Political ideologies and movements Books

Book SynopsisTwelve dynamic essays by leading New Zealand thinkers mark 125 years since New Zealand won the right to vote

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Book SynopsisA talk-centered qualitative analysis of three hundred Indian village assemblies, revealing how the deliberation between citizens in a mass democracy is influenced by state policy and literacy. Essential reading for those interested in participation, development, and deliberative democracy. This title is also available as Open Access.Trade Review'Using a detailed analysis of gram sabha deliberations in over two hundred villages bordering four states, this book provides a rich picture of participatory grassroots democracy in South India. Instead of the usual preoccupation with quantitative indicators of service delivery outcomes, Rao and Sanyal focus on development of civic capacity, engagement between civil society and state officials, and political legitimacy of the state, and how these vary with historical inequality, literacy and state policy.' Dilip Mookherjee, Director of the Institute for Economic Development, Boston University'This valuable book documents the diverse voices from the ground that form the body and soul of everyday democracy in action. It serves as a crucial reminder to urban readers that the the real crucible of Indian democracy is not the quinquennial Election Day, but the messy, contested terrain of gram sabhas, where citizens ask questions, demand answers, and help make decision-making responsive and reflexive.' Ashwini Deshpande, Delhi School of Economics'In Oral Democracy, Sanyal and Rao engage in a detailed comparative analysis to illuminate how local state capacity and literacy influence the extent to which an institutionalized system of public collective deliberation (gram sabhas) contributes to the transformation of the practice of citizenship in contemporary India. This rigorous analysis produces a pathbreaking contribution to our understanding of political culture outside the West. Their book should be widely read by social scientists who wish to better understand the broad institutional context in which the poor defend their dignity in an extraordinarily unequal society.' Michele Lamont, Director of the Weatherhead Center for International Affairs, Harvard University and author of The Dignity of Working menTable of Contents1. Introduction; 2. Discursive political culture; 3. Political construction, state enactments, and citizen performances; 4. The role of literacy in deliberative democracy; 5. Conclusion: oral democracy.

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Book SynopsisMany citizens in the US and abroad fear that democratic institutions have become weak, and continue to weaken. Politics with the People develops the principles and practice of ''directly representative democracy'' - a new way of connecting citizens and elected officials to improve representative government. Sitting members of Congress agreed to meet with groups of their constituents via online, deliberative town hall meetings to discuss some of the most important and controversial issues of the day. The results from these experiments reveal a model of how our democracy could work, where politicians consult with and inform citizens in substantive discussions, and where otherwise marginalized citizens participate and are empowered. Moving beyond our broken system of interest group politics and partisan bloodsport, directly representative reforms will help restore citizens'' faith in the institutions of democratic self-government, precisely at a time when those institutions themselves feeTrade Review'In this path-breaking book, the authors present a new approach to democratic governance - what they call 'directly representative democracy'. Their approach is sure to change how scholars discuss democracy, and more practically, could change how democracy works. It may well be one of the most important books on democracy and representation in decades.' James Druckman, Northwestern University, Illinois'A breakthrough book, conceptually and practically … it shows how the internet can connect groups of randomly-selected citizens to their congressional representatives for in-depth discussions of important policies. The new ideas about democracy advocated here, combined with the new institutions that the book demonstrates, are easy to implement and have the capacity to revolutionize representative government as we know it … A must-read for elected representatives, citizens, and theorists of democracy.' Jane Mansbridge, John F. Kennedy School of Government, Massachusetts'This book is terrific: beautifully written, culturally relevant, and politically important … The authors achieve a hard-earned degree of optimism about our republic that most Americans, members of Congress, and congressional staff are desperate for … a gift to the Congress and to the citizens of the United States.' Bradford Fitch, President and CEO of the Congressional Management Foundation''The authors provide a potentially game-changing approach for reducing the polarization that paralyzes Washington. Well-written and meticulously researched, this book is a must-read for anyone interested in realistic and workable solutions to congressional dysfunction.' Jason Altmire, Member of Congress (2007–13) and author of Dead Center: How Political Polarization Divided America and What We Can Do About It'At last, a solution-driven, practical, researched approach to civil discourse about our government! How I wish this tool had been available when I served in Congress - it could finally change the tenor of our public debate and at last include citizens into congressional decision-making in a meaningful way. This process could begin to restore America's trust in its government and representatives' accountability to their constituents. Novel and long overdue.' Deborah Pryce, Member of Congress (R-OH15, 1993–2009)'Research like this is essential at a time when democracy around the world, as well as in this country, is facing serious challenges.' David Mathews, President, Kettering FoundationTable of ContentsIntroduction: directly representative democracy; 1. The spirit and form of popular government; 2. Building a new home style; 3. Half of democracy; 4. Rational ignorance and reasonable learning; 5. (The) deliberative persuasion; 6. Representative connections; 7. Scaling up and scaling out; Conclusion: Republican redux.

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Book SynopsisDebates over redistribution, social insurance, and market regulation are central to American politics. Why do some citizens prefer a large role for government in the economic life of the nation while others wish to limit its reach? In Open versus Closed, the authors argue that these preferences are not always what they seem. They show how deep-seated personality traits underpinning the culture wars over race, immigration, law and order, sexuality, gender roles, and religion shape how citizens think about economics, binding cultural and economic inclinations together in unexpected ways. Integrating insights from both psychology and political science - and twenty years of observational and experimental data - the authors reveal the deeper motivations driving attitudes toward government. They find that for politically active citizens these attitudes are not driven by self-interest, but by a desire to express the traits and cultural commitments that define their identities.Trade Review'A creative and original investigation into the puzzling, polarizing and often contradictory personality-based forces driving economic policy preferences. It's a fascinating read and a major contribution to the field of political psychology.' Kevin Smith, University of Nebraska, Lincoln'Political psychologists know why people adopt particular stances on social issues but the sources of economic preferences remain murky. Johnston, Lavine, and Federico rectify this situation in one fell swoop with an inventive and compelling account of the reasons many people - especially the well-informed - frequently act contrary to their own economic self-interest.' John R. Hibbing, Co-Author of Predisposed: Liberals, Conservatives and the Biology of Political Differences'Open versus Closed develops a fascinating theoretical argument around a central dimension of personality: the disposition for being 'open' or 'closed' to uncertainty and risk. Integrating disparate strands of research in political science, economics, and psychology, Johnston, Lavine, and Federico articulate two alternative pathways for how being open versus closed shapes opinions on fundamentally important issues of social welfare, redistribution, and government intervention in the market. Through wide-ranging observational and experimental tests, the authors show that political engagement plays a critical role in leading the open vs. closed citizen to develop opinions that, among the politically unengaged, reflect what they need and that, among the politically engaged, reflect who they aspire to be. Amidst a politically polarized and economically stratified society, [this] work reminds us of the critical importance of political elites and citizen engagement in channeling how personality informs what citizens demand from government and why.' Cindy D. Kam, Vanderbilt University, Tennessee'This is a path-breaking study. It brings into view, arguably more dramatically than any previous work, the complexity - or perhaps better the perversity - of personality and political choice. Among other things, it is on the thinking of the politically aware and engaged, not the inattentive and indifferent, that personality, the emblem of the irrational, has its strongest impact.' Paul Sniderman, Stanford University'Open Versus Closed is certain to have a major impact on the field. Not only do Johnston, Lavine, and Federico comprise a veritable all-star team of co-authors, their book embodies the best features of political psychology. It doesn't give short shrift to the political in its exploration of the psychological. Instead the emphasis on the psychological allows them to solve an important political puzzle about attitudes toward redistribution that no one else has been able to crack.' Marc J. Hetherington, Vanderbilt University, TennesseeTable of ContentsList of tables; List of figures; Acknowledgements; 1. Personality and the foundations of economic preferences; 2. The psychology of ideology; 3. A dual-pathway model of openness and economic preferences; 4. Testing the reversal hypothesis; 5. Openness and partisan-ideological sorting; 6. Openness and elite influence; 7. Political engagement and self-interest; 8. Personality and American democracy; Appendices; Bibliography; Index.

