Political leaders and leadership Books

Book SynopsisTHE BEST WORDS. IN THE BEST ORDER. The Big Book of Trump is a wonderful 'celebration' of all things The Donald: the hair, the gaffs, the tweets... and the questionable politics. Love him or loathe him the world of Donald J. Trump is simply one of a kind and the crazy existence of the 45th President of the United States is celebrated in all its bronzed glory: spot the difference, pin the tail on The Donald, a do-it-yourself Trump tax return; full of Fake News and the main man's very own nuclear button (with additional childproof lock!) - this is a wonderful tribute to the Stable Genius that is Donald J. Trump. Covfefe!

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Book SynopsisThe Anglo-Saxon view of Georges Clemenceau (1841-1929) is based on John Maynard Keynes' misjudged caricature, that he had imposed a treaty that was harsh and oppressive of Germany. French critics' view, however, is that he had been too lenient, and left Germany in a position to challenge the treaty. In fact the treaty was a just settlement, and it could have been maintained. The failure was not in the terms of the treaty but in the subsequent failure to insist on maintaining them in the face of German resistance.Trade Review'a beautifully produced series' 'The allied 'big three' lead the first six titles... All three capture and convey the essential tragedies of their subjects' -- Nigel Jones Literary Review 201011

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Book SynopsisThis title is about Woodrow Wilson (1856-1924). It is September 1919 - a meeting hall in a small mid-Western city. A thin man is speaking to a sceptical audience about peace. He has already met the city fathers and has been warned that 'out here' what happens in Europe means very little. Even the late war scarcely impinged on the place, though it had been recognised that it hadn't been altogether good for trade and one or two local boys had died on the fields of France in the very last days of the conflict. The speaker was obviously impassioned, with a preacher's cadence to his voice, and particularly so when he promoted the idea of an international League of Nations to guarantee future peace and ensure that the war into which America had been lured in 1917 really was 'a war to end all wars'.It is noticed that the man is sweating and pale and that he pauses frequently to dab his lips. The price of his campaign for peace - and peace conducted with principle - seems to be a terrible struggle between strong belief on the one hand and failing reserves on the other. Woodrow Wilson will live for another five years, but his battle to convince America to join the League is lost and much of the vigour that marked his time as President of his country, as president of Princeton University, even as an enthusiastic college football coach, was left behind in the Hall of Mirrors at Versailles. This book will look at the life of Wilson, from his early years during the American Civil War, through his academic and political career and America's involvement in the First World War, to Wilson's role at Versailles, including the construction of his Fourteen Points, his principles for the reformation of Europe, and the consequences of Versailles for America and on later conflicts.Trade Review'[Wilson's] finest hour, though, came after the war, says Brian Morton in the first of what Haus promises will be a 32-volume account of the postwar peace conferences. Wilson helped usher in the Treaty of Versailles;though that treaty has been criticised (of Wilson's 14-point peace plan, Clemenceau remarked that even God had only 10 commandments). But here Morton ably defends it - and Wilson - by arguing that the road to hell is better paved with good intentions than not paved at all.' Christopher Bray, Financial Times -- Christopher Bray Financial Times

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Book SynopsisThis title is about Friedrich Ebert (1871-1925). Ebert was influential in securing SPD support for the war in 1914. On the eve of war he travelled to Switzerland to arrange the movement of SPD funds if the party was outlawed. As the leader of organized labour, Ebert had close relations with government and military authorities throughout the war. Two of his sons were killed during the war, something he used to emphasise his patriotism. On 9 November, 1918, Ebert became Imperial Chancellor as revolution broke out in Berlin. He opposed the radical left, declaring, 'Without democracy there is no freedom. Violence, no matter who is using it, is always reactionary', but he compromised Weimar democracy by his dependence on the army command and his use of the para-military Freikorps against the left.Ebert headed a joint SPD-USPD government until elections were held to a National Constituent Assembly in January 1919. Ebert became president of the new Weimar Republic (Germany's first democratically elected head of state) and retained office in a turbulent period in German politics. Ebert reluctantly accepted the need for Germany to sign the Treaty of Versailles, at one point saying he might be prepared to resume the war. It was left to Johannes Bell (depicted by Sir William Orpen from behind) and Hermann Muller (shown leaning over him) to sign on behalf of Germany. There were arguments among the Allies over how Germany should be treated, as France, Britain and the United States prioritised different objectives.In May 1919, the terms of the Treaty - on reparations, war guilt clause, loss of territories in Europe and colonies, limitations on armed forces - were presented to German representatives, precipitating opposition in government and the Armed Forces, and heated discussion in Cabinet. He continued as President until 1925, forced to confront the issues that arose from the Treaty and its political and economic consequences. After his death came the unravelling of the Treaty and the book examines how much of a part it played in creating the circumstances of the Second World War.Trade Review'Harry Harmer gives a long overdue introduction in English to the saddler's son who, though not present at Versailles, shakily presided over the establishment of Germany's Weimar Republic. ... a beautifully produced series' Nigel Jones, Literary Review, November 2008 -- Nigel Jones Literary Review 20081101

