Democracy Books

Book SynopsisOriginal, engaging, and authoritative, this study has much to say about the political climate in Prague after the downfall of communism, and makes insightful conclusions about the factors that contributed to present political circumstances in the region.

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Book SynopsisThis bold and comprehensive reassessment of democracy in Venezuela explains why one of the oldest and most admired democracies in Latin America has become fragile after more than three decades of apparent stability.Trade Review"Coppedge has written what may well be the best book ever published on political party behavior in Latin America; it is extensively researched, methodologically sophisticated, tightly argued, and well written. . . . The author demonstrates a mastery not only of Venezuelan and Latin American literature, but also the major theoretical works on party behavior. . . . The work is particularly noteworthy in linking political party behavior to the wider political system, along with suggesting policy changes to enhance the quality of democratic government. But even more significantly, the book is bold and imaginative in the sense that it challenges prevailing scholarship on party behavior and undoubtedly will provoke controversy." -- American Political Science Review"Coppedge provides a wealth of data from extensive interviews with party elites, thereby shedding light on factionalism and internal clientelism. There is great richness in his treatment of Acción Democrática, which is the major focus for his investigation. . . . The book provides insights which merit testing in other countries." -- ChoiceTable of ContentsContents 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. Appendix:

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Book SynopsisThrough a comparative analysis of the political Left and social movements in Chile and Peru, this book explores the structural and institutional forces which have limited the scope and quality of democracy in contemporary Latin America.Trade Review"Deepening Democracy?. . . . is [an] impressive work. . . . [It] represents a new phase in the study of democracy in [Chile and Peru]."—Latin American Research Review"Deepening Democracy is at its core a masterful explanation of the distinctive dilemmas of the Peruvian and Chilean democratic regimes in the neoliberal era."—Comparative Political StudiesTable of ContentsContents 1. Part I 2. 3. Part II 4. 5. 6. Part III 7. 8. 9.

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Book SynopsisAs the first comprehensive effort to view the modern class action through the lenses of American constitutional and political theory, this book contends that the procedural device needs to be substantially modified to prevent it from violating key constitutional and democratic precepts.Trade Review"With an innovative framework and readable style, Professor Redish has produced a book that will undoubtedly restructure the nature of the class action debate such that it will more fully account for the 'procedure's impact on the nation's political and constitutional foundations'." -- Harvard Law Review"Although much has been written about class actions, this book is original and enormously important. No one else has analyzed the class action from the perspective of political and democratic theory. All who write about class actions, whatever their perspective, will need to consider and address this provocative work. It is a superb book and a huge contribution to theliterature." -- Erwin Chemerinsky * University of California, Irvine *"Widely regarded as one of the most important federal courts scholars of the past quarter century, Redish is also a leading figure in constitutional law. In this convincing, dramatic work, he has fused his fields of expertise in a unique effort to address the class action in terms of democratic theory. He makes a startlingly strong case that class practice undermines significant notions of democratic accountability and raises serious questions about underlying democratic values." -- Richard D. Freer * Emory University *

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Book SynopsisThe essays in this book analyze and explain the crisis of democratic representation in Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, and Venezuela.Trade Review"Why Representation Fails is an important work covering issues concerning the Andean countries that previous scholarship has addressed insufficiently. At the book's core is a concern for the role of political parties in sustaining and enhancing the capacity of democratic institutions to represent citizen interests and serve the public."—Jorge Dominguez, Harvard University"No other book provides such depth on the contemporary shortcomings of elections, parties, and legislatures in the Andean region. This volume furnishes a fresh, coherent conceptual framework for dealing with the issue of democratic representation—an approach that could be applied to many other nations." —Paul Drake, University of California, San DiegoTable of Contents@fmct:Contents @toc4:List of Tables and Figures iii Acknowledgments iii List of Contributors iii @toc2:1. The Crisis of Democratic Representation in the Andes: An Overview 1 @tocca:Scott Mainwaring, Ana Maria Bejarano, and Eduardo Pizarro Leongomez @toc1:Part I: Party Systems, Political Outsiders, and the Crisis of Democratic Representation @toc2:2. From Crisis to Collapse of the Party Systems and Dilemmas of Democratic Representation: Peru and Venezuela 000 @tocca:Martin Tanaka @toc2:3. Giants with Feet of Clay: Political Parties in Colombia 000 @tocca:Eduardo Pizarro Leongomez @toc2:4. Ecuador: The Provincialization of Representation @tocca:Simon Pachano 000 @toc2:5. Outsiders and Neopopulism: The Road to Plebiscitary Democracy 000 @tocca:Ren' Antonio Mayorga @toc1:Part II: Decentralization, Legislatures, and Democratic Representation @toc2:6. Decentralized Politics and Political Outcomes in the Andes 000 @tocca:Kathleen O'Neill @toc2:7. The Nature of Representation in Andean Legislatures and Attempts at Institutional Reengineering 000 @tocca:Brian F. Crisp @toc1:Part III: Popular Politics and the Crisis of Democratic Representation @toc2:8. Urban Citizen Movements and Disempowerment in Peru and Venezuela 000 @tocca:Daniel H. Levine and Catalina Romero @toc2:9. Indigenous Politics in the Andes: Changing Patterns of Recognition, Reform, and Representation 000 @tocca:Deborah J. Yashar Part IV: Conclusion @toc2:10. State Deficiencies, Party Competition, and Confidence in Democratic Representation in the Andes 000 @tocca:Scott Mainwaring @toc4:Index 000

