social opportunity. The result is a compelling interpretation of nineteenth-century American history with important implications for our understanding of diversity today and for the prospects of American democracy in the century to come." - Kevin Kenny, professor of history, Boston College "In this excellent untold story, Silverman narrates Abraham Lincoln's politics on and interactions with the foreign-born in his time. Lincoln never denied the right of immigrants - most of them poor, as he was in his youth - to rise as proclaimed in the Declaration of Independence and which he did himself. They would become Lincoln's supporters and fight for the Union. This is a tale worth telling, and Silverman does so exceedingly well." - Frank J. Williams, founding chair of the Lincoln Forum"Despite the enormous number of books that have been written about Abraham Lincoln, there has never been a full-length study about Lincoln's views on immigration. Silverman admirably fills this gap in the literature with his well-written and thoughtful study, demonstrating once again that an imaginative scholar can still provide new information about our sixteenth president. Highly recommended, not only for what it reveals about Lincoln's ideas on immigration but also for the insights provided to twenty-first-century Americans who wrestle with similar immigration issues." - Thomas R. Turner, editor of the Lincoln Herald "A learned, prodigiously researched, and engagingly written contribution to our understanding of this important subject." - Bruce Levine, J. G. Randall Distinguished Professor of History, the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign"Jason Silverman has written a short, scholarly, and eminently readable book . . . that examines Lincoln's personal relationships with immigrants, his integration of the immigrant into his understanding of the Declaration of Independence, and his practical political handling of immigrant communities. . . . It can easily be read in a few nights, yet it will leave you thinking for weeks." - Patrick Young, Long Island Wins"Jason Silverman has provided a succinct overview of Abraham Lincoln's views and relationships with immigrants from his years as a young adult in Springfield to his term as president...No other book focuses exclusively on Lincoln and immigration." - Bruce Bieglow, The Annals of Iowa"Lincoln and the Immigrant is a timely book. Its slim size, engaging prose, and poignant anecdotes make it an ideal selection for teachers, scholars, and general readers seeking to historicize current debates over religious tolerance, citizenship, and immigrants' role in the United States economy. Those who choose to do so by assigning or reading for themselves, Silverman's book will be richly rewarded." - Ian Delahanty, Springfield College (MA)"Jason H. Silverman focuses on a topic that Lincoln considered vitally important and one that remains timely for Americans today. He is the first historian to connect Lincoln's attitudes toward foreigners and his evolving political ideology. . . . Lincoln believed that all Americans-including white immigrants and black slaves-deserved the fruit of their labor and the chance to rise in life. . . . Silverman credits Lincoln with recognizing 'the folly of racism and nativism in the face of the promise of equality." - John David Smith, Charlotte Observer "Silverman argues . . . that Lincoln believed that no person should be denied inalienable rights as stated in the Declaration of Independence and that the country should welcome people so long as they were willing to work. . . . Silverman has written an insightful book about how Lincoln, whom many consider America's greatest president, addressed an issue that was every bit as perplexing in his day as it is in ours." - Terry Plumb, The Herald "Silverman covers Lincoln's interactions with foreign-born Americans and his positions on policies that affected their lives. The writing is sharp and engaging, the details revealing, and Silverman's insights interesting." - Alison Clark Efford, Civil War Monitor "a worthy addition to any Lincoln library collection." - Charles H. Bogart, Civil War News Book Review Table of Contents Contents Introduction 1. Uncertainty: A Clash of Images 2. Awakening: Coming of Age in Springfield 3. Enlightenment: Keeping Afloat in the Era of Know Nothings 4. Wisdom: Whig in the White House 5. Certainty: The Great Emancipator or the Great Egalitarian? Acknowledgments Notes Index