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Book SynopsisChina is widely viewed as a global powerhouse that has achieved a remarkable economic transformation with little political change. Less well known is that China''s leaders have also implemented far-reaching governance reforms designed to promote government transparency and increase public participation in official policymaking. What are the motivations behind these reforms and, more importantly, what impact are they having? This puzzle lies at the heart of Chinese politics and could dictate China''s political trajectory for years to come. This extensive collaborative study not only documents the origins and scope of these reforms across China, but offers the first systematic assessment by quantitatively and qualitatively analyzing the impact of participation and transparency on important governance outcomes. Comparing across provinces and over time, the authors argue that the reforms are resulting in lower corruption and enhanced legal compliance, but these outcomes also depend on a broader societal ecosystem that includes an active media and robust civil society.Trade Review'This illuminating volume changes the way you think about the role of information in China. The authors make a powerful case that, even amid tight political control, transparency is altering China's government, with deep implications for the economic and political future.' Evan Osnos, National Book Award-winning author of Age of Ambition: Chasing Fortune, Truth, and Faith in the New China'In this thoughtful and well-documented work, the authors challenge conventional wisdom about the absence of political reform in China. Through fascinating case studies, they demonstrate the diversity of reform practices in China and identify areas of success and failure.' J. Stapleton Roy, former US ambassador to China'This is a highly rigorous yet very readable study of how authoritarian governance in China works and does not work to achieve policy objectives and maintain domestic stability. The authors bring to bear a rare combination of practical on-the-ground experience and formal academic training to analyze one of the Chinese Communist Party's greatest dilemmas: how to improve governance and bolster state legitimacy by allowing popular opinions to be heard in the policy process without ever hinting that the broad public will or should gain direct control over who governs or how.' Thomas Christensen, Princeton University, New Jersey and author of The China Challenge: Shaping the Choices of a Rising Power'This book provides excellent empirical strategies to scholars, students and policymakers interested in the successes and failures of Chinese governance reforms and policy innovations. As the authors demonstrate, Chinese policymakers are increasingly adopting better governance practices to stave off political threats. Moreover, these reforms are not just window-dressing; they have changed the way laws are enacted and compliance is at least partly achieved.' Mary E. Gallagher, Director of the Lieberthal-Rogel Center for Chinese Studies, University of Michigan'The authors skillfully blend the latest statistics on corruption with illuminating case studies to argue that enlisting the Chinese public to monitor the bureaucracy would yield better results than continuing the current heavy-handed crackdown that targets corrupt individuals one at a time.' Yuen Yuen Ang, Foreign AffairsTable of ContentsPreface; 1. China's approach to governance reform; 2. Concept, chronology, and drivers of transparency reform; 3. Transparency and corruption: analysis of variation within China and hypothesis testing; 4. Comparing approaches to combatting corruption: the Guangdong and Chongqing models; 5. Concept, chronology, and drivers of participation reform; 6. Participation and compliance: analysis of variation and hypothesis testing; 7. Making policy in public: a comparison of three Chinese provinces; 8. The road ahead; Works cited; Index.

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Book SynopsisAntifascism has received little attention compared to its enemy. No historian or social scientist has previously attempted to define its nature and history - yet antifascism became perhaps the most powerful ideology of the twentieth century. Michael Seidman fills this gap by providing the first comprehensive study of antifascisms in Spain, France, the UK, and USA, with new interpretations of the Spanish Civil War, French Popular Front, and Second World War. He shows how two types of antifascism - revolutionary and counterrevolutionary - developed from 1936 to 1945. Revolutionary antifascism dominated the Spanish Republic during its civil war and re-emerged in Eastern Europe at the end of World War II. By contrast, counterrevolutionary antifascists were hegemonic in France, Britain, and the USA. In Western Europe, they restored conservative republics or constitutional monarchies based on Enlightenment principles. This innovative examination of antifascism will interest a wide range of sTrade Review'Michael Seidman makes us rethink our understanding of the ideologies and practices of anti-fascists in their struggles with fascist parties and fascist regimes before and during the war. His typology of antifascisms and his critical analysis of their nature and effectiveness enables historians and all citizens to engage in new ways with a fundamental political conflict of the twentieth century. Transatlantic Antifascisms is of real importance to those who identify as antifascists today as well as historians of the modern world.' Donald M. Reid, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill'Transatlantic Antifascism is an admirable study: for its scope, its subtlety, its conceptual rigour and its many ideas and insights. This is a lively and enjoyable account of antifascism which will appeal to scholars, students and the general reader alike.' Nigel Townson, Universidad Complutense de Madrid'Michael Seidman makes a powerful case for giving antifascism the analytical attention scholars have long given to fascism. His erudite and lively study of Spain, France, Britain, and the US does that and more. It breaks open the subject with fresh, provocative ideas, and it explores the many dimensions of antifascism - its politics, its religious and cultural wellsprings, its place in working-class life - with deft authority. A remarkable contribution.' Herrick Chapman, New York University'Transatlantic Antifascisms makes a significant contribution to the study of antifascism. As with his previous works, Seidman does not shy away from challenging some of the dominant trends within the relevant historiography, and the field is the better for it.' Christopher Bannister, H-France Review'The work of Michael Seidman offers a brilliant interpretation of these decisive years of the 'short twentieth century'.' Gilles Vergnon, European History QuarterlyTable of Contents1. Introduction; 2. Revolutionary antifascism in the Spanish Civil War, 1936–39; 3. The antifascist deficit during the French Popular Front; 4. British and French counterrevolutionary antifascism; 5. Counterrevolutionary antifascism alone, 1939–40; 6. American counterrevolutionary antifascism; 7. Antifascisms united: 1941–44; 8. Beyond fascism and antifascism: working and not working; 9. Antifascisms divided, 1945; 10. Conclusion and epilogue.

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Book SynopsisWorld Crisis and Underdevelopment examines the impact of poverty and other global crises in generating forms of structural coercion that cause agential and societal underdevelopment. It draws from discourse ethics and recognition theory in criticizing injustices and pathologies associated with underdevelopment. Its scope is comprehensive, encompassing discussions about development science, philosophical anthropology, global migration, global capitalism and economic markets, human rights, international legal institutions, democratic politics and legitimation, world religions and secularization, and moral philosophy in its many varieties.Trade Review'World Crisis and Underdevelopment is an original, illuminating, solid contribution to a normative political philosophy of globalization. Soaring above specialties, Ingram discusses world poverty, migration, markets' misgivings, human rights, global justice, global constitutionalism, the reform of the UN from the angle of a critical theory inspired by Habermas' discourse-ethics and Honneth's theory of recognition.' Alessandro Ferrara, University of Rome Tor Vergata, ItalyTable of ContentsIntroduction: poverty and ethics: towards a critical theory of misdevelopment; Part I. Agency and Development: 1. Recognition, accountability, and agency; 2. Agency and coercion: empowering the poor through poverty expertise and development policy; Part II. Global Crisis: 3. Forced migration: toward a discourse theory of refugees; 4. Imperial power and global political economy: democracy and the limits of capitalism; Part III. Human Rights: 5. Human rights and global injustice: institutionalizing the moral claims of agency; 6. Making humanitarian law legitimate: the constitutionalization of global governance; 7. Nationalism, religion, and deliberative democracy: networking cosmopolitan solidarity.