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Book SynopsisThis book reveals and analyzes the ways in which highly contested, deeply divided urban space can generate opportunities for negotiation and new alliances over freedoms and rights.Trade Review"Analyzing new splits and alliances in Turkish socio-political, Berna Turam's inspiring book provides insights on power, resistance, and ideology, as well as their interactions in everyday life. A very timely book."—Ahmet T. Kuru, San Diego State University, author of Secularism and State Policies toward Religion: The United States, France, and Turkey"This exciting book tells the story of how cities can encourage an ethos of democracy and solidarity, enabling divided residents to resist authoritarian states and their ideological dogma. Drawing on the life-worlds of Turkish citizens in Istanbul and Turkish residents in Berlin, Gaining Freedoms represents one of the best treatments of the spatiality of politics in the context of the Middle East."—Asef Bayat, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, author of Life as Politics: How Ordinary People Change the Middle East"In Gaining Freedoms, Berna Turam brilliantly illuminates the spatiality of freedom and the manifold links between space and democracy in Istanbul and Berlin. She provides an invaluable service to the interdisciplinary and politically urgent task of thinking through claims for the right to space wherever they occur."—Tim Cresswell, Northeastern University" ... this is a valuable book both for its rich ethnographic approach and for presenting an alternative, microlevel perspective to think about what democratization entails and how it can progress."'—Paul Kubicek, American Journal of SociologyTable of ContentsContents and AbstractsIntroduction: The City and the Government chapter abstractThe introduction sets up the urban puzzle that motivates this book. It discusses the two major urban protests that defined contemporary Turkish politics: the Republican Marches in 2007 and the Taksim-Gezi Protests in 2013. Against the backdrop of literature on polarization between Islamists and the secularists, the research reveals deep fault lines among the secular residents over the accommodation of the Muslim ways of life. It analyzes the rise of new and often unconventional alliances, and the formation of spontaneous bonds that crosscut the previously taken-for-granted fault lines between the devout and secularist residents. 1Between State Spaces and Autonomous Places chapter abstractAfter discussing the nation-building period and its impact on urban space, particularly Istanbul, Chapter 1 presents the historical background of the interaction between Istanbul metropolitan and the Turkish state. Selectively engaging debates and existing theories on how state authority and autonomy of urban space encounter each other, Chapter 1 points to the disproportional use of force and encroachment of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) on urban life in major cities, particularly Istanbul. Highlighting AKP's highly contested encroachment on Istanbul's historic sites, the chapter links urban and political studies–two fields that conventionally talk past each other. It questions earlier literature that privileged socio-economic approaches at the cost of the political. Part 1: On Neighborhood Politics chapter abstractThe main goal of Part 1 is to explore how Teşvikiye, an upscale downtown Istanbul neighborhood, has increasingly become an attraction for outsiders and newcomers, while many of its affluent longtime residents left for the expensive gated communities on the outskirts of Istanbul. The ethnography illustrates the ways in which this spatial shift facilitated the inclusion of the pious visitors and the newcomer residents who did not mind the daily contact and cohabitation with masses of "pious strangers." 2A Neighborhood Divided by Lifestyle chapter abstractAfter a brief introduction of the neighborhood as a political site of contestation, Chapter 2 illustrates and analyzes the street-level confrontation in the neighborhood. The ethnography delineates the fault lines by identifying the major issues and conflicts in Teşvikiye. 3Affinities in the Zones of Freedom chapter abstractChapter 3 reveals the emergence of political cooperation and alliance out of these contested neighborly sites. It analyzes how the inclusive residents have become "committed participants" in the street-level contestations. The chapter argues that by dissociating both from the pious visitors and from the secularist old-timer residents, these predominantly middle class newcomers form a free zone of negotiation and compromise. By doing so, they contribute to the development of democratic and civil practices in the neighborhood and beyond. The chapter differentiates the politics of the newcomers from the urban or radical democracy because the local players in Teşvikiye, who propel democratization, are neither activists nor volunteers in any grassroots mobilization. Nor do they participate in local governance. To the contrary, the politics of these new inhabitants is in their presence and the way they live, utilize, and often unintentionally transform the urban space according to their lifestyle. Part 2: On Campus Politics chapter abstractThe short introduction to Part 2 releals the university campus as a contested political site. 4Fault Lines on Campus chapter abstractChapter 4 illustrates the political divides among and between faculty, students, and high-level administration in the University of Freedom (henceforth UF), the most liberal campus in Istanbul. First, the chapter overviews the socio-political transformation of the UF campus over the last two decades. It then documents how in the wake of the infamous presidential crisis in 2007 in Turkey, the UF campus went through its own local presidential crisis. 5New Coalitions in Safe Zones chapter abstractChapter 5 analyzes how the campus, unlike the parliament, accommodates vocal dissent and thereby generates a strong and vocal solidarity against the violation of freedom, privacy, and minority rights. By illustrating the chain events and deepening fault lines over these issues since 2008, the chapter shows that what is being negotiated at the UF is not Islamism versus secularism but individual freedoms, civil liberties, and rights. The UF campus regenerates prompt alliances against freedom violations, such as unsubstantiated detention of academics and students, regardless of whether liberties were suffocated by religious or secularist authoritarianism. The chapter ends by situating the UF politics into the recent nation-wide campus riots against the AKP. Part 3: On "Ethnic" Neighborhood chapter abstractPart 3 analyzes the politics of space in an ethnically concentrated neighborhood, the so-called Turkish neighborhood Kreuzberg in Berlin, at a time when Islamophobia and exclusion and discrimination against Muslim immigrants peaked in Europe. 6Kreuzberg's Divided Diaspora chapter abstractBy revealing the deep splits in the "ethnic neighborhood," Chapter 6 traces the ways in which the divisive political issues of immigrant-sending Turkey and immigrant-receiving Germany collide and entangle in the diasporic space. In analyzing the urban divides and contestation, this chapter shifts the focus from predominant debates of integration to the primacy of the meeting points of conflicts from home- and host land. The ethnography on Kreuzberg with its largest Turkish diaspora makes it possible to engage in debates on broader issues of Muslims in Europe. 7Emerging Solidarities in Immigrant Zones chapter abstractChapter 7 analyzes the ways in which an ethnic neighborhood generates new affinities and shared lifestyles between immigrant and native residents. It argues that instead of undermining integration because of residential segregation, Kreuzberg nourishes a new urbanism. Rather than occasioning mixed networks, however, this urbanism leads to mutual accommodation between previously excluded or marginalized groups in Germany—the Turkish immigrants, the LGBT, and the former anarchists of the Autonomous Movement. Concretely, these former "outcasts" with current alternative lifestyles share an aversion towards: a) the exclusive forms of German nationalism (epitomized by the Leitkultur), and b) the discriminating attitudes and policies against LGBT and other minorities. As a result of these shared feelings, the Kreuzbergers developed a deep sense of belonging to their neighborhood. Conclusion: Unified Opposition to the Divided Supremacy of the AKP chapter abstractThe concluding chapter studies the power of splits that is generated by new alliances and rises above old ideological divides. After a brief discussion of the Gezi protests and their aftermath, it maintains that democratic contestation in the city succeeds as long as the splits and alliances continue where they were born. The second part of the conclusion points to the recent rivalries, disagreement, and distrust that divide pious Muslims, which are comparable to the divides among the secularists analyzed in the book. Of great importance are the splits among the pious Muslim elite across various branches of the state, such as the parliament and the police. Paradoxically, the political distrust that divides the residents within the presumably homogenous Muslim and secular camps helps democratic institutions flourish as it gives people an incentive to rely more on political institutions than on their own community.