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Book SynopsisExplores Abraham Lincoln’s ties to the American West, bringing together a variety of scholars and experts who offer a look at the sixteenth president’s legacy in the territory beyond the Mississippi River.Trade Review“Readers interested in Lincoln, the United States West, and the intersection of the man and the region from which he hailed will hope, I am sure, for just such a book—and who better than Richard Etulain to write it?"—David A. Johnson, Oregon Historical Quarterly “Lincoln Looks West [fills] a huge void in the neglected topic of Lincoln and the West. Anyone wanting to know more about Lincoln and the trans-Mississippi region will certainly want this book."—Jerry Thompson, New Mexico Historical Review “This compilation of essays provides a wide range of topics, brings together a plethora of research, and demonstrates that the West was never far from Lincoln’s mind."—Patricia Ann Owens, The Annals of Iowa “[T]he contributions in Lincoln Looks West provide the reader with insightful perspectives of the rich and varied terrain of the West as it relates to Lincoln and the dominant issues of the mid-nineteenth-century United States, terrain that merits further attention."—Bartholomew H. Sparrow, H-CivWar “This sweeping collection of more than a full generation’s worth of scholarship on the neglected topic of Lincoln and the West fills a huge void in the historical literature. Richard Etulain deserves much credit for assembling in one valuable book the best and the brightest essays on this intriguing subject, adding an important introduction that reflects on—and adds to—the record. Why it took so long to give readers a chance to see the West as this western president saw it is hard to fathom; the good news is that this volume ends a long drought with a flourish."—Harold Holzer, cochairman, U.S. Lincoln Bicentennial Commission “These nine essays help illuminate an aspect of Lincoln’s career, both presidential and prepresidential, that deserves to be better understood. Students of the sixteenth president’s life and times will welcome this collection as a valuable addition to the literature."—Michael Burlingame, author of Abraham Lincoln: A Life “The comprehensive introduction and nine balanced essays mark a pioneer assessment of Lincoln’s relationship to the vast terrain that stretches west from the Mississippi River. Lincoln Looks West belongs in the library of every Lincoln admirer."—Ferenc Morton Szasz, author of Abraham Lincoln and Robert Burns: Connected Lives and Legends

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Book SynopsisDrawing on confidential Argentinian documents and memoranda, Behind the Disappearances documents a seven-year diplomatic war by one of the twentieth century''s most brutal regimes. It relates how, starting in 1976, Argentina''s military government tried to cripple the UN''s human rights machinery in an effort to prevent international condemnation of its policy of disappearances. Initially this attempt succeeded, but in 1980—with encouragement from the Carter administration—UN officials regained the initiative and created a special working group on disappearances that rejuvenated the UN''s efforts. This progress was abruptly halted in 1981 when the Reagan administration sided with the Argentinian regime. The result, claims the author, not only undercut the UN''s actions against disappearances but also weakened its chances of playing a positive role in aiding Latin America''s transition from dictatorship to democracy.Trade Review"One of the best and most interesting treatments of the human rights movement, and of the dynamics of the United Nations human rights system, written to date." * Human Rights Quarterly *"Truth is more chilling than fiction. And when the tale is spun by an adroit writer, the truth is more compelling still. . . . Guest develops a suspenseful plot, making Behind the Disappearances truly an educational page turner." * Clifton Magazine *

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Book SynopsisA general study of Irish history at the time of the American Revolutionary War, specifically dealing with the nine years, 1775 to 1783, from just before the outbreak of the war until about a year after its conclusion.Trade Review"The most concise introductory narrative of the Irish response to the American Revolution."-Andrew O'Shaughnessy, author of An Empire Divided: The American Revolution and the British CaribbeanTable of ContentsPreface 1. Introduction 2. Irish Opinion on the American Revolution 3. The Origins of the Free Trade Crisis 4. War with France and the Formation of the Volunteers 5. The Catholic Relief Act of 1998 6. The Free Trade Movement 7. The Success of Radicalism 8. The Assault on Imperial Control 9. The Collapse of Radicalism 10. Class Conflicts and the Failure of Radicalism in 1780 11. Carlisle's Quiet Year 12. The Revolution of 1982 13. Class Conflict and Parliamentary Reform Appendices Bibliography Index

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Book SynopsisEnergy Politics provides a broad introduction to the ways in which energy affects domestic and regional political developments.Trade Review"Energy Politics is a timely, provocative, and pioneering exploration of an increasingly important topic." * Graham Allison, Harvard University *"An excellent introduction to the international politics of energy." * Charles Doran, Johns Hopkins University *"Brenda Shaffer has produced an essential guide to the energy politics of the twenty-first century. Her insights into the growing role of natural gas, and its implications for global security, are especially valuable." * Michael Ross, UCLA *Table of ContentsIntroduction Chapter One: Energy and Regime Type Chapter Two: Foreign Policy Chapter Three: Pipeline Trends and International Politics Chapter Four: Conflict Chapter Five: Security Chapter Six: Climate Change Chapter Seven: Russia Chapter Eight: Europe Chapter Nine: The United States Chapter Ten: China Chapter Eleven: Iran Chapter Twelve: Saudi Arabia Conclusion Notes Index Acknowledgments