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Book SynopsisCitizens, political leaders, and scholars invoke the term ''democracy'' to describe present-day states without grasping its roots or prospects in theory or practice. This book clarifies the political discourse about democracy by identifying that its primary focus is human activity, not consent. It points out how democracy is neither self-legitimating nor self-justifying and so requires critical, ethical discourse to address its ongoing problems, such as inequality and exclusion. Wallach pinpoints how democracy has historically depended on notions of goodness to ratify its power. The book analyses pivotal concepts of democratic ethics such as ''virtue'', ''representation'', ''civil rightness'', ''legitimacy'', and ''human rights'' and looks at them as practical versions of goodness that have adapted democracy to new constellations of power in history. Wallach notes how democratic ethics should never be reduced to power or moral ideals. Historical understanding needs to come first to higTrade Review'Democracy and Goodness is an admirable exercise in argumentation, as refined in its theoretical perspective as it is expansive in its political scope. Ranging across ancients and moderns in an unabashedly 'historicizing' mode, Wallach intervenes decisively onto the contested terrain of contemporary democratic theory, retrieving an account of democratic ethics that is intrinsic to democracy as an ongoing activity in politics and history. On these terms, Wallach's book is a welcome provocation at a moment when principled and coherent conceptions of the relation between democracy, power, and goodness are in short supply.' Mary G. Dietz, Northwestern University, Illinois'Wallach argues on the opening page of this ambitious, erudite, and wide-ranging book, 'democracy' is often treated as self-evidently 'good'. Why - on the basis of what conceptualizations of democracy and goodness - have successive generations of self identified democrats believed that? And how should future democracies act so as to bring democracy and goodness closer together? Wallach argues that efficacious answers to the second question require the kind of critical political judgment that can be developed by answering the first one.' Daniela Cammack, University of CaliforniaTable of ContentsPreface; Acknowledgements; Introduction; 1. Historicizing democratic ethics; 2. Democracy and virtue in ancient Athens; 3. Representation as a political virtue and the formation of liberal democracy; 4. Civil rightness: a virtuous discipline for the modern Demos; 5. Democracy and legitimacy: popular justification of states amid contemporary globalization; 6. Human rights and democracy; Conclusion: political action and retrospection; Bibliography; Index.

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Book SynopsisThis innovative pan-European history of post-war socialism challenges the East-West paradigm that still dominates accounts of post-war Europe. Jan De Graaf offers a comparative study of the ways in which the French, Italian and Polish socialist parties and the Czechoslovakian Social Democratic Party dealt with the problems of socio-economic and political reconstruction. Drawing on archival documents in seven languages, De Graaf reveals the profound divide which existed in all four countries between socialist elites and their grassroots as workers reacted hostilely to calls for industrial discipline and for further sacrifices towards the reconstruction effort. He also provides a fresh interpretation of the political weaknesses of socialist parties in post-war continental Europe by stressing the importance of political history and social structure. By placing the attitudes of the continental socialist parties in their proper socio-historical context he highlights the many similarities across and divergences within the two putative blocs.Trade Review'Jan De Graaf's book is fascinating from start to finish and its sharp reading is indispensable to any historian or anyone interested in the period.' Gilles Vergnon, translated from L'ours'De Graaf's comparative method is effective. By the end of the book, one is largely convinced that European socialist parties did not form two separate Eastern and Western blocs in the immediate years after 1945. On several key issues (forms of local popular democracy, attitudes towards strikes and towards the urban industrial working class more generally, cooperation with communists, confidence in parliamentary democracy, the legitimacy of violence to gain political power, and relations with socialist parties abroad) the fault lines ran across East–West divisions.' Talbot Imlay, International Review of Social History'Using a transnational focus, De Graaf restores a sense of agency to the historical actors - socialist leaders and the party rank and file - and brilliantly makes sense of their actions, dilemmas, and views against the backdrop of European reconstruction.' Kevin J. Callahan, Central European History'... De Graaf's study will stand for a long time as a reference point for the ways post-war socialism in Europe is perceived and appreciated.' Kasper Brasken, European History Quarterly'Socialism across the Iron Curtain is an important book.' Gerd-Rainer Horn, JacobinTable of Contents1. The national road to socialism; 2. Bread, butter and egalitarianism; 3. Discipline, sacrifice, and production; 4. The morale of the story; 5. The lessons of the past; 6. Elections, parliaments, and constitutions; 7. Democracy from below; 8.The international road to socialism.

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Book SynopsisCitizens, political leaders, and scholars invoke the term ''democracy'' to describe present-day states without grasping its roots or prospects in theory or practice. This book clarifies the political discourse about democracy by identifying that its primary focus is human activity, not consent. It points out how democracy is neither self-legitimating nor self-justifying and so requires critical, ethical discourse to address its ongoing problems, such as inequality and exclusion. Wallach pinpoints how democracy has historically depended on notions of goodness to ratify its power. The book analyses pivotal concepts of democratic ethics such as ''virtue'', ''representation'', ''civil rightness'', ''legitimacy'', and ''human rights'' and looks at them as practical versions of goodness that have adapted democracy to new constellations of power in history. Wallach notes how democratic ethics should never be reduced to power or moral ideals. Historical understanding needs to come first to higTrade Review'Democracy and Goodness is an admirable exercise in argumentation, as refined in its theoretical perspective as it is expansive in its political scope. Ranging across ancients and moderns in an unabashedly 'historicizing' mode, Wallach intervenes decisively onto the contested terrain of contemporary democratic theory, retrieving an account of democratic ethics that is intrinsic to democracy as an ongoing activity in politics and history. On these terms, Wallach's book is a welcome provocation at a moment when principled and coherent conceptions of the relation between democracy, power, and goodness are in short supply.' Mary G. Dietz, Northwestern University, Illinois'Wallach argues on the opening page of this ambitious, erudite, and wide-ranging book, 'democracy' is often treated as self-evidently 'good'. Why - on the basis of what conceptualizations of democracy and goodness - have successive generations of self identified democrats believed that? And how should future democracies act so as to bring democracy and goodness closer together? Wallach argues that efficacious answers to the second question require the kind of critical political judgment that can be developed by answering the first one.' Daniela Cammack, University of CaliforniaTable of ContentsPreface; Acknowledgements; Introduction; 1. Historicizing democratic ethics; 2. Democracy and virtue in ancient Athens; 3. Representation as a political virtue and the formation of liberal democracy; 4. Civil rightness: a virtuous discipline for the modern Demos; 5. Democracy and legitimacy: popular justification of states amid contemporary globalization; 6. Human rights and democracy; Conclusion: political action and retrospection; Bibliography; Index.

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Book SynopsisWritten for readers, scholars, and students concerned about a world in crisis, this book explains the continued significance of globalization in our unsettled times. Linking the theoretical and the practical, it offers a comprehensive appraisal of globalization in a world that is wavering between globalist expansion and nationalist retrenchment.Trade Review'Steger and James have produced a timely and indispensable study. Globalization Matters is the most comprehensive book on globalization in recent years. It offers a sweeping overview of the theories, approaches, and principal debates in global studies. Erudite yet accessible and engaging, it is suitable for classroom use but will also be of great interest to seasoned scholars of globalization. This is the go-to book we have been waiting for on these matters. Beyond the academy, it should be of great interest to members of the public who wish to become familiar with what this buzzword is all about, or simply interested in the state of global politics and society.' William I. Robinson, University of California, Santa Barbara'In a time when globalization seems to be under assault by a rising tide of neo-nationalism, Steger and James convincingly show that globalization continues to matter. More importantly, they show that the current anti-global rebellion is itself a part of the complex pattern of globalization that in the twenty-first century embraces the whole world. Gracefully and intelligently written, this is an important and must read book.' Mark Juergensmeyer, University of California, Santa Barbara and author of Terror in the Mind of God: The Global Rise of Religious Violence'Steger and James bring clarity to hotly debated and frequently misunderstood changes in globalization. Their remarkable book quashes misrepresentations and memes that range from hyperglobalist exaggeration to anti-globalist populism. Artfully presented and thoroughly researched, Globalization Matters is a masterpiece.' James H. Mittelman, American University, Washington DC and author of Implausible Dream: The World-Class University and Repurposing Higher Education'Steger and James' immensely learned, yet readable, volume does a great service to scholarship on the global in three ways. First it lays to rest the hackneyed and insupportable notion that globalization no longer matters. Second it disposes of the equally unsound claim that global studies is too abstract to tell us much about the actual state of the world as it transforms today. Finally it addresses issues and themes of great moment, in the academy and beyond, to fashion an engaged, engaging and multidimensional theory of globalization.' Barrie Axford, Oxford Brookes University'Magnificent. Two of the most seasoned analysts of globalization comprehensively update the history and thoroughly reappraise the theory. A flowing, engaging, compelling case that 'globalization matters'.' Jan Aart Scholte, Göteborgs universitet, Sweden and Universität Duisburg-Essen, GermanyTable of Contents1. Introduction: what is happening to globalization?; 2. Mapping a new genealogy of 'globalization'; 3. Rethinking the dominant framework of globalization theory; 4. Considering the subjective dimensions of globalization; 5. Outlining an engaged theory of globalization; 6. Excavating the long history of globalization; 7. Examining the promise of global studies; 8. Making sense of the populist challenge to globalization; 9. Confronting the global urban imaginary; 10. Living in the unsettled world of the Anthropocene; 11. Concluding reflections; Appendices; Bibliography; Index.