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Book SynopsisThis book reveals and analyzes the ways in which highly contested, deeply divided urban space can generate opportunities for negotiation and new alliances over freedoms and rights.Trade Review"Analyzing new splits and alliances in Turkish socio-political, Berna Turam's inspiring book provides insights on power, resistance, and ideology, as well as their interactions in everyday life. A very timely book."—Ahmet T. Kuru, San Diego State University, author of Secularism and State Policies toward Religion: The United States, France, and Turkey"This exciting book tells the story of how cities can encourage an ethos of democracy and solidarity, enabling divided residents to resist authoritarian states and their ideological dogma. Drawing on the life-worlds of Turkish citizens in Istanbul and Turkish residents in Berlin, Gaining Freedoms represents one of the best treatments of the spatiality of politics in the context of the Middle East."—Asef Bayat, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, author of Life as Politics: How Ordinary People Change the Middle East"In Gaining Freedoms, Berna Turam brilliantly illuminates the spatiality of freedom and the manifold links between space and democracy in Istanbul and Berlin. She provides an invaluable service to the interdisciplinary and politically urgent task of thinking through claims for the right to space wherever they occur."—Tim Cresswell, Northeastern University" ... this is a valuable book both for its rich ethnographic approach and for presenting an alternative, microlevel perspective to think about what democratization entails and how it can progress."'—Paul Kubicek, American Journal of SociologyTable of ContentsContents and AbstractsIntroduction: The City and the Government chapter abstractThe introduction sets up the urban puzzle that motivates this book. It discusses the two major urban protests that defined contemporary Turkish politics: the Republican Marches in 2007 and the Taksim-Gezi Protests in 2013. Against the backdrop of literature on polarization between Islamists and the secularists, the research reveals deep fault lines among the secular residents over the accommodation of the Muslim ways of life. It analyzes the rise of new and often unconventional alliances, and the formation of spontaneous bonds that crosscut the previously taken-for-granted fault lines between the devout and secularist residents. 1Between State Spaces and Autonomous Places chapter abstractAfter discussing the nation-building period and its impact on urban space, particularly Istanbul, Chapter 1 presents the historical background of the interaction between Istanbul metropolitan and the Turkish state. Selectively engaging debates and existing theories on how state authority and autonomy of urban space encounter each other, Chapter 1 points to the disproportional use of force and encroachment of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) on urban life in major cities, particularly Istanbul. Highlighting AKP's highly contested encroachment on Istanbul's historic sites, the chapter links urban and political studies–two fields that conventionally talk past each other. It questions earlier literature that privileged socio-economic approaches at the cost of the political. Part 1: On Neighborhood Politics chapter abstractThe main goal of Part 1 is to explore how Teşvikiye, an upscale downtown Istanbul neighborhood, has increasingly become an attraction for outsiders and newcomers, while many of its affluent longtime residents left for the expensive gated communities on the outskirts of Istanbul. The ethnography illustrates the ways in which this spatial shift facilitated the inclusion of the pious visitors and the newcomer residents who did not mind the daily contact and cohabitation with masses of "pious strangers." 2A Neighborhood Divided by Lifestyle chapter abstractAfter a brief introduction of the neighborhood as a political site of contestation, Chapter 2 illustrates and analyzes the street-level confrontation in the neighborhood. The ethnography delineates the fault lines by identifying the major issues and conflicts in Teşvikiye. 3Affinities in the Zones of Freedom chapter abstractChapter 3 reveals the emergence of political cooperation and alliance out of these contested neighborly sites. It analyzes how the inclusive residents have become "committed participants" in the street-level contestations. The chapter argues that by dissociating both from the pious visitors and from the secularist old-timer residents, these predominantly middle class newcomers form a free zone of negotiation and compromise. By doing so, they contribute to the development of democratic and civil practices in the neighborhood and beyond. The chapter differentiates the politics of the newcomers from the urban or radical democracy because the local players in Teşvikiye, who propel democratization, are neither activists nor volunteers in any grassroots mobilization. Nor do they participate in local governance. To the contrary, the politics of these new inhabitants is in their presence and the way they live, utilize, and often unintentionally transform the urban space according to their lifestyle. Part 2: On Campus Politics chapter abstractThe short introduction to Part 2 releals the university campus as a contested political site. 4Fault Lines on Campus chapter abstractChapter 4 illustrates the political divides among and between faculty, students, and high-level administration in the University of Freedom (henceforth UF), the most liberal campus in Istanbul. First, the chapter overviews the socio-political transformation of the UF campus over the last two decades. It then documents how in the wake of the infamous presidential crisis in 2007 in Turkey, the UF campus went through its own local presidential crisis. 5New Coalitions in Safe Zones chapter abstractChapter 5 analyzes how the campus, unlike the parliament, accommodates vocal dissent and thereby generates a strong and vocal solidarity against the violation of freedom, privacy, and minority rights. By illustrating the chain events and deepening fault lines over these issues since 2008, the chapter shows that what is being negotiated at the UF is not Islamism versus secularism but individual freedoms, civil liberties, and rights. The UF campus regenerates prompt alliances against freedom violations, such as unsubstantiated detention of academics and students, regardless of whether liberties were suffocated by religious or secularist authoritarianism. The chapter ends by situating the UF politics into the recent nation-wide campus riots against the AKP. Part 3: On "Ethnic" Neighborhood chapter abstractPart 3 analyzes the politics of space in an ethnically concentrated neighborhood, the so-called Turkish neighborhood Kreuzberg in Berlin, at a time when Islamophobia and exclusion and discrimination against Muslim immigrants peaked in Europe. 6Kreuzberg's Divided Diaspora chapter abstractBy revealing the deep splits in the "ethnic neighborhood," Chapter 6 traces the ways in which the divisive political issues of immigrant-sending Turkey and immigrant-receiving Germany collide and entangle in the diasporic space. In analyzing the urban divides and contestation, this chapter shifts the focus from predominant debates of integration to the primacy of the meeting points of conflicts from home- and host land. The ethnography on Kreuzberg with its largest Turkish diaspora makes it possible to engage in debates on broader issues of Muslims in Europe. 7Emerging Solidarities in Immigrant Zones chapter abstractChapter 7 analyzes the ways in which an ethnic neighborhood generates new affinities and shared lifestyles between immigrant and native residents. It argues that instead of undermining integration because of residential segregation, Kreuzberg nourishes a new urbanism. Rather than occasioning mixed networks, however, this urbanism leads to mutual accommodation between previously excluded or marginalized groups in Germany—the Turkish immigrants, the LGBT, and the former anarchists of the Autonomous Movement. Concretely, these former "outcasts" with current alternative lifestyles share an aversion towards: a) the exclusive forms of German nationalism (epitomized by the Leitkultur), and b) the discriminating attitudes and policies against LGBT and other minorities. As a result of these shared feelings, the Kreuzbergers developed a deep sense of belonging to their neighborhood. Conclusion: Unified Opposition to the Divided Supremacy of the AKP chapter abstractThe concluding chapter studies the power of splits that is generated by new alliances and rises above old ideological divides. After a brief discussion of the Gezi protests and their aftermath, it maintains that democratic contestation in the city succeeds as long as the splits and alliances continue where they were born. The second part of the conclusion points to the recent rivalries, disagreement, and distrust that divide pious Muslims, which are comparable to the divides among the secularists analyzed in the book. Of great importance are the splits among the pious Muslim elite across various branches of the state, such as the parliament and the police. Paradoxically, the political distrust that divides the residents within the presumably homogenous Muslim and secular camps helps democratic institutions flourish as it gives people an incentive to rely more on political institutions than on their own community.

