Political ideologies and movements Books

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Book SynopsisAcross Europe, radical right-wing parties are winning increasing electoral support. The Dark Side of European Integration argues that this rising nationalism and the mobilization of the radical right are the consequences of European economic integration. The European economic project has produced a cultural backlash in the form of nationalist radical right ideologies. This assessment relies on a detailed analysis of the electoral rise of radical right parties in Western and Eastern Europe. Contrary to popular belief, economic performance and immigration rates are not the only factors that determine the far right's success. There are other political and social factors that explain why in post-socialist Eastern European countries such parties had historically been weaker than their potential, which they have now started to fulfill increasingly. Using in-depth interviews with radical right activists in Ukraine, Alina Polyakova also explores how radical right mobilization works on the ground through social networks, allowing new insights into how social movements and political parties interact.Trade Review"Polyakova's sophisticated exploration of why and how ultra-nationalists succeed challenges widely held assumptions about the determinants of right-wing electoral support and individual radicalization. Her study is unusual in comparing the European far right beyond the borders of the EU and in including field research results from Western Ukrainian provinces. This succinct investigation should find wide attention among researchers of political extremism and will help us better understand the reasons for the current surge of xenophobia across Europe." -- Dr. Andreas Umland, Kyiv-Mohyla AcademyTable of ContentsList of Tables and FiguresAcknowledgements1: Introduction2: Radical Right Parties in Western and Eastern Europe3: How Right-Wing Mobilization Works on the Ground4: Reimagining Political Parties and Social Movements5: ConclusionBibliographyIndex

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Book SynopsisThis timely book examines far-right politics in Hungary -- but its relevance points much beyond Hungary. With its two main players, the radical right Jobbik and populist right Fidesz, it is an essentially Eastern European, European, and global phenomenon. Jobbik and Fidesz, political parties with a populist, nativist, authoritarian approach, Eastern and pro-Russian orientation, and strong anti-Western stance, are on the one hand products of the problematic transformation period that is typical for post-communist countries. But they are products of a populist Zeitgeist in the West as well, with declining trust in representative democratic and supranational institutions, politicians, experts, and the mainstream media. The rise of politicians such as Nigel Farage in the UK, Marine Le Pen in France, Norbert Hofer in Austria, and, most notably, Donald Trump in the US are clear indications of this trend. In this book, the story of Jobbik (and Fidesz), contemporary players of the Hungarian radical right scene, are not treated as separate case studies, but as representatives of broader international political trends. Far-right parties such as Jobbik (and increasingly Fidesz) are not pathologic and extraordinary, but exaggerated, seemingly pathological manifestations of normal, mainstream politics. The radical right is not the opposite and denial of the mainstream, but the sharp caricature of the changing national, and often international mainstream.

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Book SynopsisThis volume continues the series that scrutinizes, from a risk perspective, the current phenomenon of authoritarianism, as displayed by the new radical right (also known as alternative right), and whether it represents real democracy or an unacceptable hegemony potentially resulting in elected dictatorships and abuses as well as dysfunctional government and harm to many parties. The book identifies and analyzes risk issues arising from the radical-right phenomenon in many forms, including the personal safety and security of individual citizens, ethno-religious minorities, and other minorities and vulnerable groups, as well as threats to organizations, public order and national security, to democratic governance, and to international security. As chapters reveal, the cross-flow of ideological, organizational, and dark money support emanating primarily from US corporate foundations, lubricates the fusion of corporate and radical-right interests nationally, transnationally, and globally. This volume gathers contributions from eight leading academic authors and provides a detailed examination of the fusion of mutual interests between, on the one hand, powerful corporate leaders, executives, and wealthy oligarchs and, on the other, radical-right political leaders, parties and intermediary organizations promoting radical-right causes. The two worlds feed off, enable, and strengthen each other. Of particular relevance to the third decade of the 21st century is an examination of the corporate/radical-right stance on the COVID-19 pandemic and the phenomenon of wild allegations and grand conspiracy theories disseminated by the radical-right against their enemies.Trade ReviewA brilliant new volume on the sources, ideas, ideologies, networks, and activities of the Alt, Far, and Extreme Right in world and domestic politics. The book goes beyond the academic study of the Radical Right and corporate power to examine the risk to democracy that such forces pose. It is required reading if we are to understand the forces shaping domestic and world politics today. -- Professor Inderjeet Parmar, Professor of International Politics, City (University of London)"Very well put together, if rather depressing. What a sorry catalogue of loathsome characters this volume reveals. One can only hope that there are some more good people out there than this collection of sociopaths." Gavin Jones, social and political commentator, columnist, and author of A Mental State"An exciting and remarkable read. This book makes an excellent and objective historical journey across the first two decades of this century. Two decades filled with propaganda and hate dissemination, mainly fuelled by the global reach of the internet and social media." The book charts "the rise of the 'Mega Powerful Corporations' and how their collective influence over holding personal data, and providing a platform for extremist terrorists and other criminals to promote their beliefs and activities, ultimately facilitates the dissemination of false facts and fake news." The chapters on negative and positive leadership are "incredibly eye-opening." Socrates Coudounaris, Executive Director of Risk (EMEA), Reinsurance Group of America"Very informative in terms of the authoritarianism aspects and radical-right details. The volume offers a diverse reading and learning in the breadth of the radical-right ideology, whilst proposing strategies and solutions for the challenges ahead. It promotes a response that emphasizes the development of democratic values, scientifically informed education and principles, promotion of social responsibility, and balanced positive leadership. An important and provoking piece of work." Dr Nathan Brooks, Senior Lecturer & Consultant Forensic Psychologist, Central Queensland University, Australia"The arguments felt very persuasive and well-articulated, namely that authoritarianism in radical-right politics and in corporations are the same phenomenon and work together for shared interests." Dr Nicolas Bichay, Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Michigan State UniversityTable of ContentsForeword; Introduction: Corporate Authoritarianism, the Radical Right, and Risk; Part 1: The Authoritarian Nature of the Corporate/ Radical-Right Axis; Part 2: Perspectives on the Corporate/Radical-Right Axis; Part 3: Conclusion; About the Editor and Authors; Index.