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Book SynopsisChallenging binary interpretations of Iran's Green Uprisings of 2009 as a 'failed revolution', this dynamic history of Iran and the Middle East focuses on the men and women who existed at the centre of these contentious politics, with wider insights into US foreign policy, political Islam and revolutionary politics.Trade Review'Alimagham has done a fine job of understanding and explaining the ideas and motivations of Green movement activists largely on their own terms and using their own words. It is an important work of scholarship, and anyone that wants to understand modern Iran better would benefit from reading it. This study deepened and improved my own understanding of the modern political scene in Iran, and I think it will be a valuable reference work for a long time to come.' The American ConservativeTable of Contents1. Situating the 2009 Green Uprisings; 2. Primer: from the theory of Islamic Republicanism to practice, 1979–2009; 3. On the streets and beyond: crowd action and the symbolic appropriation of the past; 4. Contesting Palestine: generating revolutionary meaning; 5. Co-opting mourning ceremonies: Montazeri, post-Islamism, and revolutionary Ashura; 6. Conclusion.

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Book SynopsisAt the turn of the twenty-first century, globalization - both the process and the idea - bestrode the world. Widely acclaimed by political and economic pundits as the most important phenomenon of our time, it took the world by storm. Two decades later, it has come under sustained attack by the re-invigorated forces of the extreme right and radical left. Does globalization still matter in our unsettled world? Responding in the affirmative, this study develops and applies a new framework of an ''engaged theory of globalization'' to analyze some of today''s most pressing global challenges: the rise of national populism, ecological degradation, rapid urbanization, new sources of insecurity, and the changing landscape of higher education. Offering a comprehensive appraisal of globalization in our unsettled times, the authors explain why and how transplanetary interrelations continue to matter in a world that is wavering between globalist expansion and nationalist retrenchment.Trade Review'Steger and James have produced a timely and indispensable study. Globalization Matters is the most comprehensive book on globalization in recent years. It offers a sweeping overview of the theories, approaches, and principal debates in global studies. Erudite yet accessible and engaging, it is suitable for classroom use but will also be of great interest to seasoned scholars of globalization. This is the go-to book we have been waiting for on these matters. Beyond the academy, it should be of great interest to members of the public who wish to become familiar with what this buzzword is all about, or simply interested in the state of global politics and society.' William I. Robinson, University of California, Santa Barbara'In a time when globalization seems to be under assault by a rising tide of neo-nationalism, Steger and James convincingly show that globalization continues to matter. More importantly, they show that the current anti-global rebellion is itself a part of the complex pattern of globalization that in the twenty-first century embraces the whole world. Gracefully and intelligently written, this is an important and must read book.' Mark Juergensmeyer, University of California, Santa Barbara and author of Terror in the Mind of God: The Global Rise of Religious Violence'Steger and James bring clarity to hotly debated and frequently misunderstood changes in globalization. Their remarkable book quashes misrepresentations and memes that range from hyperglobalist exaggeration to anti-globalist populism. Artfully presented and thoroughly researched, Globalization Matters is a masterpiece.' James H. Mittelman, American University, Washington DC and author of Implausible Dream: The World-Class University and Repurposing Higher Education'Steger and James' immensely learned, yet readable, volume does a great service to scholarship on the global in three ways. First it lays to rest the hackneyed and insupportable notion that globalization no longer matters. Second it disposes of the equally unsound claim that global studies is too abstract to tell us much about the actual state of the world as it transforms today. Finally it addresses issues and themes of great moment, in the academy and beyond, to fashion an engaged, engaging and multidimensional theory of globalization.' Barrie Axford, Oxford Brookes University'Magnificent. Two of the most seasoned analysts of globalization comprehensively update the history and thoroughly reappraise the theory. A flowing, engaging, compelling case that 'globalization matters'.' Jan Aart Scholte, Göteborgs universitet, Sweden and Universität Duisburg-Essen, GermanyTable of Contents1. Introduction: what is happening to globalization?; 2. Mapping a new genealogy of 'globalization'; 3. Rethinking the dominant framework of globalization theory; 4. Considering the subjective dimensions of globalization; 5. Outlining an engaged theory of globalization; 6. Excavating the long history of globalization; 7. Examining the promise of global studies; 8. Making sense of the populist challenge to globalization; 9. Confronting the global urban imaginary; 10. Living in the unsettled world of the Anthropocene; 11. Concluding reflections; Appendices; Bibliography; Index.

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Book SynopsisThis is the first book-length study of one of the most influential traditions in eighteenth-century Anglophone moral and political thought, ''theological utilitarianism''. Niall O''Flaherty charts its development from its formulation by Anglican disciples of Locke in the 1730s to its culmination in William Paley''s work. Few works of moral and political thought had such a profound impact on political discourse as Paley''s Principles of Moral and Political Philosophy (1785). His arguments were at the forefront of debates about the constitution, the judicial system, slavery and poverty. By placing Paley''s moral thought in the context of theological debate, this book establishes his genuine commitment to a worldly theology and to a programme of human advancement. It thus raises serious doubts about histories which treat the Enlightenment as an entirely secular enterprise, as well as those which see English thought as being markedly out of step with wider European intellectual developmentTrade Review'… an impressive and enriching work.' Gregory Conti, The Review of PoliticsTable of ContentsAcknowledgements; Introduction; Part I. The Early Utilitarians: 1. The development of Lockean moral philosophy; 2. Abraham Tucker and the call for 'moral policy'; Part II. Paley's 'Moral Politics': 3. William Paley's moral thought; 4. 'Taking the pruning knife to the branch': expediency in action; 5. Natural theology as an aid to virtue; Part III. Paley's Politics: 6. Utility and the science of politics; 7. Utility and the constitution; 8. Paley on crimes and punishments; 9. Utility and toleration; Part IV. Property and Poverty: 10. The problem of poverty; 11. From Paley to Malthus: utility and society after 1785; Conclusion; Select bibliography.