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Book SynopsisTrade Review"In this second edition of Democracy and Political Ignorance, Ilya Somin significantly strengthens his already compelling case for a more limited government. He elegantly persuades readers to embrace the implications of pervasive, problematic, and oft-times entirely rational voter ignorance. The relevance of this book can't be exaggerated. Professionals and non-specialists alike interested in the intersection of political science, political philosophy, and epistemology should find Democracy and Political Ignorance a very rewarding read."—Christopher Robichaud, Harvard Kennedy School of Government"The first edition was an excellent work, with ... powerful rebuttals to various 'wisdom of the crowd' theories, and a series of plausible proposals for how to reduce the damage political ignorance can do..Somin's work is a must-read for anyone wanting to understand the pathologies of American democracy or what we can do about it ..... The second edition contains a number of important updates .... includ[ing] data from recent elections... and a good response to defenders of sortition."—Jason Brennan, Georgetown University, author of The Ethics of Voting.Table of ContentsIntroduction 1. The Extent of Political Ignorance 2. Do Voters Know Enough? 3. The Rationality of Political Ignorance 4. The Shortcomings of Shortcuts 5. Foot Voting vs. Ballot Box Voting 6. Political Ignorance and Judicial Review 7. Can Voter Knowledge Be Increased? Conclusion