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Book SynopsisTurkey fell subject to the gravest treachery in the history of the Republic. An attempt to make a ferocious coup on 15 July 2016 was carried out by this movement of betrayal, which was carefully planned for almost fifty years by foreign powers, sources of evil and their domestic collaborators, this movement of betrayal that was advanced by using all kinds of deceits and means, and this movement of betrayal that expanded step by step through abusing the trust and the virtuous intention of our people and all the Muslims. Their true aim was to create a chaotic situation by eliminating the President of the Republic, who was directly elected by the people, the Government and the Grand Turkish National Assembly. Thus, they wanted to prepare an environment susceptible to foreign intervention and, henceforth an invasion. The past and the present of this activity of treachery committed by the Fethullahist Terrorist Organization is presented in detail in this book.

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Book Synopsis1980s. Ibrahimpatnam, Telangana, South India. Landless dalits are caught between a reddy and a hard place. The wealthy reddys are like movie villains, brandishing whips and guns. Enter Gita Ramaswamy, thirty years old. In her teens, Gita had escaped the brahminical clutches of her family that tried to cure her of Naxalism with shock treatment and sedation. She has endured the horrors of the Emergency. She is disillusioned. But not without hope. Gita starts living with the agricultural labourers. They are in bondage, cheated out of land and all rights. They are in the mood to fight. Together, they take on the tyrannical landlords who brutalized the villages for generations. A revolution without a gun is in the making. Gita writes with relentless self-reflexivity. This is as much a story of struggles and victories as it is a testimony of personal failings and regrets

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Book SynopsisTells the compelling story of how the American conservative movement in the two decades following World War 2 managed to move from obscurity to the centre stage of national politics. When Dwight D Eisenhower in 1952 defeated the conservative champion Robert Taft and won the Republican presidential nomination, many on the American right felt that they had become homeless within the established party system. The brand of liberalism which permeated the nation''s intellectual life had also become bipartisan political doctrine. The feeling of cultural and political ostracism triggered a quest for an independent conservative network of organizations, with the hope of either ''taking back'' the Republican Party or creating a viable alternative. The first part of Right Face recounts the often bitter struggle to define the meaning of conservatism in modem America. Part two concerns the search for influential national outlets for conservative opinion, whereas part three focuses on the movement''s actual plunge into electoral politics -- not least on its well-planned takeover of the Republican Party machinery in 1964 and the resulting presidential nomination of Senator Barry Goldwater. An epilogue attempts to trace main currents in the evolution of American conservatism since the 1960s, as well as to assess the extent to which American conservatives have managed to create the ''Counter-Establishment'' they set out to create more than half a century ago. In a sense the conservatives actually set out on two different quests: one was for intellectual respectability; the other was for political power. As this study reveals, the two goals were not always compatible. Based on extensive archival sources, RIGHT FACE provides an incisive analysis of the conservative movement and the forces that shaped it. With its blending of intellectual and organizational developments, it adds an important chapter to the history of American political culture in the 20th century.

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Book SynopsisThis special issue of Cinéma & Cie aims to investigate the relationship between national cinemas and trans-national Maoism(s).

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Book SynopsisNehru''s influence stretched beyond the Freedom Movement and the political and bureaucratic boundaries of prime ministerhood. A man of letters, it was Nehru who initiated the setting up of the Sahitya Akademi devoted to literature, the National School of Drama and the National Institute of Design; just as, in the field of technology and business management, he established the Indian Institutes of Technology and the Indian Institutes of Management across the country. He was equally the force behind the setting up of dams and factories, which he regarded as the temples of modern India. Today, the four key dimensions of Indian nationhood, as conceived and implemented by Nehru democracy, secularism, socialism and non-alignment have altered to a point where they have changed almost beyond recognition or even abandoned altogether. As the debate continues between Nehru''s supporters who believe in his enduring contribution, and his detractors who attempt to deny it, the definitive word, perhaps, comes from Nayantara Sahgal, who says in her Introduction, No Nehru, no modern India. The ground we stand on was laid in Nehru''s time. This volume brings together an examination of the different aspects of Nehru''s personality and his legacy by some of our foremost thinkers, writers and activists: Mani Shankar Aiyar, Kumar Ketkar, Aditya and Mridula Mukherjee, Shiv Visvanathan, Rakesh Batabyal, Gopalkrishna Gandhi, Hartosh Bal, Aakar Patel, Kiran Nagarkar, Purushottam Agrawal, Syeda Hameed, Ramachandra Guha, Neera Chandhoke and Shabnam Hashmi

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Book SynopsisIt is the state where Mayawati, who sought to create a new 'umbrella party' with a Dalit core, and later, Narendra Modi, attracted a section of Dalits into the saffron fold.

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Book SynopsisBharat: India 2.0 is a brilliant vision for the nation by one of India''s most prominent scientists. Through a meticulous analysis of the proceedings of the Constituent Assembly, Prof. Desiraju demonstrates the limitations of the Westminster model of governance for a country that has nurtured the longest extant human civilization. Specifically, the Indian Constitution of 1950, with its subsequent amendments, has many fault lines related to federalism, secularism and caste-based reservations that will lead to problems in the future. Going beyond conventional analyses, Desiraju argues for changes that acknowledge the civilizational aspects of a deeply religious country and proposes a unique solution to this problem. Padma Shri Subhash Kak (Scientist, Indologist, Vedic Scholar)

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Book SynopsisIt elucidates how the concept of puritan Islam becomes a powerful source for the Islamic organisations to preach, propagate and network the gospel of Islamic terrorism and how and why the moderate voices from the Islamic communities have failed to respond to these challenges.

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Book SynopsisAntizionism - the opposition to Zionism and the state of Israel - has progressed at a breath-taking speed. Whether it be at the United nations, in the Middle East, on campuses, in the mass-media or elsewhere, Antizionism has become a very topical subject that has engendered passionate debates. Paradoxically, the study of Antizionism has remained in its infancy and this book is the first attempt to examine the subject as a global phenomenon on a more comprehensive and systematic level. The author examines in great detail the controversial subject of the relationship between Antizionism and Antisemitism. The various Antizionist ideologies and their leading proponents are discussed one by one. A whole section is devoted to an analysis of the means used by Antizionist campaigners. Dr Stellman''s ground-breaking and thought-provoking study is a work meant to provide easily accessible reference for those encountering Antizionism, either as activists or professionals. To that aim, the book contains definitions, list of resources, revision questions, training exercises and discussion points.