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Book SynopsisThe Internet and social media are pervasive and transformative forces in contemporary China. The Internet, Social Media, and a Changing China explores the changing relationship between China's Internet and social media and its society, politics, legal system, and foreign relations.Trade Review"The Internet, Social Media, and a Changing China is the first book-length study of the Chinese Internet after the social media revolution that completely changed the contours and possibilities of Chinese cyberspace. The individual chapters provide a diverse range of empirical and conceptual insights, and, taken as a whole, the volume stands alongside the major publications in the field." * Jonathan Sullivan, University of Nottingham *Table of ContentsIntroduction: The Internet, Social Media, and a Changing China —Jacques deLisle, Avery Goldstein, and Guobin Yang Chapter 1: The Coevolution of the Internet, (Un)Civil Society, and Authoritarianism in China —Min Jiang Chapter 2: Connectivity, Engagement, and Witnessing on China's Weibo —Marina Svensson Chapter 3: New Media Empowerment and State-Society Relations in China —Shi and Guobin Yang Chapter 4: The Privilege of Speech in New Media: Conceptualizing China's Communications Law in the Internet Age —Rogier Creemers Chapter 5: Embedding Law into Politics in China's Networked Public Sphere —Ya-Wen Lei and Daniel Xiaodan Zhou Chapter 6: Microbloggers' Battle for Legal Justice in China —Anne S. Y. Cheung Chapter 7: Public Opinion and Chinese Foreign Policy: New Media and Old Puzzles —Dalei Jie Chapter 8: Social Media, Nationalist Protests, and China's Japan Policy: The Diaoyu Islands Controversy, 2012-13 —Peter Gries, Derek Steiger, and Wang Tao Chapter 9: Going Out and Texting Home: New Media and China's Citizens Abroad —James Reilly Chapter 10: Images of the DPRK in China's New Media: How Foreign Policy Attitudes Are Connected to Domestic Ideologies in China —Chuanjie Zhang Notes List of Contributors Index Acknowledgments

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Book SynopsisIn this original analysis of political communication, Keena Lipsitz argues that highly contested electoral battles create campaign information environments that allow citizens to make enlightened choices.Trade Review"This book is required reading for anyone interested in the consequences of competitive elections, including those few of us who remain skeptical of their benefits." * American Review of Politics *"Competitive Elections and the American Voter offers a compelling argument for competitive elections and a careful examination of competition and television advertising in American elections. It continues a dialogue with other scholars, such as Tom Brunell and Justin Buchler, who argue that competitive congressional elections are counterproductive for American democracy. Game on." * Political Science Quarterly *"Competitive Elections and the American Voter is what political science scholarship should be: a masterful blend of theory, institutional and individual level considerations, rigorous empirical analyses, and insightful interpretation. The result is a compelling case for making elections more-but not too much more-competitive and, in doing so, improving both the quality of the information environment during campaigns and the quality of voters' participation in the electoral process." * Michael X. Delli Carpini, University of Pennsylvania *"Competitive Elections and the American Voter addresses a topic of major importance not only to political scientists, but also to political professionals, pundits, journalists, and the public as a whole. Lipsitz does a very good job at discussing various reform proposals and providing empirical data to evaluate them. This book will be widely noticed and offer a real contribution to the study of American politics." * Markus Prior, Princeton University *Table of ContentsList of Illustrations Chapter 1. Introduction Chapter 2. Democratic Theory and the Campaign Information Environment Chapter 3. Electoral Competitiveness and the Campaign Information Environment Chapter 4. Competitiveness and Campaign Knowledge in Congressional Elections Chapter 5. Competitiveness and Campaign Knowledge in a Presidential Election Chapter 6. Competitiveness and Political Participation Chapter 7. Improving Electoral Competitiveness Through Reform Epilogue: Why Voters Are Not Excited by American Campaigns Appendix Notes Bibliography Index Acknowledgments