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Book SynopsisThe Greek Prime Minister Eleftherios Venizelos (1864-1936) was one of the stars of the Paris Peace Conference, impressing many of the Western delegates, already possessed of a romantic view of 'the grandeur that was Greece', with his charm and oratorical style. He won support for his country's territorial ambitions in Asia Minor, the 'Great Idea' of a revived Hellenic empire controlling the Aegean and stretching to the Black Sea. Venizelos had won this support by bringing Greece into the war on the Allied side, but in doing so he had split his country, and in order to secure his government's position he had to deliver territorial gains at the expense of the Ottoman Empire. It was the Greek occupation of Asia Minor, however, that spurred the Turks to support Mustafa Kemal and resulted not in the creation of a Greater Greece but the modern Republic of Turkey. The conflict between Greece and Turkey began the tension between the two states that has continued for the past 90 years and is most clearly seen in the dispute over the divided island of Cyprus. The Paris Peace Conferences were where the modern Near East, with all its problems of competing nationalisms and ethnic divisions, was created, and Venizelos' Greece was the key player in this process.

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Book SynopsisThe First World War marked the emergence of the Dominions on the world stage as independent nations, none more so than Australia. The country's sacrifice at Gallipoli in 1915, and the splendid combat record of Australian troops on the Western Front not only created a national awakening at home, but also put Great Britain in their debt, ensuring them greater influence at the Peace Conferences. Australia was represented at Versailles by the Prime Minister, the colourful Billy Hughes, whom Woodrow Wilson called a pestiferous varmint' after their repeated clashes over Australia's claims to the Pacific Islands its troops had taken from Germany during the War. Hughes was also the most vociferous (though by no means at all the only) opponent of the racial equality clause put forward by Japan. Indeed, it was fear of Japanese expansion that drove Australia's territorial demands in the Pacific.Trade ReviewWe know much about the principal players at the Paris peace conferences of 1919-23: US President Woodrow Wilson, French Prime Minister Georges Clemenceau and Britain's Prime Minister David Lloyd George. Each has his own volume in the "Makers of the Modern World" series on the peace conferences and their aftermath. These twin volumes examine the contributions by two small players: the prime ministers of Australia and New Zealand, William Morris (Billy) Hughes and William Ferguson (Bill) Massey, whose countries' wartime sacrifices for the British Empire secured them seats around the conference table. The Paris Peace Conference in 1919 represented a landmark for both in that it was one of the first occasions when the then British Dominions had separate representatives at an international conference beyond the confines of the Empire. Significantly for their national histories, Hughes and Massey appended their separate signatures at Versailles for their own Dominions. Though H-Diplo might regard these as twin volumes in the series, and that is how I propose to review them, these titles are not written as such but as separate, potted histories of the "personalities, events and circumstances" relating to the "makers" - the countries and their leaders - implicated in making peace after the Great War. The volumes follow the same broad structure - the life and the land; the Paris peace conference; and the legacy - because that presumably is the template set by the publisher to examine the standpoint of different countries' leaders around the table. As reviewers of other volumes in this series have noted, it would have helped to have a general editor's introduction to each book on the peace conferences that explained the relationship between each volume and the series. I am not the first reviewer to be confused by the book covers, which in this case suggest they contain biographies of Hughes and Massey, when the volumes are hybrids of biography and abridged segments of national narrative, placed in a suitably imperial context. That said, it is timely to reappraise both Hughes' and Massey's careers. Hughes is better known than Massey because Australia's wartime leader was vituperative and a propagandist, who benefited in Britain from a high media profile crafted by the first generation of the Murdoch press. The mercurial Hughes at least earned biographies, if they now appear dated in this era of transnational scholarship, and Carl Bridge's volume is a useful update of