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Book SynopsisMost observers of Iran viewed the Green Uprisings of 2009 as a ''failed revolution'', with many Iranians and those in neighbouring Arab countries agreeing. In Contesting the Iranian Revolution, however, Pouya Alimagham re-examines this evaluation, deconstructing the conventional win-lose binary interpretations in a way which underscores the subtle but important victories on the ground, and reveals how Iran''s modern history imbues those triumphs with consequential meaning. Focusing on the men and women who made this dynamic history, and who exist at the centre of these contentious politics, this ''history from below'' brings to the fore the post-Islamist discursive assault on the government''s symbols of legitimation. From powerful symbols rooted in Shi?ite Islam, Palestinian liberation, and the Iranian Revolution, Alimagham harnesses the wider history of Iran and the Middle East to highlight how activists contested the Islamic Republic''s legitimacy to its very core.Trade Review'Alimagham has done a fine job of understanding and explaining the ideas and motivations of Green movement activists largely on their own terms and using their own words. It is an important work of scholarship, and anyone that wants to understand modern Iran better would benefit from reading it. This study deepened and improved my own understanding of the modern political scene in Iran, and I think it will be a valuable reference work for a long time to come.' The American ConservativeTable of Contents1. Situating the 2009 Green Uprisings; 2. Primer: from the theory of Islamic Republicanism to practice, 1979–2009; 3. On the streets and beyond: crowd action and the symbolic appropriation of the past; 4. Contesting Palestine: generating revolutionary meaning; 5. Co-opting mourning ceremonies: Montazeri, post-Islamism, and revolutionary Ashura; 6. Conclusion.

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Book SynopsisAnarchists who supported the Cuban War for Independence in the 1890s launched a transnational network linking radical leftists from their revolutionary hub in Havana, Cuba to South Florida, Puerto Rico, Panama, the Panama Canal Zone, and beyond. Over three decades, anarchists migrated around the Caribbean and back and forth to the US, printed fiction and poetry promoting their projects, transferred money and information across political borders for a variety of causes, and attacked (verbally and physically) the expansion of US imperialism in the ''American Mediterranean''. In response, US security officials forged their own transnational anti-anarchist campaigns with officials across the Caribbean. In this sweeping new history, Kirwin R. Shaffer brings together research in anarchist politics, transnational networks, radical journalism and migration studies to illustrate how men and women throughout the Caribbean basin and beyond sought to shape a counter-globalization initiative to chaTrade Review'A wonderful book, which offers important insights into the multifaceted dynamics of anarchist transnationalism in the Caribbean. Never compromising on erudition and depth of analysis, Shaffer writes an engrossing, vividly rendered narrative, full of compassion and a dramatic sense of history. This is a remarkable epic of (counter-)imperialism in multiple sites of staggering international mobilities and activism – a tremendous read for anyone with an interest in anarchism and radical activism in the Americas and globally.' Constance Bantman, University of Surrey'This landmark and impressive book studies authoritarian and anti-imperialist politics in the Caribbean with a special focus on transnational flows of radical activists. By examining Cuba, Puerto Rico, Panama, Mexico and the US, Shaffer demonstrates the value of a focus on networks and cross-border frames. Revolutionary cartography at its best.' Barry Carr, La Trobe University, Victoria'Anarchists of the Caribbean is a monumental achievement. Deeply researched and engagingly written, it deftly relates the complex history of the social, cultural, and political ways anarchist activists contended with US imperialism, capitalist expansion, state repression, and the rise of international communism in the Caribbean region. Undoubtedly, it will lead to a major rethinking of the histories of the Caribbean, Latin America, and global anarchism.' Steven J. Hirsch, Washington University'Shaffer's book is a meticulously researched account of the transnational networks anarchists forged in the early twentieth century … a most welcome contribution to the study of the early twentieth-century Latin American Left'. Frances Sullivan, Humanities and Social SciencesTable of ContentsList of figures; Acknowledgements; List of abbreviations; A biographical prologue: the transnational world of José María Blázquez de Pedro; Introduction. An antiauthoritarian cartography of the Caribbean; 1. Anarchist straits: Cuba's war for independence and the origins of the Caribbean network; 2. Anarchists vs. Yanquis: the expanding network resists US neocolonialism, 1898-1915; 3. ¡Tierra y Libertad!: Caribbean anarchists and the Mexican Revolution, 1905-1930; 4. The Caribbean Red during the Red Scare: anarchists and the Bolshevik Revolution, 1917-1924; 5. Anarchists vs. Yanquis II: the canal, the Great War, Puerto Rico's status, and banana republics, 1916-1926; 6. Bolivarianismo anarquista: anarchist pan-Americanism in the heart of the hemisphere; 7. Down but not out: confronting socialists, communists, and tropical fascists, 1925-1934; A literary epilogue: Marcelo Salinas and Adrián del Valle, 1920s-1930s; Bibliography; Index.

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Book SynopsisOver the last quarter century, a nationalized and increasingly conservative Republican Party made unprecedented gains at the state level, winning control of twenty-four new state governments. Liberals and conservatives alike anticipated far-reaching consequences, but what has the Republican revolution in the states achieved? Red State Blues shows that, contrary to liberals'' fears, conservative state governments have largely failed to enact policies that advance conservative goals or reverse prior liberal gains. Matt Grossmann tracks policies and socioeconomic outcomes across all 50 states, interviews state insiders, and considers the full issue agenda. Although Republicans have been effective at staying in power, they have not substantially altered the nature or reach of government. Where they have had policy victories, the consequences on the ground have been surprisingly limited. A sober assessment of Republican successes and failures after decades of electoral victories, Red State Blues highlights the stark limits of the conservative ascendancy.Trade Review'In Red State Blues, Matt Grossmann, one of the nation's most astute political scientists, challenges fundamental orthodoxy in much of academia and the media. He argues that the Republican revolution that swept over state after state at the behest of the Koch Brothers, ALEC and other architects of the insurgency was in practice of relatively minor consequence. The conservative movement ran into a brick wall the electorate's demand for public services. Grossmann demonstrates that the twenty-year political upheaval from 1994 to 2014 produced policy change only at the margins - primarily by restricting abortion providers and union organizing - while budgets and state programs continued to grow. Grossmann goes against the grain in this wise and illuminating book.' Thomas B. Edsall, The New York Times'How much did the conservative and Republican electoral revolution change actual policy in the fifty American states? Maybe not as much as you think. Matt Grossmann's Red State Blues is pretty much the perfect book on this question.' Tyler Cowen, George Mason University'If you are a liberal who despairs about the seemingly total Republican takeover of states across the country, guess what: It might not be as bad as you think. Employing creative and original research techniques, Matt Grossmann carefully demonstrates that many of the conservative movement's apparent gains are not translating into transformative policy outcomes. This book offers a series of X-Rays of our current political and ideological impasses, revealing hidden structural factors that have frustrated the grand conservative project, while allowing for under-the-radar liberal advances you didn't know were happening.' Greg Sargent, The Washington Post'… a deep, deep dive into a wealth of data analysis on state elections and their outcomes as measured in policies and their consequences.' Algernon D'Ammassa, Las Cruces Sun-News'… the book offers an insightful corrective to standard narratives in academia and elsewhere about state-level Republican policy-making.' R. J. Meagher, Choice'Journalists as well as scholars will appreciate this thorough treatment of the history and impact of primaries.' Jim Twombly, ChoiceTable of Contents1. Leviathan's resilience; 2. The rise of Republican rule; 3. Sticky liberal policymaking; 4. Conservative dilemmas in action; 5. The mostly missing results of Republican policies; 6. The elusive red state model.