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Book SynopsisPresents a study of Czech society and politics in the High Middle Ages. This work paints a vivid portrait of a flourishing Christian community in the decades between 1050 and 1200. It also reveals the values and strategies that sustained the Czech Lands as a community. It also honors the complexity and dynamism of the medieval exercise of power.Trade Review"An exemplary piece of work. . . . [Hastening Toward Prague] will interest any medieval, political, or social historian who picks it up and starts reading. It is beautifully written, clear, even elegant." * William Chester Jordan, Princeton University *

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Book SynopsisAlong the Bolivian Highway traces the emergence of a new middle class in Bolivia, a society commonly portrayed as the site of struggle between a superwealthy white minority and a destitute indigenous majority. Miriam Shakow shows how Bolivian middle classes have deeply shaped politics and social life. While national political leaders like Evo Morales have proclaimed a new era of indigenous power and state-led capitalism in place of racial exclusion and neoliberal free trade, Bolivians of indigenous descent who aspire to upward mobility have debated whether to try to rise within their country''s longstanding hierarchies of race and class or to break down those hierarchies. The ascent of indigenous politics, and a boom in coca and cocaine production beginning in the 1970s, have created dilemmas for middling Bolivians who do not fit the prevailing social binaries of white elite and indigenous poor. In their family relationships, political activism, and community life, the new miTrade Review"Shakow has produced a fascinating and beautifully written ethnography that explores the question: 'What might postneoliberalism look like?' In her portrayal of upwardly mobile urban indigenous Bolivians, out go polarized constructions of the social categories class and ethnicity. Instead we see an indigenous middle class dynamically shaped by effects of the coca boom, free-market government reforms, and different interpretations of Evo Morales's state socialism. Shakow shows us the work world of this heterogeneous labor force and their debates about social transformation, clientelism, and commitments to new sorts of collective action. This is a pathbreaking, theoretically sophisticated ethnography that is an exciting, very accessible read." * Kay Warren, Brown University *"This detailed and insightful ethnography focuses on the ambiguities and complexities of race, class, and political-economic transformation in the Bolivian middle classes, which are often ignored in studies of power and resistance." * Bret Gustafson, Washington University in St. Louis *"Along the Bolivian Highway draws upon rich ethnographic research to document changes in class and other civic sensibilities across a dramatic period of change in contemporary Bolivian society." * Andrew Orta, University of Illinois-Urbana-Champaign *Table of ContentsNote on Language Introduction Chapter 1. The Formation of a New Middle Class Chapter 2. The Intimate Politics of New Middle Classes in Sacaba Chapter 3. Middling Sacabans Respond to Evo and MAS Chapter 4. Condemning Clientelism Chapter 5. Laments of Betrayal Chapter 6. Middle Classes and Debates over the Definition of Community Conclusion Notes Family Tree of Doña Saturnina Ramírez Glossary Bibliography Index Acknowledgments

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Book SynopsisHow did the GOP trounce the Democrats in 2014? Acclaimed political analyst Ed Kilgore crunches the data, examines structural factors, places the vote in historical context, and reflects on implications for the 2016 presidential race in this bracing commentary on the recent Republican sweep.Trade Review"Election 2014 is wise, comprehensive and indispensable-the one book you must read to understand the last midterms of the Obama Era. Ed Kilgore draws on the best data, the shrewdest journalism, and, above all, his own superb instincts and extensive knowledge to create a small masterpiece of electoral analysis. Here's hoping that Kilgore commits to analyzing every future midterm, a species of election that is always overanalyzed but insufficiently understood." * E. J. Dionne, author of Why Americans Hate Politics and Our Divided Political Heart: The Battle for the American Idea in an Age of Discontent *"I don't think any political writer in the country wrote more informatively about the unfolding 2014 election campaigns than Ed Kilgore. Here he takes it all a step further, explaining what happened and why, and telling us what the results mean for 2016 and for governance in the meantime. It's a delightfully smart, comprehensive, and accessible survey." * Michael Tomasky, columnist for The Daily Beast *"Ed Kilgore definitively explains the 2014 midterm elections with characteristic balance, depth and precision." * Jonathan Chait, columnist for New York magazine *