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Book SynopsisTrade Review"No Miracles<\i> is a readable and valuable contribution to the existing body of work about the Soviet-Afghan War. It is a must and relevant read for international security practitioners and scholars because its conclusions have implications for civil-military relations and strategy for the current war in Afghanistan, which is a protracted stalemate." -- Robert Cassidy * The Russian Review *"Fenzel's analysis offers a valuable reassessment of earlier studies....This well-researched analysis is strongly recommended to students, researchers, and policy makers—military and civilian." -- R.P. Peters * CHOICE *Table of ContentsContents and Abstracts1Introduction chapter abstractThis book analyzes the decisions made by the Soviet Politburo, which contributed to the failure of the Afghan mission, in light of these three general issues. The focus is not on the bureaucratic character of the decision-making process itself, but rather on its results: the concrete decisions that defined the USSR's Afghan policy and strategy throughout the conflict. Utilizing the minutes of Politburo meetings from the period in question (1978–1989) as a basis for evaluating the interaction between key members of the Politburo over the issue of Afghanistan provides a critical perspective on how the Soviet-Afghan War began, how it was fought, and how and why it was ultimately lost. Analyzing the war by focusing on the interrelated issues of Soviet civil-military relations, leadership instability, and concerns about prestige sheds new light on how the Soviet Union failed. 2The Soviet Failure in Afghanistan chapter abstractThe primary responsibility for Soviet failure in Afghanistan begins at the center of power in Moscow. It is essential to take account of the decisions made by Soviet political leaders before and during the war. The decision to remain in Afghanistan after achieving the initial objective of regime change in 1979 was made not by Soviet military leaders or diplomats, but by Leonid Brezhnev. Continued occupation was reaffirmed by subsequent General Secretaries until Mikhail Gorbachev finally ordered a withdrawal in February 1989. There is no current explanation for this dimension of the Soviet failure. Instead, the focus has been on specific stages of the war, from initial intervention through the occupation and withdrawal. This book makes the argument that Soviet failure at the political level was attributable to a civil-military divide, the rapid succession of leadership, and a persistent fear of damaging the USSR's international reputation. 3Setting the stage: Evolution of Party-military Relations chapter abstractIn the decades before the invasion, the Soviets over-estimated their capacity to invade Afghanistan and create a pro-Soviet government with the ability to convert the population to socialism. There seemed to be no disagreement about these goals and strategies between Soviet party leaders and the military, nor about the need to create strategic buffers on the USSR's frontiers. Soviet civil-military relations had also benefitted from a generally stable transfer of power from one General Secretary to the next, as well as the international prestige of being a superpower inherited in the wake of World War II, reinforced by nuclear weapons and an extremely powerful conventional army. The invasion of Afghanistan occurred at a time when the USSR appeared to be at the height of its military power and international influence, and at a time of generally friction-free civil-military relations. 4Getting In: Leonid Brezhnev and the Soviet Decision to Invade Afghanistan chapter abstractIn a spasm of nineteenth century geopolitical determinism, the Western media mistakenly believed that the Soviet goal in Afghanistan was either to obtain access to a warm-water port or to dominate oil interests in the Persian Gulf. Moscow's aim was actually pure cold war—-prevent Afghanistan from providing a base for American meddling in the region, or from succumbing to an Iran-style Islamic revolution that might contaminate the USSR's own Muslim population and potentially destabilize parts of the USSR. The Soviets had provided substantial foreign aid and military assistance to Afghanistan over the years, which reinforced their belief that they simply could not afford to lose the country to an Islamist revolution abetted by Washington. The Soviets did not see an independent Afghanistan as dangerous; but they expected that it would remain a stable and friendly client state that they could protect from antagonistic ideological and political influences. 5No retreatNo miracles: Brezhnev, Andropov and Chernenko in Afghanistan (1980 – 1985) chapter abstractThe instability in the Soviet system from one General Secretary to the next in 1980–1985 prevented any political or diplomatic momentum from building. The first act of each new General Secretary was not going to be bringing home the troops and accepting defeat. After five years of conflict, the damage inflicted to the Soviets' international reputation far exceeded the destruction on the ground and casualties in their ranks. The Afghanistan campaign was also having a significantly negative impact on the prestige of the Soviet Army. The Red Army lost its image of invincibility. The image of defeat slowly imprinted itself into the Soviet public mind, including the minds of soldiers and officers who served in Afghanistan. Both domestically and internationally, and in advance of the start of Gorbachev's rule, the Soviet Union suffered far beyond what they expected or yet even fully understood. 6Gorbachev's Quest for "Reluctant, Silent Agreement" to Withdraw from Afghanistan (1985) chapter abstractWhen Gorbachev took over as General Secretary in March 1985, his agenda was to modernize the Soviet economy so that the communist regime might sustain itself and its international prestige. However, before the new General Secretary could do this, he had first to resolve the situation in Afghanistan. In the wake of Chernenko's death, Gorbachev sought to re-evaluate Moscow's Afghan commitment. Disturbed by the failure of the Soviet military to consolidate gains after five years of fighting and unmet promises, he was anxious to withdraw Soviet forces. Nevertheless, he preferred to move slowly on Afghanistan, and settle into office by first dealing with other less contentious issues. He was not yet, nor could he afford to be, the visionary and radical reformer he would later become, so initially he deviated very little from existing Afghan policy and strategy. 7Getting Out: Gorbachev and the Soviet Withdrawal from Afghanistan (1986-1989) chapter abstractMikhail Gorbachev recognized that a Soviet military victory in Afghanistan was a chimera, and began to explore an expeditious political exit from the war. On February 26 1986, in a dramatic presentation to the 27th Soviet Communist Party Congress, Gorbachev made his case for war termination. Afghanistan, he told them, was a "bleeding wound." The protracted conflict was damaging Soviet morale and political will. The Soviet military had forced resistance fighters onto the defensive, but the political struggle for Afghanistan was irretrievably compromised. The Afghan people and international opinion unequivocally supported a resistance that, although beleaguered, endured in the mountains and villages with grim determination. He declared his intention to immediately develop a detailed timeline for withdrawal and he made clear that the Afghan government must prepare for a future without direct Soviet military assistance. The central question addressed in this chapter is: what took him so long? 8Losing Afghanistan chapter abstractBy the end of the adventure in Afghanistan, after nearly ten years of fighting, the Soviets realized that they had accomplished very little. Like the British before them, the Soviets had moved confidently into Afghanistan in order to thwart challenges from developing on the borders of their empire. They never considered the consequences of a failed invasion, indeed the decisions they made governing the war reflected confidence to the point of hubris. What was more interesting still, intervention actually degraded the political, strategic and military status of Afghanistan from Moscow's perspective, or at the very least, failed to improve it. The Soviet war proved to be a political mistake, an economic affliction, and a strategic failure, which had dire consequences in the context of a USSR in the throes of systemic failure and faltering legitimacy.

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Book SynopsisTrade Review"In this second edition of Democracy and Political Ignorance, Ilya Somin significantly strengthens his already compelling case for a more limited government. He elegantly persuades readers to embrace the implications of pervasive, problematic, and oft-times entirely rational voter ignorance. The relevance of this book can't be exaggerated. Professionals and non-specialists alike interested in the intersection of political science, political philosophy, and epistemology should find Democracy and Political Ignorance a very rewarding read."—Christopher Robichaud, Harvard Kennedy School of Government"The first edition was an excellent work, with ... powerful rebuttals to various 'wisdom of the crowd' theories, and a series of plausible proposals for how to reduce the damage political ignorance can do..Somin's work is a must-read for anyone wanting to understand the pathologies of American democracy or what we can do about it ..... The second edition contains a number of important updates .... includ[ing] data from recent elections... and a good response to defenders of sortition."—Jason Brennan, Georgetown University, author of The Ethics of Voting.Table of ContentsIntroduction 1. The Extent of Political Ignorance 2. Do Voters Know Enough? 3. The Rationality of Political Ignorance 4. The Shortcomings of Shortcuts 5. Foot Voting vs. Ballot Box Voting 6. Political Ignorance and Judicial Review 7. Can Voter Knowledge Be Increased? Conclusion

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Book SynopsisWhere and why was democracy successful in the twentieth century? In The Democratic Century, Seymour Martin Lipset and Jason Lakin combine social, cultural, economic, and institutional analyses to explain why democracy has succeeded in some countries and failed in others.