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Book SynopsisThis book deals with the disinformation on Turkeys failed coup attempt in July 2016. The night of 15 July 2016 was long for Turkey. A military coup was in action. Some soldiers -- also known as FETÖ terrorists -- declared a military takeover on national TV, holding the trembling anchorwoman at gun point while tanks rolled in the streets, bulldozing cars and civilians alike, helicopters rained down bullets on unsuspecting protestors; access to the Bosporus Bridge was blocked, fighter jets began to fly very low, Turkish Parliament was bombed with impunity. With the dawn, it became apparent the perpetrators of the nights bloody coup attempt had destroyed many government buildings and killed some 250 people and wounded more than 2000. Turks unprecedented bravery and sacrifice in defense of democracy, freedom, and country against a military intervention was an exemplary act of civil defense, but it is seldom recognized or appreciated as such in the mainstream Western media.

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a huge range and FREE tracked UK delivery on ALL orders.

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a huge range and FREE tracked UK delivery on ALL orders.

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Book SynopsisThis book discusses utopian ideals and experimentation before, during, and after the Russian Revolution of 1917. Richard Stites grounds his study in the larger field of Russia''s social, intellectual, and cultural history, examining party programmes, economic policy, and moral practices to recreate the vast tableau of revolutionary life. Above all, he reveals how people expressed revolutionary sentiment through myth, ritual, symbol, cult, and community.Trade Review`Stites has produced a dazzling compendium of the manifold ideas and projects that flashed across Russia after 1917.' Times Higher Education Supplement'a comprehensive and sympathetic look at a long-gone age of revolutionary dreamers and utopia builders' SLOVO (from the School of Slavonic and East European Studies)'thoroughly researched and extremely informative book ... A book to be enjoyed.' Political Studies'Richard Stites' book is a lively, charismatic catalogue of the many manifestations of Russian 'pre-figurative behaviour' ... Stites profitably indulges the historian's love for accreted details and anecdotes, which add up to a cultural mosaic and suggest a scholarly proof.' Spencer Golub, Brown University, Theatre Research International, 1992

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Book SynopsisThe Soviet withdrawal from Afganistan has been largely attributed to the bravery of the Afghan resistance reinforced by American weaponry and support. This book shows how it was infact years of persistent United Nations initiatives that proved crucial to the conclusion of the Geneva accords, and that the ideological hard line of the Reagan administration prolonged the conflict. Diego Cordovez, the United Nations mediator for the Afghanistan conflict, and prominent foreign policy analyst Selig Harrison have written the definitive account of the negotiations that helped end the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan, the last great clash of the cold war.Trade ReviewA fascinating and superbly-researched account which seems destined to be the classic work on the subject. * The Guardian *

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Book SynopsisWomen have historically been prevented from living autonomously by systematic injustice, subordination, and oppression. The lingering effects of these practices have prompted many feminists to view autonomy with suspicion. Here, Marilyn Friedman defends the ideal of feminist autonomy. In her eyes, behavior is autonomous if it accords with the wants, cares, values, or commitments that the actor has reaffirmed and is able to sustain in the face of opposition. By her account, autonomy is socially grounded yet also individualizing and sometimes socially disruptive, qualities that can be ultimately advantageous for women. Friedman applies the concept of autonomy to domains of special interest to women. She defends the importance of autonomy in romantic love, considers how social institutions should respond to women who choose to remain in abusive relationships, and argues that liberal societies should tolerate minority cultural practices that violate women''s rights so long as the women in Trade Review[a] highly readable, informed, and philosophically refined book. * John Christman, Journal of Value Inquiry *

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Book SynopsisIs there a limit to the legitimate demands of morality? In particular, is there a limit to people''s responsibility to promote the well-being of others, either directly or via social institutions? Utilitarianism admits no such limit, and is for that reason often said to be an unacceptably demanding moral and political view. In this original new study, Murphy argues that the charge of excessive demands amounts to little more than an affirmation of the status quo. The real problem with utilitarianism is that it makes unfair demands on people who comply with it in our world of nonideal compliance. Murphy shows that this unfairness does not arise on a collective understanding of our responsibility for others'' well being. Thus, according to Murphy, while there is no general problem to be raised about the extent of moral demands, there is a pressing need to acknowledge the collective nature of the demands of beneficence.Trade Review"Readers will learn much by workings through Murphy's book. It advances discussion on several important topics regarding benificence."--Thaddues Metz, Philosophical Review

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Book SynopsisThis is the first full-length presentation of a republican alternative to the liberal and communitarian theories that have dominated political philosophy in recent years. The author''s eloquent, compelling account opens with an examination of the traditional republican conception of freedom as non-domination, contrasting this with established negative and positive views of liberalism. The book examines what the implementation of the ideal would imply for substantive policy-making, constitutional and democratic design, regulatory control and the relation between state and civil society. Professor Pettit''s powerful and insightful new work offers not only a unified, theoretical overview of the many strands of republican ideas, it also provides a new and sophisticated perspective on studies in related fields including the history of ideas, jurisprudence, and criminology. The author had included a new postscript to this paperback edition, which offers a sketch of the crucial republican idTrade ReviewPettit follows Skinner in aligning himself with a version of republicanism that is every bit as realist and anti-perfectionist as contemporary liberalism, yet capable of offering a genuinely radical critique of its deficiencies in promoting a community of equal citizens. * Res Publica *Petit's work is a major advance on previous studies of republican political philosophy. In terms of analytical rigour and imaginative insight, it is easily the best book on the subject. * Mind *Table of ContentsPART 1. REPUBLICANISM FREEDOM ; Before Negative and Positive Liberty ; Liberty as Non-domination ; Non-domination as a Political Ideal ; Liberty, Equality, Community ; PART II. REPUBLICAN GOVERNMENT ; Republican Aims: Causes and Policies ; Republican Forms: Constitutionalism and Democracy ; Checking the Republic ; Civilising the Republic ; Republicanism: A Propositional Summary ; Republicanism: Once More with Hindsight