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Book SynopsisSlavery and the Democratic Conscience explains how democratic subjects confronted and came to terms with slaveholder power in the early American Republic. Slavery was not an exception to the rise of American democracy, Padraig Riley argues, but was instead central to the formation of democratic institutions and ideals.Trade Review"Drawing on an impressive archive that includes newspapers of the period, political pamphlets, and congressional records, Riley uncovers a previously untold story within the master narrative of early US politics. rough its nuanced account of the origins of Jeffersonian Republicanism, Slavery and the Democratic Conscience reveals what might be e aced if we focus solely on that movement's namesake: the deep but deeply fraught links between white notions of liberty and the material realities of slavery in the early United States." * Early American Literature *"[A]s Riley's book expertly shows, slaveholders' power came not merely as a result of a hellish constitutional compromise. Rather it owed from a longstanding cross-sectional alliance of Democratic Republicans that privileged white democracy over antislavery . . . Though building on studies by Matt Mason, David Waldstreicher, Craig Hammond, and others who have traced slavery's contested role in the early Republic, Riley explains the muscular development of the Jeffersonian coalition perhaps better than anyone else." * Reviews in American History *"This book on the politics of slavery in the early American republic ought to surpass and replace previous works on this subject. Broadly synthetic and, at the same time, well researched and well written, it teems with original insights and careful analysis." * The Historian *"How is it, Padraig Riley asks, that the most radical democratic elements of U.S. political life joined with slaveholders to create the first American party system? Joining a wave of recent scholarship focused on the 'forgotten' period between the Revolutionary and antebellum eras, Riley looks beyond the usual suspects to uncover an unlikely and fascinating cast of characters, shedding new light on early American politics. An important contribution to the literature on the politics of slavery in the early American republic." * François Furstenberg, Johns Hopkins University *Table of ContentsIntroduction. North of Jefferson Chapter 1. The Emancipation of New England Chapter 2. Philadelphia, Crossroads of Democracy Chapter 3. Jeffersonians Go to Washington Chapter 4. The Idea of a Northern Party Chapter 5. Republican Nation: The War of 1812 Chapter 6. Democracy in Crisis Conclusion. Democracy, Race, Nation List of Abbreviations Notes Index Acknowledgments

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Book SynopsisIn The Battle for Algeria Jennifer Johnson reinterprets one of the most violent wars of decolonization: the Algerian War (1954-1962). Johnson argues that the conflict was about who—France or the National Liberation Front (FLN)—would exercise sovereignty of Algeria. The fight between the two sides was not simply a military affair; it also involved diverse and competing claims about who was positioned to better care for the Algerian people''s health and welfare. Johnson focuses on French and Algerian efforts to engage one another off the physical battlefield and highlights the social dimensions of the FLN''s winning strategy, which targeted the local and international arenas. Relying on Algerian sources, which make clear the centrality of health and humanitarianism to the nationalists'' war effort, Johnson shows how the FLN leadership constructed national health care institutions that provided critical care for the population and functioned as a protostate. MoreoverTrade Review"[A] strong, insightful book packed with original and fascinating detail and fresh in its positioning both within the literature on Algeria and the literature on the history of human rights, health care, and humanitarianism. The book succeeds particularly well in bringing to the fore how care for the bodies of Algerians became a site of competition and a means of statebuilding during the war. Scholars from a variety of humanities and social science fields will find its lessons illuminating." * Journal of North African Studies *"With her careful scholarship Johnson focuses on how the Front de libe'ration nationale (FLN) sought international support for its campaign through the rhetoric-though limited practice-of healthcare for Algerians, as well as diplomatic missions to the newly independent nations of the Arab world, Asia, and, specifically, the United Nations . . . Johnson's narrative is absorbing. Her book draws on interviews and archives to enrich the complexity of the existing narrative and is a further contribution to understanding the war from the perspective of winning over world opinion." * French Studies *"Jennifer Johnson's The Battle for Algeria provides a painstakingly researched and richly descriptive analysis of the strategic importance of medicine, human rights, and humantarianism for Algerian nationalists' evolving and expanding political agencies, and the internationalization of their struggle during the war for independence." * Journal of Global South Studies *"Jennifer Johnson's excellent new book augments the internationalization of our understanding of the Algerian war by showing how important health and humanitarianism were to it. With archivally rooted contributions on how Algerian nationalists built a health program and how international humanitarian concern-including the Red Crescent-played an important role in arguments for sovereignty, The Battle for Algeria breaks new ground. Appeals to the need for health care and complaints over the violation of the human body were frequent, Johnson powerfully demonstrates, in the war for public opinion that ultimately shifted the conflict." * Samuel Moyn, Harvard University, author of Christian Human Rights *"The Battle for Algeria is a powerful critique of existing Algerian historiography that successfully integrates Middle East and North African studies into global or international history." * Benjamin Brower, University of Texas at Austin *"The Battle for Algeria demonstrates the ways in which sovereignty had been reconfigured in the postwar era-and how the techniques for achieving it were refashioned. In so doing, Jennifer Johnson reveals a very good deal about the international system as well as Algeria's particular struggle." * Roland Burke, La Trobe University *Table of ContentsList of Abbreviations Note on Sources, Names, and Spellings Introduction Chapter 1. The Long Road to War Chapter 2. Medical Pacification and the Sections Administratives Spécialisées Chapter 3. "See Our Arms, See Our Physicians": The Algerian Health-Services Division Chapter 4. Internationalizing Humanitarianism: The Algerian Red Crescent Chapter 5. The International Committee of the Red Cross in Algeria Chapter 6. Global Diplomacy and the Fight for Self-Determination Conclusion Notes Bibliography Index Acknowledgments