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Book Synopsis'D'Ancona makes his case well... The book is well written and thoughtful' -- The Times'A heartfelt attempt to renew liberal ideals for the coming decades... How sorely our public debate needs others to express themselves similarly.' -- Henry Mance, Financial Times'An urgent and exhilarating account of how populism, prejudice & polarisation have corrupted objective truth and public discourse. D'Ancona's sparkling prose provides an explanation of how we got here and, crucially, how we might get out.' -- James O'Brien'A book so rich in thought, wisdom and persuasion I find myself sharing the ideas within it with everyone I meet... In the much-mourned absence of Christopher Hitchens, d'Ancona is fast becoming the voice of enlightenment for our bewildered age.' -- Emily Maitlis'A tonic for our times that blows open any complacency following Trump's defeat that the demise of populism and nativism is inevitable. In beautifully written prose, D'Ancona puts forward hopeful ideas and timely inspiration for a progressive politics to replace it.' -- David Lammy'A brilliant, lucid, fearless tract, just what the historical moment ordered.' -- Andrew O'Hagan'D'Ancona's regular practical suggestions help to take it beyond mere theory and into the real world... Decision-makers would do well to read it.' -- Charlotte Henry, TLS***This is a call to arms. The old tools of political analysis are obsolete - they have rusted and are no longer fit for purpose. We've grown lazy, wedded to the assumption that, after ruptures such as Brexit, the pandemic, and the rise of the populist Right, things will eventually go 'back to normal'.Award-winning political writer Matthew d'Ancona invites you to think afresh: to seek new ways of challenging political extremism, bombastic populism and democratic torpor on both Left and Right. In this ground-breaking book, he proposes a new way of understanding our era and plots a way forward. With rigorous analysis, he argues that we need to understand the world in a new way, with a framework built from the three I's: Identity, Ignorance and Innovation.Trade Review'No-one captures or explains the zeitgeist as well as Matthew d'Ancona - in fact he is the Zeitgeist Whisperer. This book nails completely the dominant forces shaping and currently breaking society with clarity, insight and, mercifully, some answers.' -- Julia Hobsbawm, founder, Editorial Intelligence and author of The Simplicity PrincipleAn urgent and exhilarating account of how populism, prejudice & polarisation have corrupted objective truth and public discourse. D'Ancona's sparkling prose provides an explanation of how we got here and, crucially, how we might get out. He clearly describes the profound dangers of seeing recent political events as temporary aberrations and cautions against complacently believing that normal service will soon resume. If civilised society is under attack, fighting back becomes a public duty. D'Ancona provides us with powerful weapons with which to do so. -- James O'BrienA book so rich in thought, wisdom and persuasion I find myself sharing the ideas within it with everyone I meet. Matthew d'Ancona tackles the (often febrile) subjects of our time with courage, moral clarity and sensitivity. His guiding narrative - that arguments must be aired, and uncensored - that pluralism of voices and perspective will bring the best freedom to choose well - raises questions of free speech, marginalisation, race and identity that are often unsettling but always electrifying. In the much-mourned absence of Christopher Hitchens, d'Ancona is fast becoming the voice of enlightenment for our bewildered age. We are lucky to have him. -- Emily Maitlis'Identity, Ignorance, Innovation is a tonic for our times that blows open any complacency following Trump's defeat that the demise of populism and nativism is inevitable. In beautifully written prose, D'Ancona puts forward hopeful ideas and timely inspiration for a progressive politics to replace it.' -- David Lammy

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Book SynopsisBureaucracy is an integral part of modern democratic polity. The modern democratic states are built upon the bureaucratic structure that undergrid these states, although there is a vast difference in bureaucratic traditions and cultures in between developed and developing democratic and democratizing societies. As a developing region, South Asia has a longstanding tradition of bureaucratic organization. The traditional bureaucracies were patrimonial in nature, where loyalty was valued more than professionalism. However, the replacement of the concept of modern rational-legal bureaucracy in traditional societies like South Asia was initiated by the colonial master rulers or imperial powers following the conceptualization of modern bureaucracy by Max Weber. Their (colonial rulers) intention was to establish a steel frame of administration in South Asia so that their hegemony remains intact even after the breakdown of colonial hegemony. Studies of democratic politics in India, the military dominated authoritarian state of Pakistan and the newly democratic state of Bangladesh have addressed this heavily in the literature of politics and administration, but far less explained the process of governance, particularly explaining the politicization of the bureaucracy in South Asia. The role of bureaucracy in governance is not a new phenomenon in the discourse of politics and administration. Irrespective of the regions and the systems of government, professional mandarins or bureaucracies (rational-legal, neutral and merit-based) are exceedingly involved in the process of governance and development, and immensely contribute to the development by serving as advisers, inventors, and decision-makers along with the elected politicians as the agent of change. Thus, a study has been carried out on the politics-bureaucracy relationship and the role of bureaucracy in governance. Yet, academics are interested to understand the nature of the relationship between politics and bureaucracy, their transition, and their mutual interaction in politics from different perspectives and academic point of view with intellectual inquiry. This monograph is with the South Asian bureaucracy, focusing on the light of politicization.

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Book SynopsisThere are various ways to understand neo-liberalism, including through the economy, politics, education, and globalisation. In this book these topics will play a role in articulating the much-debated issue of the widening gaps between the rich and the poor, the left and the right, democracy and autocracy, and the educated and left behind. The subsequent study uses data on neoliberal discourses and practices in higher educational institutions in Ghana in order to situate neoliberalism in a historical framework, as well as examine its perception in universities. The closing chapter explores the possibility of transitioning from isolated monoliths of oligopolies into an ecosystem of a modular economy that is based on small or medium, competitive, community friendly and flexible enterprises.

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Book SynopsisL.M. Findlay's elegant new translation is a work of textual and historical scholarship. Few books have had as much of an impact on modern history as The Communist Manifesto. Since it was first published in 1848, it has become the rallying cry for revolutionary movements around the world. This new Broadview edition draws on the 1888 Samuel Moore translation supervised by Engels—the standard English version in Marxist discourse—and on the original Helen Macfarlane translation into English of 1850. Throughout, Findlay draws on a variety of disciplines and maintains a broad-ranging perspective. Among the appendices are Engels' "Draft of a Communist Confession of Faith," correspondence and journalism of Marx and Engels, ten illustrations, and eight additional influential political manifestos from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.Trade ReviewL.M. Findlay's excellent translation of The Communist Manifesto, embedded in a splendid introduction and a most carefully chosen appendix of Marx and Engels pieces, superbly places this nineteenth-century classic in an extraordinary historical context. There is no other edition at the moment that can match its quality in terms of translation, and its substance in terms of historical context." - Renate Holub, Director, Interdisciplinary Studies, University of California, Berkeley"Findlay engages the reader by depicting how personal and historical events shaped the thinking of Marx and Engels. At the same time, he clarifies why Marx and Engels pursue the manifesto format, explains its historical significance as a political genre, and highlights the importance of Marxist concerns in the post-industrial, post-Cold War era. Combined with the excellent array of appendices, Findlay's translation should enrich readers' understanding of the Manifesto's historical context and help solidify their understanding of the fundamentals of Marxism." - Bryon Moraski, University of Florida"Findlay's new edition of The Communist Manifesto is very scholarly, and the additional documents are a real bonus, providing an interesting context for the work. All in all, this is an excellent edition." - Walter Adamson, Emory UniversityTable of ContentsAcknowledgementsList of IllustrationsIntroductionA Note on the TextMarx and Engels: A Brief ChronologyThe Communist ManifestoAppendix A: From Flora Tristan’s Tour de France, September 1844Appendix B: Letter from Engels to Marx, November–December 1846Appendix C: Engels, Draft of a Communist Confession of Faith, 9 June 1847Appendix D: Marx, “The Communism of the Rheinischer Beobachter,” September 1847Appendix E: Communist Journal, No. 1, September 1847Appendix F: Engels, “Principles of Communism,” late October 1847Appendix G: Letter from Engels to Marx, 23–24 November 1847Appendix H: Engels, “On the History of the Communist League,” 1885Appendix I: Engels, “The Labour Movement in America.” Preface to the American Edition of The Condition of the Working Class in England, 26 January 1887Appendix J: Engels, “Notes On My Journey Through America and Canada,” late September 1888Appendix K: Engels, “Impressions of a Journey Round America,” late September 1888Appendix L: Manifestoes The Brunswick Manifesto (1972) a. Report on the Manifestoes of the Allied Kings Against the Republic (1793)b. Reply of the National Convention to the Manifestoes of the Kings leagued against the Republic (1793) Manifesto of the Equals (1796) Manifesto of the Delegates to their Countrymen (1797) Proclamation by Robert Emmet (1803) Manifesto of the Productive Classes of Great Britain and Ireland (1833) Manifesto Addressed to the People of Canada by the Constitutional Committee on Reform and Progress (1847) “Manifesto to Europe” (1848) Further ReadingCredits

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Book SynopsisRussia In Transition Left, Right Or Center?