Laurie Fitzhardinge's classic life of the "Little Digger".1 Bridge argues the Paris Peace Conference in 1919 was Hughes' "finest hour" (p. ix), since the concessions he won made him Australia's most important twentieth-century politician and a foremost imperial figure. While this claim may be overstated, it is worth making in order to invite debate. Massey, by contrast, awaits a full biography. Though James Watson depicts him as a warm character, New Zealand historians have not found him sufficiently endearing to publish a full account of his life, so this volume fills a gap in the historiography. New Zealand had two representatives at the Paris conference, the other being Sir Joseph Ward, who was one of an extra ten delegates representing the British Empire. As Watson explains, Massey was the delegate who spoke for New Zealand. He argues that Massey has not received his due from historians of the peace conferences and seeks to revise understanding of the New Zealand Prime Minister's contribution, especially where he diverged from Hughes. Notably, Massey supported a compromise over the Japanese demand for a racial equality clause in the Covenant of the League of Nations. Watson's volume exposes divergences in Australia's and New Zealand's circumstances: Massey arrived late at the 1919 peace conference, delayed by the Spanish influenza epidemic, which struck earlier in New Zealand than in Australia. Reading these volumes in parallel also exposes divergent personal and geopolitical approaches: while Hughes and Massey were both accustomed to dealing in, and with, a British world, and unaccustomed to American and French diplomacy, Hughes' approach was more pugilistic. Massey owed his separate voice at the table to Hughes and to Robert Borden of Canada. Who the intended audience for these volumes is puzzled me when perusing the biographical sections. We learn that both Hughes and Massey were migrants - Hughes was a Welshman from London, Massey an Ulster Scot from County Londonderry - with different politics, as leader of the Australian Labor Party and New Zealand's non-labour Reform Party respectively. Bridge portrays Hughes in Keith Hancock's terms as an "independent Australian Briton": a nation-builder in a British imperial context, an advocate of compulsory military training and a citizen army and an independent Australian navy equipped to defend Australia's coast. Deeply suspicious of Japan despite the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, Hughes was an outspoken advocate of the White Australia policy, for whom World War I was a life or death struggle. Massey equally favoured a White New Zealand policy, though Watson does not describe it as such, noting instead that the Immigration Restriction Act 1920 reinforced New Zealand's policy of racial exclusion. This was more covert than the White Australia policy, but a direct parallel in practice. Bridge's national history begins with Australian federation in 1901 and Watson's with New Zealand's late discovery by Europe and late colonisation. Bridge's approach is more successful because the historical context he provides is more specifically related to these volumes' core subject: how these British Dominions responded to the Paris peace treaties. Reading the two volumes in parallel offers a particular advantage in this respect, by providing an accessible means of understanding the contrasting national stories over conscription in the Great War: New Zealand introduced conscription, like Britain, Canada, Newfoundland and the United States, whereas Australia did not, like South Africa and Ireland. Both Hughes and Massey supported the British model of conscription. But Hughes, unlike Massey, could not introduce conscription by Act of Parliament because the Australian federal system was against him. Australia said "no" to conscription twice, in referenda in 1916 and 1917. The result split the Labor Party because Hughes walked out taking 25 MPs with him. Hughes formed a new coalition party, the Nationalists, who won the federal election in 1917. Consequently, the Australians remained a volunteer force in World War 1 while at home Hughes became a divisive figure. New Zealand, on the other hand, legislated for conscription in 1916, while the conscription issue helped create, as opposed to split, the New Zealand Labour Party. When we compare Bridge's and Watson's accounts of "dividing the spoils" (to use Bridge's term for the treaty negotiations) we learn that both Hughes and Massey sought mandates over the German colonies to their north: Australia over New Guinea and New Zealand over Western Samoa. Massey shared Hughes' aim to exclude Germans from the Pacific and shared suspicions of Japan, though Hughes was blunter. According to Bridge, Hughes made his mark debating what