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Book SynopsisFrom the University of California, Berkeley, to Middlebury College, institutions of higher learning increasingly find themselves on the front lines of cultural and political battles over free speech. Repeatedly, students, faculty, administrators, and politically polarizing invited guests square off against one another, assuming contrary positions on the limits of thought and expression, respect for differences, the boundaries of toleration, and protection from harm. In Free Speech on Campus, political philosopher Sigal Ben-Porath examines the current state of the arguments, using real-world examples to explore the contexts in which conflicts erupt, as well as to assess the place of identity politics and concern with safety and dignity within them. She offers a useful framework for thinking about free-speech controversies both inside and outside the college classroom, shifting the focus away from disputes about legality and harm and toward democracy and inclusion. Ben-Porath provides Trade ReviewFree Speech on Campus makes a valuable contribution to a debate that has often been marred by confusion. In the campus context, Ben-Porath's argument that we may protect students from dignitary harm, but not from intellectual challenge, helps us to think clearly about the importance of not censoring speech on the basis of its intellectual content. Student activists, professors, and university administrators can all learn from reading this book. * Peter Singer, Princeton University *What norms should govern free expression in the university? In this fine book, Ben-Porath dispels misconceptions about what is at stake in current controversies, and sets her answer in the broader context of the changing role of the university in a democratic society. Rich in examples and analysis, as well as in practical suggestions, her arguments are fair minded and important. * Debra Satz, Stanford University *Ben-Porath has joined the debate about campus speech with a strong and persuasive argument. She is especially good when she explains, very quietly, why civility is sometimes necessary and sometimes not. * Michael Walzer, Institute for Advanced Study *In Free Speech on Campus, Ben-Porath persuasively shows how her ideal of inclusive freedom can protect academic freedom while also supporting the equal participation of vulnerable groups in academic life. Her book is a must-read for everyone interested in debates over controversial speech on campus. * Elizabeth Anderson, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor *Ben-Porath's Free Speech on Campus firmly sets aside the sensationalism and venom we often see in off-campus discussion of university speech, in favor of a careful defense of 'inclusive freedom.' Her argument persausively emphasizes the fundamental compatibility between universities' commitments both to open inquiry and to open participation in the community of inquiry. This is not splitting the difference, but a principled argument that inclusion doesn't require censorship, and academic freedom is a value that can be open to all on America's diversifying campuses. A wise and valuable book. * Jacob T. Levy, McGill University *Table of ContentsPreface Chapter 1. The State of the Debate Chapter 2. Inclusive Freedom Chapter 3. Identity and Free Speech on the Quad Chapter 4. Putting Civility in Its Place: Free Speech in the Classroom Conclusion and Practical Guidelines Acknowledgments