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Book SynopsisThe Presidentialization of Politics shows that the politics of democratic societies is moving towards a presidentialized working mode, even in the absence of formal institutional changes. These developments can be explained by a combination of long-term structural changes in modern politics and societies'' contingent factors which fluctuate over time. While these contingent, short-term factors relate to the personalities of office holders, the overall political agenda, and the majority situation in parliament, there are several structural factors which are relatively uniform across modern nations. First, the internationalization of modern politics (which is particularly pronounced within the European Union) has led to an ''executive bias'' of the political process which has strengthened the role of political top elites vis-à-vis their parliamentary groups and/or their parties. Their predominance has been amplified further by the vastly expanded steering capacities of state machineries Table of Contents1. The Presidentialization of Politics in Democratic Societies: A Framework for Analysis The Presidentialization of Democracy in Democratic Societies ; 2. The British Prime Minister: Much More Than 'First Among Equals' ; 3. A Presidentializing Party State? The Federal Republic of Germany ; 4. Presidentialization, Italian Style ; 5. The Presidentialization of Spanish Democracy: Sources of Prime Ministerial Power in Post-Franco Spain ; 6. The Low Countries: From 'Prime Minister' to President-Minister ; 7. Denmark: Presidentialization in a Consensual Democracy ; 8. 'President Persson' How Did Sweden Get Him? ; 9. Canada: Executive Dominance and Presidentialization ; 10. Dyarchic Presidentialization in a Presidentialized Polity: The French Fifth Republic ; 11. Finland: Let the Force Be with the Leader. But Who Is the Leader? ; 12. The Presidentialization of Portuguese Democracy? ; 13. The Failure of Presidential Parliamentarism: Constitutional versus Structural Presidentialization in Israel's Parliamentary Democracy ; 14. The Semi-Sovereign American Prince: The Dilemma of an Independent President in a Presidential Government ; 15. The Presidentialization of Contemporary Democratic Politics: Evidence, Causes, and Consequences ; Index

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Book SynopsisOxford Political Theory presents the best new work in contemporary political theory. It is intended to be broad in scope, including original contributions to political philosophy, and also work in applied political theory. The series will contain works of outstanding quality with no restriction as to approach or subject matter.Series Editors: Will Kymlicka, David Miller, and Alan Ryan. This book presents a non-cosmopolitan theory of global justice. In contrast to theories that seek to extend principles of social justice, such as equality of opportunity or resources, to the world as a whole, it argues that in a world made up of self-determining national communities, a different conception is needed. The book presents and defends an account of national responsibility which entails that nations may justifiably claim the benefits that their decisions and policies produce, while also being held liable for harms that they inflict on other peoples. Such collective responsibility extends to reTrade ReviewThis book may become the one adainst which cosmopolitans define their position, but it offers a great deal more than that; in particular a theory of global justice which gives nationhood a central place, and a nuanced and insightful analysis of the idea of responsibility. * Jonathan Seglow Political Studies Review *Table of Contents1. Introduction ; 2. Cosmopolitanism ; 3. Global Egalitarianism ; 4. Two Concepts of Responsibility ; 5. National Responsibility ; 6. Inheriting Responsibilities ; 7. Human Rights: Setting the Global Minimum ; 8. Immigration and Territorial Rights ; 9. Responsibilities to the World's Poor ; 10. Conclusion ; Bibliography ; Index

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Book SynopsisEquality of opportunity for all is a fine piece of political rhetoric but the ideal that lies behind it is slippery to say the least. Some see it as an alternative to a more robust form of egalitarianism, whilst others think that when it is properly understood it provides us with a real radical vision of what it is to level the playing field. This book combines a meritocratic conception of equality of opportunity that governs access to advantaged social positions, with redistributive principles that seek to mitigate the effects of differences in people''s circumstances. Taken together, these spell out what it is to level the playing field in the way that justice requires. Oxford Political Theory presents the best new work in contemporary political theory. It is intended to be broad in scope, including original contributions to political philosophy, and also work in applied political theory. The series will contain works of outstanding quality with no restriction as to approach or subject matter.Series Editors: Will Kymlicka, David Miller, and Alan RyanTrade Review...an interesting and resourceful contribution to a key topic of political philosophy. * Political Studies Review *Table of ContentsIntroduction ; 1. The simple view ; 2. The desert of the best qualified ; 3. Rawlsian fair equality for opportunity ; 4. Counteracting circumstances ; 5. Equality, priority and sufficiency ; 6. Mitigating principles ; 7. A responsible egalitarianism ; 8. Individualism and personal responsibility ; Conclusion

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Book SynopsisDemocracy in Europe is about the impact of European integration on national democracies. It argues that the oft-cited democratic deficit is indeed a problem, but not so much at the level of the European Union per se as at the national level. This is because national leaders and publics have yet to come to terms with the institutional impact of the EU on the traditional workings of their national democracies. The book begins with a discussion of what the EU is-a new form of ''regional state'' in which sovereignty is shared, boundaries are variable, identity composite, and democracy fragmented. It then goes on to examine the effects of this on EU member-states'' institutions and ideas about democracy, finding that institutional ''fit'' matters. The ''compound'' EU, in which governing activity is highly dispersed among multiple authorities, is more disruptive to ''simple'' polities like Britain and France, where governing activity has traditionally been more concentrated in a single authoTrade ReviewSchmidt's book is a valuable and well-written contribution to the analysis of the impact of European integration on national democracy Stanislaw Konopacki, University of Lodz Vivien A. Schmidt has written an important book for academics and sudents of the European Union James Caporaso in Political Science Quarterly Vivien Schmidt has now produced an excellent truly comparative analysis, grounded on an extensive bibliography and on a massive amount of public opinion data Vivien Schmidt has written an important book Ben Crum inEuropean Law JournalTable of ContentsIntroduction: Democracy in Europe ; 1. The European Union as Regional State ; 2. The European Union and National Institutions ; 3. The European Union and National Policymaking ; 4. The European Union and National Polities ; 5. Theorizing Democracy in Europe ; Conclusion: The Prospects for Democracy in Europe