would become of the former German colonies in the Pacific, and famously clashed with Wilson over the mandate (annexation) issue. Australia and New Zealand gained the substance of what they wanted, that is, to be rid of the German empire in the Pacific especially where that intruded south of the equator into what the southern Dominions regarded as their neighbourhood. Bridge shows how Hughes was uncompromising in opposing the racial equality clause that Japan sought to have included in the League of Nations covenant. Both volumes could have made more of the comparative context whereby these white settler states around the Pacific Rim perceived the Japanese proposal as a threat to their restrictive immigration policies; for Massey also opposed the idea, as did Canada and the western United States. On the issue of reparations, Hughes was equally truculent: "'Germany must pay'" (Bridge, p. 88). Massey sought a tougher peace as well, but this view failed to secure British and American support. What Australia and New Zealand did gain was the tiny former German island of Nauru and, with it, access to a century's supply of phosphate for agricultural fertiliser. In the aftermath of the peace conference, Britain, Australia and New Zealand shared the administration of Nauru's mandate. But Massey clashed with Hughes over Nauru because he wanted the mandate assumed by Britain, not Australia. Massey also wanted the British government to take control of the British graves (including those of New Zealanders) at Gallipoli, which he saw as a sacred site for the British race, especially the Anzacs from Australia and New Zealand. Overall, despite such comparisons and contrasts invited by this joint review, Watson portrays Massey as distrustful of Hughes rather than subservient to Australia's "Little Digger". Both Bridge and Watson demonstrate how Massey and Hughes advanced their separate national interests. Comparing the volumes themselves, Bridge's is the more successful in style and zest, and in locating Hughes within a broader British world. He interprets "the legacy" of Hughes' participation at the conference table largely in biographical terms, arguing that participation made Hughes a leading figure in the British Empire. For Bridge, the legacy is Hughes's as an elder statesman, rather than the legacy of the peace conferences. This exposes an inherent tension: for the series' sub-title suggests the aftermath of the peace conferences will be discussed. Instead we learn that Hughes remained in Australia's federal parliament for another 30 years, but after 1923 he never again served as Prime Minister. Indeed, he lived long enough to experience the war against Japan that he had predicted. Bridge's conclusion is a pithy summing up of Hughes as both a nationalist and an imperialist: "The British Empire literally made him and in so doing he and it did much to make modern Australia." (p. 131) Watson, however, is to be commended for his useful short chapter reflecting on the legacy of Versailles from a New Zealand perspective. He outlines and explains the lack of public awareness about the Paris Peace Conference in New Zealand compared to Anzac Day, the anniversary of the landing by Australian and New Zealand forces at Gallipoli in April 1915; the long-run implications of securing the mandate for Western Samoa; and the boost to New Zealand farming from using Nauru's phosphate as fertiliser. He proceeds to argue that the perception of a "faulty peace" (p. 154) helps to explain the New Zealand first Labour government's conciliatory attitude towards Nazi Germany in the late 1930s. He also outlines the change of attitude that saw New Zealand become a foundation member of the United Nations in 1945. In sum, both authors have tried valiantly to write to a series template that contains inherent problems for the reader because of unresolved tensions between the different genres of biography and concise national histories, and the history of international relations, which remain unaddressed by a general editor. As a result each volume transitions awkwardly between chapters within the specified parts. Nonetheless, individually and comparatively, these works are useful additions to our understanding of the role that the broader empire of settlement played in imposing peace terms at the end of World War I. Each contains useful notes and a chronology. But a rationale is not given for the "culture" timeline in each volume. Are the works included relevant to the biographical subjects' lives? I suspect the answer is no. More signposting is required, as for the series as a whole. 1 L. F. Fitzhardinge. William Morris Hughes: A Political Biography, vol. 2 The Little Digger, 1914-1952. Sydney: Angus & Robertson, 1979. -- Philippa Mein Smith H-Diplo Review 20110722