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Book SynopsisIn Democracy Disrupted, journalist and political scientist Ivan Krastev proposes a provocative interpretation of the Occupy movements that have surfaced in the United States, Great Britain, and Spain, as well as the more destabilizing forms of unrest in Eastern Europe, the Middle East, and Southeast Asia.Trade Review"The worldwide protests of 2011-2013 may have happened 'everywhere,' but did they go anywhere? Ivan Krastev argues persuasively that this was ultimately a revolution that wasn't." * Timothy Garton Ash, University of Oxford *"A must read." * Moisés Naím, Carnegie Endowment and author of The End of Power *Table of ContentsIntroduction Chapter 1: Protest against Politics Chapter 2: The Democracy of Rejection Chapter 3: Exit Politics Acknowledgments Notes

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Book SynopsisAlthough referendums have been used for centuries to settle ethnonational conflicts, there had yet been no systematic study or generalized theory concerning their effectiveness until Matt Qvortrup's Referendums and Ethnic Conflict. Qvortrup's study filled the gap with a comparative and empirical analysis of all the referendums held on ethnic and national issues from the French Revolution to the 2012 referendum on statehood for Puerto Rico. Drawing on political theory and descriptive case studies, the scholar created typologies of referendums that are held to endorse secession, redraw disputed borders, legitimize a policy of homogenization, or otherwise manage ethnic or national differences. He considered the circumstances that compel politicians to resort to direct democracy, such as regime change, and the conditions that might exacerbate a violent response. Qvortrup offers a clear-eyed assessment of the problems raised when conflict resolution is sought through referendum as well as t

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Book SynopsisBased on extensive fieldwork in the Ukrainian capital of Kyiv, Forging Rights in a New Democracy explores high school-aged students' understanding of rights and justice, and how they interpret and appropriate discourses of citizenship and civic values in the school setting as well as on the streets in the context of peaceful mass protests.Trade Review"Fournier's greatest strength is her ability to look beyond the stereotypical model of democracy in the West and the post-Soviet space to illustrate and account for the views and actions of her research participants. . . . She also is able to show how not only democratic practices but also their alternatives are repertoires that are enacted or performed by students in the school, and she traces how these repertoires circulate to students and the school context." * Anthropology & Education Quarterly *"Through ethnographic fieldwork in high schools, both public and private, Fournier offers rich details about how Ukraine's young people are positioning themselves vis-à-vis one another, their elders, authorities, and the state. Hers is a sympathetic view that is oftentimes very funny, catching young people as they really are, including their antics inside and outside the classroom." * Melissa Caldwell, University of California, Santa Cruz *"The topic is timely and relevant. Fournier counters the prevailing argument voiced by political scientists, the media, and ideologues that Ukraine is in 'transition' from one kind of political system to another by showing how-at least in students' ideations and expressions-Ukraine's younger generation embrace many different positions simultaneously." * Amy Stambach, University of Wisconsin-Madison *Table of ContentsNote on Transliteration and Translation 1. Young Citizens and the Meanings of Rights in a Globalizing World 2. Order, Excess, and the Construction of the Patriot 3. Seeking Rights, Performing the Outlaw 4. The "Bandit State": From State Force to the Violent Pedagogies of Capitalism 5. Citizenship Between Western and Soviet Modernities 6. From Revolution to Conversation? Conclusion Notes References Index Acknowledgments

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Book SynopsisThis volume considers an array of power-sharing systems in divided cities and states, with critical evaluations of their merits and defects as well as explanations of their emergence, maintenance, and failings.Trade Review"A properly edited collection can set an agenda or raise debate to a new level. This book does both: it provides greater clarification of the key terms, and analysis is extended massively through sections dealing with electoral systems, historical cases, and an imaginative set of issues that confront contemporary power-sharing arrangements. Crucially, a powerful introduction is matched by a brilliant synthetic conclusion. Here we have the state of the art of this vital subject in a single volume." * John Hall, James McGill Professor of Comparative Historical Sociology at McGill University *"A cutting-edge collection of essays from some of the globe's leading authorities on consociational power-sharing, and from some of its emerging stars." * John McGarry, Canada Research Chair in Nationalism and Democracy at Queen's University, Fellow of the Royal Society of Canada *"A brilliant and highly readable volume presenting the state of the art on power-sharing-both the latest theoretical developments and updates on practical applications-strongly recommended!" * Arend Lijphart, Research Professor Emeritus of Political Science at University of California, San Diego *"An original, timely, and substantial contribution to the increasingly important field of study on consociational arrangements." * Christopher McCrudden, University of Michigan Law School *Table of ContentsChapter 1. Power Sharing in Deeply Divided Places: An Advocate's Introduction Brendan O'Leary Part I. Power Sharing and Electoral Systems Chapter 2. Electoral Rules and Ethnic Representation and Accommodation: Combining Social Choice and Electoral System Perspectives Bernard Grofman Chapter 3. The Track Record of Centripetalism in Deeply Divided Places Allison McCulloch Chapter 4. Electoral Engineering for a Stalled Federation: A Countrywide Electoral District for Belgium's Federal Parliament Kris Deschouwer and Philippe van Parijs Part II. Historical and Conceptual Forays on Power Sharing Chapter 5. A Theory of Accommodation Versus Conflict: With Special Reference to the Israel-Palestine Conflict Ronald Wintrobe Chapter 6. The Success of Religion as a Source for Compromise in Divided Empires: Ottoman and Safavid, Past and Present Benjamin Braude Chapter 7. Geopolitics and the Long-Term Construction of Democracy Randall Collins Chapter 8. Courts, Constitutions, and the Limits of Majoritarianism Samuel Issacharoff Part III. Contemporary Power-Sharing Questions Chapter 9. A Revised Theory of Federacy and a Case Study of Civil War Termination in Aceh, Indonesia Alfred Stepan Chapter 10. We Forbid! The Mutual Veto and Power-Sharing Democracy Joanne McEvoy Chapter 11. Northern Ireland: Power Sharing, Contact, Identity, and Leadership Ed Cairns Chapter 12. Public Opinion and Power Sharing in Deeply Divided Places Colin Irwin Chapter 13. The Balkans: The Promotion of Power Sharing by Outsiders Florian Bieber Chapter 14. Governing Polarized Cities Scott A. Bollens Chapter 15. Power Sharing in Kirkuk: The Need for Compromise Liam Anderson Chapter 16. Power Sharing: An Advocate's Conclusion Brendan O'Leary List of Contributors Index Acknowledgments