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Book SynopsisNeoliberalism. Neoconservatism. Postmarxism. Postmodernism. Is there really something genuinely new about today''s isms? Have we moved past our traditional ideological landscape? Combining political history, philosophical interpretation, and good old-fashioned story-telling, Manfred Steger traces ideology''s remarkable journey from Count Destutt de Tracy''s Enlightenment science of ideas to President George W. Bush''s imperial globalism. Rejecting futile attempts to update modern political belief systems by adorning them with prefixes, the author offers instead a highly original explanation for their novelty-their increasing ability to articulate deep-seated understandings of community in global rather than national terms. This growing awareness of globality fuels the visions of social elites who reside in the privileged spaces of our global cities. It erupts in the hopes and demands of migrants who traverse national boundaries in search of their piece of the global promise. Stoked by Trade ReviewReview from previous edition A brilliant and erudite essay on the power of social imaginaries in the past and today. Steger gives us new tools to understand seemingly inexplicable contradictions in a global age. He draws on a far broader range of texts than we might expect, and does so often with novel questions and interpretations. The result is a book that illuminates, challenges, and decodes much of what remains in the shadows of globalization. * Saskia Sassen, Robert S. Lynd Professor of Sociology, Columbia University, and author of Territory, Authority, Rights: From Medieval to Global Assemblages. *Unpeeling layers of conventional knowledge, Manfred Steger deftly cuts right to the core of ideas as historical forces. With remarkable acuity, his monumental Global Imaginary bores into secular and religious ideologies, and reveals what powers them. * James H. Mittelman, University Professor of International Affairs, American University, Washington, DC. *If you want to know how we are likely to be affected by the greatest intellectual struggle of our time-between the death-throes of nationalism and the birth-pangs of globalism-Manfred Steger's The Rise of the Global Imaginary is the best guide yet. Written in flinty, accessible prose and rich in its grasp of history, politics and culture, this book will appeal equally to the specialist scholar and the general reader. One cannot read its intelligent dissections of destablizing nationalisms, competing ideological globalisms and the pervasive reach of our new cultural imaginings without experiencing shivers of admiration, apprehension and hope. Globalization studies will never be the same. * Iain McCalman AO, Professor of History and Federation Fellow, University of Sydney. *Table of ContentsPART I: PART ONE: THE NATIONAL IMAGINARY ; PART II: THE GLOBAL IMAGINARY

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Book SynopsisRealism remains the most important and controversial vision of international politics. But what does it mean to be a realist? This collection addresses this key question by returning to the thinking of perhaps the most influential realist of modern times: Hans J. Morgenthau. In analyses of issues ranging from political philosophy, to international law, to the impact of nuclear weapons and the challenges of American foreign policy, the authors demonstrate that Morgenthau''s thinking exemplifies a rich realist tradition that is often lacking in contemporary analyses of international relations and foreign policy. At a time when realism is once again at the centre of both scholarly and political debates, this book shows that the legacy of classical realism can enrich our understanding of world politics and contribute to its future direction.Trade ReviewWilliams and his contributors make an exciting and innovative contribution to Morgenthau scholarship. The authors use interesting and lesser-known sources, and vivid examples, to show or speculate about Morgenthau's positions on a range of topics. * Jonathan Cristol, Carnegie Council for Ethics in International Affairs *Table of ContentsIntroduction ; 1. Morgenthau, Agency and Aristotle ; 2. 'The Twilight of International Morality'? Hans J. Morgenthau and Carl Schmitt on the end of the Jus Publicum Europaeum ; 3. Carl Schmitt and Hans Morgenthau: Realism and Beyond ; 4. The Image of Law in Politics Among Nations ; 5. Realism, Tragedy and the Anti-Pelagian Imagination in International Political Thought. ; 6. The balance of power in Politics Among Nations ; 7. Hans Morgenthau and the Cold War ; 8. Hans Morgenthau and the World State Revisited ; 9. Morgenthau Now: Neoconservatism, National Greatness and Realism ; 10. Texts, Paradigms, and Political Change

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Book SynopsisThis book presents a non-cosmopolitan theory of global justice. In contrast to theories that seek to extend principles of social justice, such as equality of opportunity or resources, to the world as a whole, it argues that in a world made up of self-determining national communities, a different conception is needed. The book presents and defends an account of national responsibility which entails that nations may justifiably claim the benefits that their decisions and policies produce, while also being held liable for harms that they inflict on other peoples. Such collective responsibility extends to responsibility for the national past, so the present generation may owe redress to those who have been harmed by the actions of their predecessors. Global justice, therefore, must be understood not in terms of equality, but in terms of a minimum set of basic rights that belong to human beings everywhere. Where these rights are being violated or threatened, remedial responsibility may fallTrade ReviewReview from previous edition This book may become the one against which cosmopolitans define their position, but it offers a great deal more than that; in particular a theory of global justice which gives nationhood a central place, and a nuanced and insightful analysis of the idea of responsibility. * Political Studies Review *Table of Contents1. Introduction ; 2. Cosmopolitanism ; 3. Global Egalitarianism ; 4. Two Concepts of Responsibility ; 5. National Responsibility ; 6. Inheriting Responsibilities ; 7. Human Rights: Setting the Global Minimum ; 8. Immigration and Territorial Rights ; 9. Responsibilities to the World's Poor ; 10. Conclusion ; Bibliography ; Index