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Book SynopsisWinner of the 2021 Haitian Studies Association Book Prize Haiti Fights Back: The Life and Legacy of Charlemagne Péralte is the first US scholarly examination of the politician and caco leader (guerrilla fighter) who fought against the US military occupation of Haiti. The occupation lasted close to two decades, from 1915-1934. Alexis argues for the importance of documenting resistance while exploring the occupation’s mechanics and its imperialism. She takes us to Haiti, exploring the sites of what she labels as resistance zones, including Péralte’s hometown of Hinche and the nation’s large port areas--Port-au-Prince and Cap-Haïtien. Alexis offers a new reading of U.S. military archival sources that record Haitian protests as banditry. Haiti Fights Back illuminates how Péralte launched a political movement, and meticulously captures how Haitian women and men resisted occupation through silence, military battles, and writings. She locates and assembles rare, multilingual primary sources from traditional repositories, living archives (oral stories), and artistic representations in Haiti and the United States. The interdisciplinary work draws on legislation, cacos’ letters, newspapers, and murals, offering a unique examination of Péralte’s life (1885-1919) and the significance of his legacy through the twenty-first century. Haiti Fights Back offers a new approach to the study of the U.S. invasion of the Americas by chronicling how Caribbean people fought back. Trade Review"My book of the year is Haiti Fights Back, by Yveline Alexis (Rutgers), a brilliant study of Haitian collective resistance to the American occupation (1915– highlights the role of the caco (guerrilla) leader Charlemagne Péralte, a remarkable figure who inspired and mobilized popular opposition to the American military presence, challenging the occupying forces’ brutality and racism, and expressing the Haitian people’s humanity and dignity through an array of contentious political actions, ranging from symbolic and rhetorical interventions to demonstrations and military operations. Written with sensitivity and verve, and steeped in ground-breaking archival scholarship, this is history at its most captivating: it tells a powerful story which draws out the courage and patriotism of ordinary Haitian men and women, underscores the vitality of their revolutionary tradition, and offers a timely historical perspective on this year’s defeat of the American empire in Afghanistan."— Times Literary Supplement "Conversation with author Yveline Alexis about her new book HAITI FIGHTS BACK: The life and Legacy of Charlemagne Peralte"— Lacaye Enterprises Tele Lacaye show "Yveline Alexis zooms in on Charlemagne Péralte to show the ways in which cacos resistance to the US Occupation of 1915-1934 continues to loom large in Haitian imagination, at home and abroad. In the process, she charts and retraces his living memory as a revolutionary, martyr, and symbol of defiance in the Black Republic's ongoing battle for liberation. Haiti Fights Back looks backward to remind us why Black refusal matters now more than ever!"— Gina Athena Ulysse, author of Because When God Is Too Busy: Haiti, me & THE WORLD "Haiti Fights Back demonstrates all that is to be gained when Haitian voices, perspectives and experiences are privileged in the telling of Haitian history. Haitian resistance to the US occupation was swift, innovative, and constant. With her narration of Péralte’s life and legacy, Yveline Alexis offers a new path forward for engaging with the historical record."— Nadève Ménard, co-editor of The Haiti Reader: History, Culture, Politics Yveline Alexis's "Haiti Fights Back"— The Page 99 Test New Books Network: New Books in Caribbean Studies - interview with Yveline Alexis— New Books Network: New Books in Caribbean StudiesTable of ContentsList of Illustrations (Ilistrasyon) Introduction: Haiti Fights (Ayiti Goumen) 1 Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity/Humanity (Libète, Egalité, ak Fratènite/Imanite) 2 U.S. Invasion (Envazyon Etazini) 3 Haitians—Rise and Defend! (Ayisien(ne)—Leve epi defann!) 4 Péralte Leads (Péralte kòm Lidè) 5 Violence (Vyolans) 6 We’re Still Fighting (Nou Toujou ap Goumen) 7 Second Revolution (Dezyèm Revolisyon) 8 Péralte Resurrected (Péralte Resisite) 9 Liberation with Péralte (Liberasyon ak Péralte) 10 Péralte Will Never Die; He Remains Alive in Popular Memory (Péralte p’ap janm mouri; li rete vivan nan memwa popilè) Acknowledgments Notes Bibliography Index