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Book SynopsisIn chronicling the life and career of Albert Gore, Sr., historian Anthony J. Badger seeks not just to explore the successes and failures of an important political figure who spent more than three decades in the national eye—and whose son would become Vice President of the United States—but also to explain the dramatic changes in the South that led to national political realignment.Born on a small farm in the hills of Tennessee, Gore served in Congress from 1938 to 1970, first in the House of Representatives and then in the Senate. During that time, the United States became a global superpower and the South a two party desegregated region. Gore, whom Badger describes as a policy-oriented liberal, saw the federal government as the answer to the South''s problems. He held a resilient faith, according to Badger, in the federal government to regulate wages and prices in World War II, to further social welfare through the New Deal and the Great Society, and to promote ecTrade Review"Mr. Badger, a British historian of the American New Deal, has an instinctive grasp of American culture and politics." * The Wall Street Journal *"An interesting study filled with useful historical context . . . A British historian fascinated with the American South examines the changes in the region through the political career of Albert Gore Sr. (1907-1998). Badger offers a great deal of information about the U.S. senator from Tennessee-and father of former vice president Al Gore Jr." * Kirkus Reviews *"From the New Deal to the Nixon administration, Albert Gore Sr. of Tennessee played a critical role in the most important political developments of the era. Anthony J. Badger has brought his deft hand to Gore's political life and produced a first-rate biography that should be a must-read for anyone who wants to understand how American politics ended up where it is today." * Journal of American History *"A superb book-imaginatively and exhaustively researched, rich in provocative arguments and original insights, and written with clarity and polish. Anthony J. Badger uses Gore's career to illuminate the development of the modern American South, the transformation of Southern and national politics, and the legislative history of such key measures as the Interstate Highway Act and Medicare." * Joseph Crespino, Emory University *"A sophisticated account of an important figure in the history of Southern politics and modern American liberalism. Anthony J. Badger elucidates particular lines along which liberal politics evolved in the middle decades of the twentieth century and dramatizes the transformation of southern politics during this same time." * Bruce Schulman, Boston University *

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Book SynopsisTrade Review"Patterson's work fills a necessary gap in scholarly examinations of religion and public life. It is balanced in its treatment of the subject matter while advocating that the rise of the Religious Right signaled a reversal of the role that the clergy played in American life for most of its history. If American religion, now rapidly in decline, has any hope of revitalization, Patterson is right to note that it will come through a renewed attention to its own foundations and their relevance to public life, and not a reliance on either complete withdrawal from the public sphere nor direct political action as the vehicle of religious 'success.'" * Reception: Texts, Readers, Audiences, History *"This provocative volume brings together three religious leaders that make for an odd grouping: Fulton Sheen, Martin Luther King, Jr., and Jerry Falwell. Patterson argues that these three men strained against the boundary between religion and politics in the United States, which finally collapsed under the pressure placed on church–state separation by Falwell’s religious right...Patterson uncovers some of the deft theological moves these three figures made in order to bring religion to bear on a liberal democracy. They demonstrate the primacy of the church in ministerial politics and suggest that the one constant in church–state relationships is a perversion of both institutions." * Journal of Church and State *"Patterson takes the reader on an in-depth exploration of three public figures who exemplify both the promise and the peril of clergy in American public life: Fulton J. Sheen, Martin Luther King Jr., and Jerry Falwell. Patterson skillfully places each man’s life and career into their political and theological milieus, making creative use of existing frameworks like the American jeremiad, civil religion, and Hugh Heclo’s 'Great Denouement.'...[L]ucidly argued and clearly organized, and shed[s] a great deal of light on both the individual figures and their broader cultural and political contexts. " * The Journal of Southern History *"[A] thoughtful study...well worth reading...to remind readers of how significant a figure Sheen was over a long period of time, and how Falwell’s often despised efforts fit within a longer tradition of Christianity’s diverse voice within the public square of American society. " * Commonweal *"Informative and provocative, Religion in the Public Square is original in its interpretations and judicious in its assessments. James M. Patterson makes a valuable contribution to our understanding of the role of preachers and public religion in the United States in the second half of the twentieth century" * Robert Kraynak, Colgate University *

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