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Book SynopsisBarack Obama is often lauded as a ''pragmatist,'' yet when most people employ the term, they mean it in the vaguest sense: that he''s practical and willing to compromise to get things done. However, the public philosophy of pragmatism, which has been the subject of a rich revival in the past couple of decades, is far more than this. First developed in the late nineteenth century, pragmatism is primarily a way of thinking--an anti-dualist philosophy that attempts to overcome the dichotomies between self and object, nature and culture, mind and body, theory and practice, and fact and value. When applied to governance, pragmatists advocate the use of tactics like third party mediation and problem-solving to achieve anti-dualist principles: cosmopolitan localism, analytical holism, progressive conservatism, and processual structuralism. In Pragmatist Governance, Chris Ansell begins with a theory of the concept and then explains why the approach is ideal for addressing today''s governance problems. For instance, while many think that bureaucracy''s unchecked growth is the fundamental problem facing democracy today, pragmatism suggests the opposite: that public agencies can effectively manage the relationship between governance and democracy if they focus on building consent for public problem-solving. Ansell argues that wishing away bureaucracy will not do given what we know about the indispensible role of institutions in contemporary governance. Utilizing pragmatist concepts, Ansell rethinks the design of institutions, arguing that they are neither the simple products of rational design that can be endlessly tinkered with nor ''congealed taste''--where institutions represent the timeless customs and values of a people. Along with overcoming this dualism, Ansell also challenges us to rethink our approach to governance. Instead of moving from one extreme to the other--from bureaucracy to ''post-bureaucracy'' or ''public entrepreneurialism''--pragmatism would not merely seek to replace one (hierarchical bureaucracy) with the other (a ''flat,'' entrepreneurial organization), but rather to hitch the two approaches together in an innovative amalgam where organizational leaders constantly interact with and learn from street-level bureaucrats. Pragmatist Governance concludes that if government is to regain public trust, the technical knowledge of experts must be brought together with sensitivity to local problems, situations, and knowledge. The answer lies not, however, in a diminished bureaucracy. That may only deepen distrust. Rather, the emphasis should be on taking the best of both sides to find innovative and effective ways to solve enduring public problems.Trade ReviewThroughout Pragmatist Democracy, Ansell skilfully integrates the writings of theorists from a variety of disciplines. The broad scope and eclectic range of sources and topics make the book accessible to scholers from a variety of disciplines - one could imagine this book as a central text in advanced courses in public administration, political science, public policy, sociology or organization studies. * Keith F. Snider, Public Administration *Ansell has done an impressive job, and this work should be indispensable for anyone interested in the concrete political implications of pragmatism. * Loren Goldman, University of California, Berkeley *Table of Contents1. Democratic Governance in a Pragmatist Key ; 2. Institutions ; 3. Large-Scale Institutional Change ; 4. Organizations ; 5. Problem-Solving ; 6. Recursiveness ; 7. Power and Responsibility ; 8. Consent ; 9. Collaborative Governance ; 10. Problem-Solving Democracy

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Book SynopsisThis book lays out foundations for a science of morals. Binmore uses game theory as a systematic tool for investigating ethical matters. He reinterprets classical social contract ideas within a game-theory framework and generates new insights into the fundamental questions of social philosophy. In contrast to the previous writing in moral philosophy that relied on vague notion such as societal well-being and moral duty, Binmore begins with individuals; rational decision-makers with the ability to emphasize with one another. Any social arrangement that prescribes them to act against their interests will become unstable and eventually will be replaced by another, until one is found that includes worthwhile actions for all individuals involved.Trade Reviewa worthwhile addition to the growing literature on the evolution and nature of fairness norms. * William F. Harms, Philosophy in Review *Table of ContentsPREFACE; BIBLIOGRAPHY; INDEX

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Book SynopsisEqual opportunity is a powerful idea, and one with extremely broad appeal in contemporary politics, political theory, and law. But what does it mean? On close examination, the most attractive existing conceptions of equal opportunity turn out to be impossible to achieve in practice, or even in theory. As long as families are free to raise their children differently, no two people''s opportunities will be equal; nor is it possible to disentangle someone''s abilities or talents from her background advantages and disadvantages. Moreover, given different abilities and disabilities, different people need different opportunities, confounding most ways of imagining what counts as equal.This book proposes an entirely new way of thinking about the project of equal opportunity. Instead of focusing on the chimera of literal equalization, we ought to work to broaden the range of opportunities open to people at every stage in life. We can achieve this in part by loosening the bottlenecks that constTrade ReviewThis breakthrough book rethinks equality from the ground up, turning the spotlight on unexplored bottlenecks in the pursuit of a more just society. A fundamental contribution. * Bruce Ackerman, Sterling Professor of Law and Political Science, Yale University *Fishkin's book is a must read for anybody interested in egalitarianism in general and equality of opportunity in particular. Fishkin's is an energising voice in the literature on equal opportunity * Avner De Shalit, Journal of Ecclesiastical History *Joseph Fishkin develops the 'bottleneck' metaphor into a powerful lens for understanding the structure of opportunity in our society, and thereby recasts the 'equal opportunity' project in a way that is both novel and resonant with deeply rooted intuitions about fairness. * Cynthia Estlund, Catherine A. Rein Professor of Law, New York University School of Law *Bottlenecks breaks a major step forward in conceptualizing how to promote meaningful opportunities for human flourishing in a world of pluralism as well as inequality. It is a breath of fresh air amidst stale debates over abstract conceptions of equaliy-but more importantly, it charts a path of conceptual and policy development that has enormous promise. * Rogers M. Smith, Christopher H. Browne Distinguished Professor of Political Science, University of Pennsylvania *Joseph Fishkin offers a new and important framework for defining equal opportunity - one that gets beyond questions of 'merit.' If what looks like 'merit' is more often than not a result of advantages that can be bought, how can opportunities ever be 'equal'? Fishkin provides an original answer, suggesting new ways to open up opportunities by loosening the bottlenecks that are holding people back. * Lani Guinier, Bennett Boskey Professor of Law, Harvard Law School *Bottlenecks reinvigorates the concept of equal opportunity by simultaneously engaging with its complications and attempting to simplify its ambitions. Fishkin's observations about human development also advance the social model of disability, in which disability is seen not as fundamentally physiological but rather as socially constructed. * Michigan Law Review *Fishkin has interesting things to say about such concerns in a wide-ranging work. Even if unconvincing for some, it provides rich food for thought on how we can think more clearly about equal opportunities. * Thom Brooks, Political Studies Review *Table of ContentsIntroduction ; A. How We Think About Equal Opportunity ; B. Opportunity Pluralism ; C. Implications of the Theory ; Chapter I: Equal Opportunity and Its Problems ; I.A. Conceptions of Equal Opportunity ; I.A.1. Rawlsian Equal Opportunity & Starting Gate Theories ; I.A.2. Tests, Bias, and <"Formal-Plus>" ; I.A.3. Luck Egalitarianism and Natural Talents ; I.A.4. Talent, Luck, and Dworkin ; I.B. Beyond Distributive Justice: Opportunities and Flourishing ; I.C. Four Problems for Equal Opportunity ; I.C.1. The Problem of the Family ; i. Parental Advantages ; ii. Mitigation and Compensation ; iii. Families and the Principle of Fair Life Chances ; I.C.2. The Problem of Merit ; i. An Admissions Example ; ii. Merit for Luck Egalitarians ; iii. Roemer's EOp Proposal and the Limits of Merit ; iv. Merit and Self ; I.C.3. The Problem of the Starting Gate ; i. Limits of the Ex Ante Perspective ; ii. Compounded Advantage and the Concatenation of Opportunities ; iii. Focus on the Youngest? ; iv. Them That's Got Shall Get ; I.C.4. The Problem of Individuality ; i. Schaar's Nightmare and Nozick's Dream ; ii. Toward A Different Kind of Equal Opportunity ; Chapter II: Opportunities and Human Development ; II.A. Natural Difference in Political Theory ; II.B. Intrinsic Differences, Nature, and Nurture ; II.B.1. Intrinsic Difference Claims ; II.B.2. Models of Nature and Nurture ; II.B.3. Not Even Separate ; II.C. The Trouble with <"Normal>" ; II.C.1. There Is No <"Normal>" ; II.C.2. The Flynn Effect: An Object Lesson in the Role of Environment ; II.D. An Iterative Model of Human Development ; II.D.1. Developing Capacities ; II.D.2. Interaction with Family and Society ; II.D.3. Interaction With the World of Employment ; II.E. The Trouble With <"Equal>" ; II.E.1. A Simple Equalization Problem ; II.E.2. What if We Don't All Have the Same Goal? ; II.E.3. The Endogeneity of Preferences and Goals ; II.E.4. Essential Developmental Opportunities ; Chapter III: Opportunity Pluralism ; III.A. Unitary and Pluralistic Opportunity Structures ; III.A.1 Individuality and Pluralism ; III.A.2 Positional Goods and Competitive Roles ; III.A.3. The Anti-Bottleneck Principle ; III.A.4. Who Controls The Opportunity Structure? ; III.B. The Dynamics of Bottlenecks ; III.B.1. Types of Bottlenecks ; III.B.2. Legitimate Versus Arbitrary Bottlenecks ; III.B.3. Severity of Bottlenecks ; III.B.4. How Many People Are Affected By This Bottleneck? ; III.B.5. What To Do About Bottlenecks ; III.B.6. Bottlenecks and the Content of Jobs ; III.B.7. Situating Bottlenecks Within the Opportunity Structure as a Whole ; III.B.8. Bottlenecks, Efficiency, and Human Capital ; III.B.9. Potential Benefits of Bottlenecks ; III.C. Flourishing, Perfectionism, and Priority ; III.C.1. Equal Opportunity Without a Common Scale ; III.C.2. Thin Perfectionism and Autonomy ; Chapter IV: Applications ; IV.A. Class as Bottleneck ; IV.A.1. Fear of Downward Mobility: A Parable About How Inequality Matters ; IV.A.2. College as Bottleneck ; IV.A.3. Segregation and Integration: A Story of Networks and Norms ; IV.B. Freedom and Flexibility in the World of Work ; IV.B.1. Flexibility, Job Lock, and Entrepreneurialism ; IV.B.2. Workplace Flexibility and Gender Bottlenecks ; IV.C. Bottlenecks and Antidiscrimination Law ; IV.C.1 Some Cutting-Edge Statutes and Their Implications ; IV.C.2. Whom Should Antidiscrimination Law Protect? ; IV.C.3. An Example: Appearance Discrimination ; IV.C.4. Bottlenecks, Groups, and Individuals ; IV.C.5. How Should Antidiscrimination Law Protect? ; Conclusion ; Acknowledgments ; Index