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Book SynopsisFeaturing twelve essays that engage with national, provincial, and municipal governments across three continents, Representation examines the core elements and challenges of fair, effective political institutions, providing an invaluable roadmap to better democratic representation in the twenty-first century.Trade Review"Bringing together work from an impressive array of scholars, this excellent volume forces us to examine the deficiencies of current democratic practice and helps us envision new ways of addressing them by rethinking representation." * Keena Lipsitz, Queens College, CUNY *Table of ContentsIntroduction. The Multiplying Challenges of Modern Representation —Rogers M. Smith and Jack H. Nagel I. REPRESENTATION THROUGH ELECTIONS Chapter 1. Evaluating U.S. Electoral Institutions in Comparative Perspective —André Blais Chapter 2. Are American Elections Sufficiently Democratic? —Dennis F. Thompson Chapter 3. Barriers to Voting in the Twenty-First Century —Alexander Keyssar Chapter 4. Uneven Democracy: Turnout, Minority Interests, and Local Government Spending —Zoltan Hajnal and Jessica Trounstine Chapter 5. Fairness and Bias in Electoral Systems —Anthony McGann Chapter 6. Political Party Organizations, Civic Representation, and Participation —Georgia Kernell II. REPRESENTATION BEYOND ELECTIONS Chapter 7. The Paradox of Voting—for Republicans: Economic Inequality, Political Organization, and the American Voter —Jacob S. Hacker and Paul Pierson Chapter 8. A Democratic Balance: Bureaucracy, Political Parties, and Political Representation —Pradeep Chhibber and Susan L. Ostermann Chapter 9. The Closing of the Frontier: Political Blogs, the 2008 Election, and the Online Public Sphere —Matthew Hindman Chapter 10. The Technological Basis of Organizational Membership: Representation of Interests in the New Media Age —Dave Karpf Chapter 11. The Principle of Affected Interests: An Interpretation and Defense —Archon Fung Chapter 12. Citizen Representatives —Mark E. Warren Notes List of Contributors Index Acknowledgments

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Book SynopsisTable of ContentsPreface Chapter 1. No Alternatives? Chapter 2. Failed Promises and the Logic of Necessity Chapter 3. Democracy in America Chapter 4. Europe Disunited Chapter 5. The Beginning of History Notes Acknowledgments

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Book SynopsisWhat makes a social movement a movement? Where do the contagious energy, vision, and sense of infinite possibility come from? This book seeks to answer these questions through conversations and interviews with a generation of activists who came of political age in Los Angeles during the 1990s.Trade Review"During the 1990s an amazing new generation of young activists, mostly women, immigrants, and people of color, transformed the Los Angeles labor movement, bringing a new vision of democracy to organizations not always ready for change. Now Karen Brodkin gives us their story in this wonderfully inspiring book, bursting with wisdom, dedication, imagination, and, best of all, models for how the labor movement can become a dynamic and embracing social movement seeking justice for all." -- Dana Frank * University of California, Santa Cruz *"This engaging, accessible volume makes a significant contribution to the scholarly literatures on social movements, racial justice, the political activism of men and women of color, and the labor movement today." -- Sandra Morgen * Professor of Women's Studies, Penn State University *"Persuasive. Insightful. As a contribution to our understanding of social movements, the book's strength is its emphasis on ideological factors and motivations. * Community Development: Journal of the Community Development Society *"During the 1990s an amazing new generation of young activists, mostly women, immigrants, and people of color, transformed the Los Angeles labor movement, bringing a new vision of democracy to organizations not always ready for change. Now Karen Brodkin gives us their story in this wonderfully inspiring book, bursting with wisdom, dedication, imagination, and, best of all, models for how the labor movement can become a dynamic and embracing social movement seeking justice for all." -- Dana Frank * University of California, Santa Cruz *"This engaging, accessible volume makes a significant contribution to the scholarly literatures on social movements, racial justice, the political activism of men and women of color, and the labor movement today." -- Sandra Morgen * Professor of Women's Studies, Penn State University *"Persuasive. Insightful. As a contribution to our understanding of social movements, the book's strength is its emphasis on ideological factors and motivations. * Community Development: Journal of the Community Development Society *Table of ContentsPreface List of Organizations About the NarratorsIntroduction 1. The Context of Labor and Immigrant Workers' Right Activism in Los Angeles 2. Narrators and Narrative 3. Political Identity Starts at Home: Border-Crossing Families and the Making of Political Selves 4. Making Identities Political 5. Democracy and Political Praxis Conclusion Appendix A: Study Design and Use of Narrative Appendix B: Organizer Survey Notes References Index

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Book SynopsisOffers a new way of understanding the tortured relationship between race and democracy in the United StatesRacial discrimination embodies inequality, exclusion, and injustice and as such has no place in a democratic society. And yet racial matters pervade nearly every aspect of American life, influencing where we live, what schools we attend, the friends we make, the votes we cast, the opportunities we enjoy, and even the television shows we watch. Joel Olson contends that, given the history of slavery and segregation in the United States, American citizenship is a form of racial privilege in which whites are equal to each other but superior to everyone else. In Olson’s analysis we see how the tension in this equation produces a passive form of democracy that discourages extensive participation in politics because it treats citizenship as an identity to possess rather than as a source of empowerment. Olson traces this tension and its disenfra

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Book SynopsisThe Origins of Modern Polish Democracy is a series of closely integrated essays that traces the idea of democracy in Polish thought and practice.Trade Review“This important book, to which many of the leading scholars of the subject have contributed, provides a clear and accessible account of the evolution of Polish democratic thought and of the aspirations of the Polish people for a democratic political system from the 1863 January Uprising to the present day. It fills a long-felt need in the scholarship on this topic.”“(The Origins of Modern Polish Democracy) offers a valuable and informative overview of the history of Polish democratic ideas and can serve as supplementary reading for introductory undergraduate classes on Poland and eastern Europe.” * Slavic Review *“The presentation of Polish democratic traditions and aspirations in this valuable study helps us understand not only the past but also the present. Following an insightful introduction, nine outstanding Polish, Canadian, and American historians concentrate on developments in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Their views, occasionally controversial, make for rewarding and stimulating reading. A most welcome addition to the field.”