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Book SynopsisA major reorientation of scholarly thought about communism and contemporary social movementsTrade Review"A piece of original scholarship on a topic of great importance by one of the most profound and scholarly thinkers in the American academy! Essential reading for anyone interested in the history of communism but also for advanced students and professors concerned with the methodological problems that arise in writing any kind of history."—Bertell Ollman, Department of Politics, New York University and author of Dance of the Dialectic: Steps in Marx's MethodTable of ContentsAcknowledgments Permissions 1. Introduction: Communism, Society, and History 2. History and History's Problem 3. Issues in the Historiography of Communism, Part one—Identifying the Problem 4. Issues in the Hisoriography of Communism, Part Two: Some Principles of Critical Analysis 5. Ideology and the Metaphysics of Content 6. "Society Against the State": The Fullness of the Primitive 7. Left Futures (with Randy Martin) 8. Rethinking the Crisis of Socialism (with Randy Martin) Notes Bibliography Index

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Book SynopsisIn 2009, the artist Anna Ostoya created a booklet with textual collages using an essay by the political theorist Chantal Mouffe, 'Politics and Passions: The Stakes of Democracy' (2002). In the essay, Mouffe critiqued the then-dominant 'beyond left and right' politics of neoliberalism and warned of its dangers - the rise of right-wing populist parties. Fascinated by Mouffe's strikingly prophetic ideas, as well as her bold call to fight the status quo in order to radicalise democracy and to prevent violence, Ostoya returned to the booklet in 2019. She composed for it a series of portraits based on sketches of people on the New York City subway and on reproductions of her paintings and collages from the preceding decade. She also conducted a conversation with Mouffe about the politics of the last forty years, about the contemporary moment and about art, which is included in this publication.

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Book Synopsis"To Be Unfree" is a collection of essays investigating how political unfreedom has been and can be articulated within the republican tradition of political thought. The book combines a theoretical discussion of how freedom and its opposites have been conceptualized in the republican tradition with a broader perspective on this tradition's impact on the representation of unfreedom in Western literature and cultural history. It thus complicates our understanding of what it means to be unfree and unveils a series of distinctions which also shape our modern notions of freedom.

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Book SynopsisAcross Europe, radical right-wing parties are winning increasing electoral support. The Dark Side of European Integration argues that this rising nationalism and the mobilization of the radical right are the consequences of European economic integration. The European economic project has produced a cultural backlash in the form of nationalist radical right ideologies. This assessment relies on a detailed analysis of the electoral rise of radical right parties in Western and Eastern Europe. Contrary to popular belief, economic performance and immigration rates are not the only factors that determine the far right's success. There are other political and social factors that explain why in post-socialist Eastern European countries such parties had historically been weaker than their potential, which they have now started to fulfill increasingly. Using in-depth interviews with radical right activists in Ukraine, Alina Polyakova also explores how radical right mobilization works on the ground through social networks, allowing new insights into how social movements and political parties interact.Trade Review"Polyakova's sophisticated exploration of why and how ultra-nationalists succeed challenges widely held assumptions about the determinants of right-wing electoral support and individual radicalization. Her study is unusual in comparing the European far right beyond the borders of the EU and in including field research results from Western Ukrainian provinces. This succinct investigation should find wide attention among researchers of political extremism and will help us better understand the reasons for the current surge of xenophobia across Europe." -- Dr. Andreas Umland, Kyiv-Mohyla AcademyTable of ContentsList of Tables and FiguresAcknowledgements1: Introduction2: Radical Right Parties in Western and Eastern Europe3: How Right-Wing Mobilization Works on the Ground4: Reimagining Political Parties and Social Movements5: ConclusionBibliographyIndex

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Book SynopsisThis timely book examines far-right politics in Hungary -- but its relevance points much beyond Hungary. With its two main players, the radical right Jobbik and populist right Fidesz, it is an essentially Eastern European, European, and global phenomenon. Jobbik and Fidesz, political parties with a populist, nativist, authoritarian approach, Eastern and pro-Russian orientation, and strong anti-Western stance, are on the one hand products of the problematic transformation period that is typical for post-communist countries. But they are products of a populist Zeitgeist in the West as well, with declining trust in representative democratic and supranational institutions, politicians, experts, and the mainstream media. The rise of politicians such as Nigel Farage in the UK, Marine Le Pen in France, Norbert Hofer in Austria, and, most notably, Donald Trump in the US are clear indications of this trend. In this book, the story of Jobbik (and Fidesz), contemporary players of the Hungarian radical right scene, are not treated as separate case studies, but as representatives of broader international political trends. Far-right parties such as Jobbik (and increasingly Fidesz) are not pathologic and extraordinary, but exaggerated, seemingly pathological manifestations of normal, mainstream politics. The radical right is not the opposite and denial of the mainstream, but the sharp caricature of the changing national, and often international mainstream.

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Book SynopsisThis volume continues the series that scrutinizes, from a risk perspective, the current phenomenon of authoritarianism, as displayed by the new radical right (also known as alternative right), and whether it represents real democracy or an unacceptable hegemony potentially resulting in elected dictatorships and abuses as well as dysfunctional government and harm to many parties. The book identifies and analyzes risk issues arising from the radical-right phenomenon in many forms, including the personal safety and security of individual citizens, ethno-religious minorities, and other minorities and vulnerable groups, as well as threats to organizations, public order and national security, to democratic governance, and to international security. As chapters reveal, the cross-flow of ideological, organizational, and dark money support emanating primarily from US corporate foundations, lubricates the fusion of corporate and radical-right interests nationally, transnationally, and globally. This volume gathers contributions from eight leading academic authors and provides a detailed examination of the fusion of mutual interests between, on the one hand, powerful corporate leaders, executives, and wealthy oligarchs and, on the other, radical-right political leaders, parties and intermediary organizations promoting radical-right causes. The two worlds feed off, enable, and strengthen each other. Of particular relevance to the third decade of the 21st century is an examination of the corporate/radical-right stance on the COVID-19 pandemic and the phenomenon of wild allegations and grand conspiracy theories disseminated by the radical-right against their enemies.Trade ReviewA brilliant new volume on the sources, ideas, ideologies, networks, and activities of the Alt, Far, and Extreme Right in world and domestic politics. The book goes beyond the academic study of the Radical Right and corporate power to examine the risk to democracy that such forces pose. It is required reading if we are to understand the forces shaping domestic and world politics today. -- Professor Inderjeet Parmar, Professor of International Politics, City (University of London)"Very well put together, if rather depressing. What a sorry catalogue of loathsome characters this volume reveals. One can only hope that there are some more good people out there than this collection of sociopaths." Gavin Jones, social and political commentator, columnist, and author of A Mental State"An exciting and remarkable read. This book makes an excellent and objective historical journey across the first two decades of this century. Two decades filled with propaganda and hate dissemination, mainly fuelled by the global reach of the internet and social media." The book charts "the rise of the 'Mega Powerful Corporations' and how their collective influence over holding personal data, and providing a platform for extremist terrorists and other criminals to promote their beliefs and activities, ultimately facilitates the dissemination of false facts and fake news." The chapters on negative and positive leadership are "incredibly eye-opening." Socrates Coudounaris, Executive Director of Risk (EMEA), Reinsurance Group of America"Very informative in terms of the authoritarianism aspects and radical-right details. The volume offers a diverse reading and learning in the breadth of the radical-right ideology, whilst proposing strategies and solutions for the challenges ahead. It promotes a response that emphasizes the development of democratic values, scientifically informed education and principles, promotion of social responsibility, and balanced positive leadership. An important and provoking piece of work." Dr Nathan Brooks, Senior Lecturer & Consultant Forensic Psychologist, Central Queensland University, Australia"The arguments felt very persuasive and well-articulated, namely that authoritarianism in radical-right politics and in corporations are the same phenomenon and work together for shared interests." Dr Nicolas Bichay, Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Michigan State UniversityTable of ContentsForeword; Introduction: Corporate Authoritarianism, the Radical Right, and Risk; Part 1: The Authoritarian Nature of the Corporate/ Radical-Right Axis; Part 2: Perspectives on the Corporate/Radical-Right Axis; Part 3: Conclusion; About the Editor and Authors; Index.