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Book SynopsisFrom Gandhi''s movement to win Indian independence to the Arab Spring uprisings of 2011, an expanding number of citizens have used nonviolent action to win political goals. While such events have captured the public imagination, they have also generated a new surge of scholarly interest in the field of nonviolence and civil resistance studies. Although researchers have produced new empirical data, theories, and insights into the phenomenon of nonviolent struggle, the field is still quite unfamiliar to many students and scholars. In Nonviolent Struggle: Theories, Strategies, and Dynamics, sociologist Sharon Nepstad provides a succinct introduction to the field of civil resistance studies, detailing its genesis, key concepts and debates, and a summary of empirical findings. Nepstad depicts the strategies and dynamics at play in nonviolent struggles, and analyzes the factors that shape the trajectory and outcome of civil resistance movements. The book draws on a vast array of historical examples, including the U.S. civil rights movement, the Indonesian uprising against President Suharto, the French Huguenot resistance during World War II, and Cesar Chavez''s United Farm Workers. Nepstad describes both principled and pragmatic nonviolent traditions and explains various categories of nonviolent action, concluding with an assessment of areas for future research. A comprehensive treatment of the philosophy and strategy of nonviolent resistance, Nonviolent Struggle is essential reading for students, scholars, and anyone with a general interest in peace studies and social change.Trade ReviewIt is not an easy task to capture a moving target, but Nepstad has successfully done so, having effectively woven the different threads of this emerging field together. Nonviolent Struggle provides a comprehensive overview of this still under-researched phenomenon and in that sense is clearly one of the foundational academic works... Nonviolent Struggle is a must-read for scholars, students, practitioners and anyone with a general interest in conflict transformation, peace studies, social change and social movements. * Siddharth Tripathi, Democratization *Table of ContentsList of Tables and Figures ; Preface ; Acknowledgements ; Chapter 1: What Nonviolence Is and What It Is Not ; Chapter 2: Religious and Ethical Positions on Violence and Nonviolence ; Chapter 3: The Strategy of Nonviolent Resistance ; Chapter 4: Types of Nonviolent Action ; Chapter 5: Dynamics of Nonviolent Struggles ; Chapter 6: Outcomes and Consequences of Nonviolent Struggles ; Chapter 7: Armed Forces, Defections, and Nonviolent Change ; Chapter 8: The Global Diffusion of Nonviolence ; Chapter 9: Future Directions in Civil Resistance Research ; Appendix: Discussion Questions ; Endnotes ; Glossary of Terms ; References