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Book SynopsisBorn into a working-class Polish immigrant family in Elizabeth, New Jersey, Raymond Lesniak went on to become a major force in the tough and bruising world of state politics. In this remarkable memoir, he reflects upon his life and career fighting for social justice in the Garden State. He recounts the many causes he championed in his forty years as a state legislator, from the landmark Environmental Cleanup Responsibility Act to bills concerning animal protections, marriage equality, women’s reproductive rights, and the abolition of the death penalty. He also delves into his experiences on the national stage as a key advisor for Bill Clinton and Al Gore’s presidential campaigns. With refreshing candor, Lesniak describes both his greatest achievements and his moments of failure, including his unsuccessful 2017 gubernatorial run. Cultivating Justice in the Garden State is both a gripping American success story and a must-read for anyone seeking to understand the inner workings of our political system. It offers an insider’s perspective on the past fifty years of New Jersey politics, while presenting a compelling message about what leaders and citizens can do to improve the state’s future.Trade Review"Raymond Lesniak's heart and passion for animals and all those without a voice leap off the pages. Aesop said that no act of kindness, no matter how small, is ever wasted. I wonder what he would say about Senator Lesniak's legacy of kindness which truly is stretching around the world? Be inspired by these words and by this warrior for the voiceless. I have been." -- Ashley Prout McAvey * Founder, Vermont For Wildlife *"This is the must-read masterpiece of a man who has overcome personal and political challenges to become a national progressive force on the cutting-edge issues of our time. As a senator, a model of compassion, and a fighter without peer, Raymond Lesniak provides riveting lessons to us all on how to conquer the longest odds to change the world. It is an essential guide for everyone in every state who cares about social justice." -- Steven Goldstein * Founder of Garden State Equality *"I know of no other Democratic New Jersey state legislator who had a greater impact on salient statewide issues beyond his legislative district than Ray Lesniak. And these were issues that will affect basic values and the quality of life in the Garden State for decades to come....I have in the past taught New Jersey politics and government university courses, and this book would well qualify for the mandatory course reading list." * Insider NJ *"Did Jared Kushner's Father Set Up Former N.J. Governor Jim McGreevey?" by Raymond Lesniak * Vanity Fair Hive *"Raymond Lesniak: Settling Scores: Chapter 3 from Senator Lesniak’s Book, Cultivating Justice in the Garden State: My Life in the Colorful World of New Jersey Politics" excerpt * New Jersey Globe *"Raymond Lesniak's heart and passion for animals and all those without a voice leap off the pages. Aesop said that no act of kindness, no matter how small, is ever wasted. I wonder what he would say about Senator Lesniak's legacy of kindness which truly is stretching around the world? Be inspired by these words and by this warrior for the voiceless. I have been." -- Ashley Prout McAvey * Founder, Vermont For Wildlife *"This is the must-read masterpiece of a man who has overcome personal and political challenges to become a national progressive force on the cutting-edge issues of our time. As a senator, a model of compassion, and a fighter without peer, Raymond Lesniak provides riveting lessons to us all on how to conquer the longest odds to change the world. It is an essential guide for everyone in every state who cares about social justice." -- Steven Goldstein * Founder of Garden State Equality *"I know of no other Democratic New Jersey state legislator who had a greater impact on salient statewide issues beyond his legislative district than Ray Lesniak. And these were issues that will affect basic values and the quality of life in the Garden State for decades to come....I have in the past taught New Jersey politics and government university courses, and this book would well qualify for the mandatory course reading list." * Insider NJ *"Did Jared Kushner's Father Set Up Former N.J. Governor Jim McGreevey?" by Raymond Lesniak * Vanity Fair Hive *"Raymond Lesniak: Settling Scores: Chapter 3 from Senator Lesniak’s Book, Cultivating Justice in the Garden State: My Life in the Colorful World of New Jersey Politics" excerpt * New Jersey Globe *Table of ContentsForeword by Bill ClintonPrologueChapter 1: My Home TownChapter 2: Ma Green’s BoyChapter 3: Settling ScoresChapter 4: Elections MatterChapter 5: Working TogetherChapter 6: The Natural: The Saga of Jim McGreeveyChapter 7: Christie, Golan and the Kushner ConnectionChapter 8: Fighting InjusticesChapter 9: The Fight for LGBTQ RightsChapter 10: On the Banks of the Old Raritan: My Love Affair with Rutgers UniversityChapter 11: Sports Betting: A Good BetChapter 12: A Wakeup Call and a Near LossChapter 13: Animal WelfareChapter 14: Tax IncentivesChapter 15: Gubernatorial Campaign: Not the Last HurrahEpilogueAcknowledgementsIndex

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Book SynopsisThis volume contains analyses and previously unpublished documents concerning Robert Havemann and his evolution to becoming an opponent of the SED regime. No other intellectual in the GDR was such a harsh opponent of the SED regime as Robert Havemann. A Communist and a Nazi resistance fighter through and through, Havemann was one of the leaders in erecting the new GDR. His advocacy against all forms of social and political subjugation, however, eventually turned him into an opponent of the reigning regime of the GDR. The contributions in this volume illuminate his development and look at his role in the historical shifts that took place in East Germany. The articles are complemented by the publication of important documents from his estate and the Stasi reports on his spectacular lectures held in 1964.

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Book SynopsisSingapore underwent substantial changes during the 14-year tenure of the country's second Prime Minister, Goh Chok Tong (1990-2004). Coming after many years of growth and stability, the period brought to office a new generation of political leaders whose task was to sustain and build upon the policies of their predecessors. It was a challenging period, punctuated by the Asian financial crisis of 1998 and the SARS epidemic in 2003. The 45 essays collected in this volume review a range of issues from domestic politics and foreign policy to economic development, society, culture, the arts and media, and assess the legacy of Goh Chok Tong's premiership.

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