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Book SynopsisTurkey fell subject to the gravest treachery in the history of the Republic. An attempt to make a ferocious coup on 15 July 2016 was carried out by this movement of betrayal, which was carefully planned for almost fifty years by foreign powers, sources of evil and their domestic collaborators, this movement of betrayal that was advanced by using all kinds of deceits and means, and this movement of betrayal that expanded step by step through abusing the trust and the virtuous intention of our people and all the Muslims. Their true aim was to create a chaotic situation by eliminating the President of the Republic, who was directly elected by the people, the Government and the Grand Turkish National Assembly. Thus, they wanted to prepare an environment susceptible to foreign intervention and, henceforth an invasion. The past and the present of this activity of treachery committed by the Fethullahist Terrorist Organization is presented in detail in this book.

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Book Synopsis1980s. Ibrahimpatnam, Telangana, South India. Landless dalits are caught between a reddy and a hard place. The wealthy reddys are like movie villains, brandishing whips and guns. Enter Gita Ramaswamy, thirty years old. In her teens, Gita had escaped the brahminical clutches of her family that tried to cure her of Naxalism with shock treatment and sedation. She has endured the horrors of the Emergency. She is disillusioned. But not without hope. Gita starts living with the agricultural labourers. They are in bondage, cheated out of land and all rights. They are in the mood to fight. Together, they take on the tyrannical landlords who brutalized the villages for generations. A revolution without a gun is in the making. Gita writes with relentless self-reflexivity. This is as much a story of struggles and victories as it is a testimony of personal failings and regrets

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Book SynopsisTells the compelling story of how the American conservative movement in the two decades following World War 2 managed to move from obscurity to the centre stage of national politics. When Dwight D Eisenhower in 1952 defeated the conservative champion Robert Taft and won the Republican presidential nomination, many on the American right felt that they had become homeless within the established party system. The brand of liberalism which permeated the nation''s intellectual life had also become bipartisan political doctrine. The feeling of cultural and political ostracism triggered a quest for an independent conservative network of organizations, with the hope of either ''taking back'' the Republican Party or creating a viable alternative. The first part of Right Face recounts the often bitter struggle to define the meaning of conservatism in modem America. Part two concerns the search for influential national outlets for conservative opinion, whereas part three focuses on the movement''s actual plunge into electoral politics -- not least on its well-planned takeover of the Republican Party machinery in 1964 and the resulting presidential nomination of Senator Barry Goldwater. An epilogue attempts to trace main currents in the evolution of American conservatism since the 1960s, as well as to assess the extent to which American conservatives have managed to create the ''Counter-Establishment'' they set out to create more than half a century ago. In a sense the conservatives actually set out on two different quests: one was for intellectual respectability; the other was for political power. As this study reveals, the two goals were not always compatible. Based on extensive archival sources, RIGHT FACE provides an incisive analysis of the conservative movement and the forces that shaped it. With its blending of intellectual and organizational developments, it adds an important chapter to the history of American political culture in the 20th century.

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Book SynopsisThis special issue of Cinéma & Cie aims to investigate the relationship between national cinemas and trans-national Maoism(s).

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Book SynopsisNehru''s influence stretched beyond the Freedom Movement and the political and bureaucratic boundaries of prime ministerhood. A man of letters, it was Nehru who initiated the setting up of the Sahitya Akademi devoted to literature, the National School of Drama and the National Institute of Design; just as, in the field of technology and business management, he established the Indian Institutes of Technology and the Indian Institutes of Management across the country. He was equally the force behind the setting up of dams and factories, which he regarded as the temples of modern India. Today, the four key dimensions of Indian nationhood, as conceived and implemented by Nehru democracy, secularism, socialism and non-alignment have altered to a point where they have changed almost beyond recognition or even abandoned altogether. As the debate continues between Nehru''s supporters who believe in his enduring contribution, and his detractors who attempt to deny it, the definitive word, perhaps, comes from Nayantara Sahgal, who says in her Introduction, No Nehru, no modern India. The ground we stand on was laid in Nehru''s time. This volume brings together an examination of the different aspects of Nehru''s personality and his legacy by some of our foremost thinkers, writers and activists: Mani Shankar Aiyar, Kumar Ketkar, Aditya and Mridula Mukherjee, Shiv Visvanathan, Rakesh Batabyal, Gopalkrishna Gandhi, Hartosh Bal, Aakar Patel, Kiran Nagarkar, Purushottam Agrawal, Syeda Hameed, Ramachandra Guha, Neera Chandhoke and Shabnam Hashmi

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Book SynopsisIt is the state where Mayawati, who sought to create a new 'umbrella party' with a Dalit core, and later, Narendra Modi, attracted a section of Dalits into the saffron fold.

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Book SynopsisBharat: India 2.0 is a brilliant vision for the nation by one of India''s most prominent scientists. Through a meticulous analysis of the proceedings of the Constituent Assembly, Prof. Desiraju demonstrates the limitations of the Westminster model of governance for a country that has nurtured the longest extant human civilization. Specifically, the Indian Constitution of 1950, with its subsequent amendments, has many fault lines related to federalism, secularism and caste-based reservations that will lead to problems in the future. Going beyond conventional analyses, Desiraju argues for changes that acknowledge the civilizational aspects of a deeply religious country and proposes a unique solution to this problem. Padma Shri Subhash Kak (Scientist, Indologist, Vedic Scholar)

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Book SynopsisIt elucidates how the concept of puritan Islam becomes a powerful source for the Islamic organisations to preach, propagate and network the gospel of Islamic terrorism and how and why the moderate voices from the Islamic communities have failed to respond to these challenges.

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Book SynopsisAntizionism - the opposition to Zionism and the state of Israel - has progressed at a breath-taking speed. Whether it be at the United nations, in the Middle East, on campuses, in the mass-media or elsewhere, Antizionism has become a very topical subject that has engendered passionate debates. Paradoxically, the study of Antizionism has remained in its infancy and this book is the first attempt to examine the subject as a global phenomenon on a more comprehensive and systematic level. The author examines in great detail the controversial subject of the relationship between Antizionism and Antisemitism. The various Antizionist ideologies and their leading proponents are discussed one by one. A whole section is devoted to an analysis of the means used by Antizionist campaigners. Dr Stellman''s ground-breaking and thought-provoking study is a work meant to provide easily accessible reference for those encountering Antizionism, either as activists or professionals. To that aim, the book contains definitions, list of resources, revision questions, training exercises and discussion points.

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Book SynopsisThis book deals with the disinformation on Turkeys failed coup attempt in July 2016. The night of 15 July 2016 was long for Turkey. A military coup was in action. Some soldiers -- also known as FETÖ terrorists -- declared a military takeover on national TV, holding the trembling anchorwoman at gun point while tanks rolled in the streets, bulldozing cars and civilians alike, helicopters rained down bullets on unsuspecting protestors; access to the Bosporus Bridge was blocked, fighter jets began to fly very low, Turkish Parliament was bombed with impunity. With the dawn, it became apparent the perpetrators of the nights bloody coup attempt had destroyed many government buildings and killed some 250 people and wounded more than 2000. Turks unprecedented bravery and sacrifice in defense of democracy, freedom, and country against a military intervention was an exemplary act of civil defense, but it is seldom recognized or appreciated as such in the mainstream Western media.

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Book Synopsis

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