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Book SynopsisIt is commonly observed that behind many of the political and cultural issues that we face today there are impoverished conceptions of freedom, which, according to D. C. Schindler, we have inherited from the classical liberal tradition without a sufficient awareness of its implications. Freedom from Reality presents a critique of the deceptive and ultimately self-subverting character of the modern notion of freedom, retrieving an alternative view through a new interpretation of the ancient tradition. While many have critiqued the inadequacy of identifying freedom with arbitrary choice, this book seeks to penetrate to the metaphysical roots of the modern conception by going back, through an etymological study, to the original sense of freedom.Schindler begins by uncovering a contradiction in John Locke's seminal account of human freedom. Rather than dismissing it as a mere academic problem, Schindler takes this contradiction as a key to understanding the strange paradoxTrade Review"This is a brilliant, incredibly erudite, and rigorously argued book. D. C. Schindler's fundamental contribution is the working out of autonomy described as the flight from reality. Nobody has defended this account of the trajectory of modern liberalism more ably than he has. It is a huge and complete accomplishment by one of the most magnificent thinkers of our time." —Peter Lawler, Dana Professor in Government, Berry College"D. C. Schindler is probably the best Catholic philosophical theologian of his generation in the Anglophone world. In short, this book is an account and diagnosis of the rise of a modern concept of 'liberty' . . . and of an alternative vision drawn from classical and Christian tradition. It makes a better and more controlled case than any other book I know of dealing with these issues, and opens new perspectives on Locke and whole heritage of modern moral and political history." —David Bentley Hart, Templeton Fellow, Notre Dame Institute for Advanced Study"Among the sacred cows of the modern age, a certain idea of individual freedom and political liberty has pride of place. D. C. Schindler unravels its genealogy in John Locke, exposes its self-defeating character, and pleads for a retrieval of a fuller conception, rooted in classical Greek philosophy. He thereby contributes to the healing of our intellectual, cultural, and social diseases. A daring and necessary enterprise." —Rémi Brague, University of Paris–Sorbonne and Ludwig-Maximilian University of Munich"Schindler’s book is a brilliant tour de force of political and moral reasoning. A most timely and stringent analysis of modernity’s confused and calamitous dissociation of freedom and the good, Schindler’s book will be ranked with similarly intentioned, highly influential works by Polanyi, MacIntyre, and Gadamer." —Thomas Pfau, Alice Mary Baldwin Professor of English and professor of Germanic Languages & Literatures, Duke University"As a critique of deep currents of modern thought, Schindler’s masterful study does just what it should: it brings us into a position to understand and assess divergences at the level of fundamental principles, and to recognize their consequences. His lucid explication of 'the diabolical'—the mimicry of truth that plunges us ever deeper into unreality—sheds much-needed light into the abyss of inescapable contradictions Locke bequeathed to liberal society in his revolutionary re-conception of liberty and the will. Schindler is one of the best guides available to a revivified classical philosophy that restores the soul and reality to the communion they were made for." —Mark Shiffman, Villanova University"This book critiques modernity’s prioritization of the concept of freedom over the good in philosophical thought. Schindler . . . argues that modernity delinks the good from freedom and substitutes the latter for the former. Paradoxically, this substitution leads to contradictions and even to fragmentation of society. As a solution, the author proposes a return to the classical conception of the good central to the thought of Plato and Aristotle. There, the good is symbolic—from the Greek sym-ballò meaning 'to join together'—whereas the modern is diabolical, from the Greek dia-ballò meaning 'to divide.' . . . the scholarship is superb." —Choice“Many decades ago, Scottish-born philosopher Alasdair MacIntyre published After Virtue, a spirited defense of traditional virtue-based ethics. It was an enormously important book and has had a major influence in the area of modern moral philosophy. Schindler’s book is [of] similar significance.” —News Weekly"I thank Schindler for this backfiring book that left me overwhelmed by Locke’s brilliance." —National Review"Freedom from Reality belongs in a certain upper echelon of contemporary philosophical works, sitting on a bookshelf somewhere between After Virtue and Modernity in Crisis. . . . [I]n helping us to remember our place within the larger symbolic order of reality, the book makes itself a symbol of that same order. It contains the very wisdom that it expresses." —Public Discourse“Truth be told, David C. Schindler has made a signal contribution to our understanding of Locke.” —Law & Liberty“This book will appeal to students and scholars of political philosophy (especially political theorists), philosophers in the continental or historical traditions, and cultural critics with a philosophical bent.” —Law and Religion Forum“D.C. Schindler’s Freedom from Reality provides both an assessment and a path forward, and with great dexterity. . . . Schindler has done a great service in pointing the way forward and thinking about how we can fruitfully recover the best of the classical tradition and present it to the modern world.” —New Oxford Review"Schindler’s study of the contrast between classical and modern freedom is a fascinating and much needed account to understand our predicament and our possible futures. . . . Whether we chose a 'symbolic' or a 'diabolical' account of freedom in our political, cultural, and economic life is yet to be determined. Reading Freedom from Reality will help us make this choice." —VoeglinView"A sophisticated and penetrating study of modern liberty, comparable to Alasdair MacIntyre’s After Virtue or George Grant’s English-Speaking Justice." —Reading ReligionTable of ContentsPreface: What is Good? Part 1. John Locke and the Dialectic of Power 1. Locke’s (Re-)conception of Freedom 2. The Political Conquest of the Good in the Second Treatise Part 2. Modern Liberty as a Flight from the Real 3. The Basic Shape of Modern Liberty 4. Symbolical Order and Diabolical Subversion 5. “A Society of Devils” Part 3. Retrieving the Origin as the Essence of Freedom 6. Starting Over and Starting After: A First Foundation in Plato and Aristotle 7. Plato: The Golden Thread of Freedom 8. Aristotle: Freedom as Liberality Conclusion

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Book SynopsisAn examination of the political thinkers Hannah Arendt and Albert Camus. Isaac shows that both writers advanced the idea of a democratic civil society made up of self-limiting groups. While they criticized typical institutions of democratic politics, they favoured alternative forms of organization.Table of ContentsHumanity at zero hour; Totalitarianism and the intoxication of power; The ambiguities of humanism; Revolt and foundations of politics; Rebellion and democratic politics; Swimming against the tide; Rebellious politics reconsidered.

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Book SynopsisA takedown of the GOP’s deceitful propaganda machine from the blogger of Salon’s Unclaimed Territory and the author of the New York Times bestsellers How Would a Patriot Act? and A Tragic Legacy.Ever since the cowboy image of Ronald Reagan was sold to Americans, the Republican Party has used the same John Wayne imagery to support its candidates and take elections. We all know how they govern, but the right-wing propaganda machine is very adept at hijacking debate and marketing their candidates as effectively as the Marlboro Man. For example: Myth: The Republican nominee is an upstanding, regular guy who shares the values of the common man.Reality: He divorced his first wife in order to marry a young multimillionaire heiress whose family then funded his political career. Myth: Republicans are strong on defense and will keep us safe.Reality: They prey on f

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