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Book SynopsisThe Origins of Modern Polish Democracy is a series of closely integrated essays that traces the idea of democracy in Polish thought and practice.Trade Review“This important book, to which many of the leading scholars of the subject have contributed, provides a clear and accessible account of the evolution of Polish democratic thought and of the aspirations of the Polish people for a democratic political system from the 1863 January Uprising to the present day. It fills a long-felt need in the scholarship on this topic.”“(The Origins of Modern Polish Democracy) offers a valuable and informative overview of the history of Polish democratic ideas and can serve as supplementary reading for introductory undergraduate classes on Poland and eastern Europe.” * Slavic Review *“The presentation of Polish democratic traditions and aspirations in this valuable study helps us understand not only the past but also the present. Following an insightful introduction, nine outstanding Polish, Canadian, and American historians concentrate on developments in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Their views, occasionally controversial, make for rewarding and stimulating reading. A most welcome addition to the field.”

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Book SynopsisA comparative study of state formation in 19th-century Latin America that examines the different social and political paths that have led to democracy or military rule.Trade Review“[An] exceptional book . . . . Highly recommended. . . .” - J. Rosenthal, Choice“López-Alves has written an exhaustive comparison of democratic development in Argentina, Colombia, Uruguay, Venezuela, and Paraguay during the nineteenth century. . . . What he shows, in a masterly but humble manner, is that the examined societies are different, whatever their similarities, and need to be studied as autochthonous. . . . The notes and references are well written and well edited, revealing further breadth and scope of scholarship. Further work on state formation and democracy from 1810 to 1900 in Argentina, Paraguay, Uruguay, Colombia, and Venezuela will be footnotes to López-Alves.” - Sheldon Avenius, Perspectives on Political Science“This is an ambitious comparative work . . . . Commendable as a work of synthesis and as an industrious and creative comparative exercise . . . . [I]t is a valuable addition to the academic literature and an indispensable work for any research library, certain to provide debate-provoking material for graduate seminars in the social sciences. It offers useful points for comparative researchers interested in furthering our understanding of state-building in the Americas.” - Victor M. Uribe-Uran, The Americas"This foray into the chaos of the nineteenth century is to be welcomed. . . . [T]eachers and students of nineteenth-century Latin American political history . . . will learn a lot from its theoretical rigour, its singularity of focus, and its original and revealing comparisons between a selection of Latin American states which are rarely compared." - Guy Thomson, The Americas"López-Alves’s argument provides important insights into the relationship between party development and democratization in Latin America. . . . López-Alves’s work is a welcome contribution to the underdeveloped field of comparative historical sociology in Latin American studies. It will undoubtedly become a standard reference for anyone interested in political development and democracy in Latin America." - Gabriel L. Negretto, The Journal of Latin American Studies“An extraordinary contribution to the literature on state formation and the origins of democracy in Latin America. López-Alves’s argument is extremely provocative, persuasive, and intelligently grounded in important historiographical debates on nineteenth-century developments in these countries.”—Charles W. Bergquist, University of Washington“Instead of wringing his hands about failures of nineteenth-century Latin American states to match European models or retreating into mysteries of their culture, Fernando López-Alves boldly places Latin American state formation in historical and comparative perspective. The result is a fresh, informed view of political change during a struggle-filled century.”—Charles Tilly, Columbia University“[An] exceptional book . . . . Highly recommended. . . .” -- J. Rosenthal * Choice *“López-Alves has written an exhaustive comparison of democratic development in Argentina, Colombia, Uruguay, Venezuela, and Paraguay during the nineteenth century. . . . What he shows, in a masterly but humble manner, is that the examined societies are different, whatever their similarities, and need to be studied as autochthonous. . . . The notes and references are well written and well edited, revealing further breadth and scope of scholarship. Further work on state formation and democracy from 1810 to 1900 in Argentina, Paraguay, Uruguay, Colombia, and Venezuela will be footnotes to López-Alves.” -- Sheldon Avenius * Perspectives on Political Science *“This is an ambitious comparative work . . . . Commendable as a work of synthesis and as an industrious and creative comparative exercise . . . . [I]t is a valuable addition to the academic literature and an indispensable work for any research library, certain to provide debate-provoking material for graduate seminars in the social sciences. It offers useful points for comparative researchers interested in furthering our understanding of state-building in the Americas.” -- Victor M. Uribe-Uran * The Americas *"López-Alves’s argument provides important insights into the relationship between party development and democratization in Latin America. . . . López-Alves’s work is a welcome contribution to the underdeveloped field of comparative historical sociology in Latin American studies. It will undoubtedly become a standard reference for anyone interested in political development and democracy in Latin America." -- Gabriel L. Negretto * The Journal of Latin American Studies *"This foray into the chaos of the nineteenth century is to be welcomed. . . . [T]eachers and students of nineteenth-century Latin American political history . . . will learn a lot from its theoretical rigour, its singularity of focus, and its original and revealing comparisons between a selection of Latin American states which are rarely compared." -- Guy Thomson * The Americas *Table of ContentsIllustrations ix Tables xi Acknowledgments xiii Introduction 1 1 The Argument: War, Polities, and the Rural Poor 15 2 Gauchos, Ranchers, and State Autonomy in Uruguay, 1811-1890 49 3 A Weak Army and Restrictive Democracy: Columbia, 1810-1886 96 4 A Stronger State and Urban Military: Argentina, 1810-1890 140 5 Two Alternative Paths of State Making: Venezuela and Paraguay 193 Conclusions 212 Notes 221 References 225 Index 285

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Book SynopsisSuitable for those interested in cultural studies, film and video studies, American studies, twentieth century history, German studies, rhetoric, and sexuality studies, this book investigates the influence of images of Nazism on debates about sexuality that are central to contemporary American political rhetoric.Trade Review“Slane writes elegantly, clearly, and with a careful rigor out of which come startling observations. A Not So Foreign Affair situates itself within a new and very important field in which contemporary conservatism is given the same kind of sophisticated theoretical treatment as avant-garde work has received in the past.”—Linda Kintz, author of Between Jesus and the Market: The Emotions that Matter in Right-Wing America“This book had me riveted. With a careful balance of broad theoretical claims, historical specificity, and close textual readings, Slane makes connections across the history of sexuality and its surrounding political and cultural discourses that are indeed impressive. Hers is a subtle and penetrating critique.”—Sharon Willis, author of High Contrast: Race and Gender in Contemporary Hollywood FilmTable of ContentsList of Illustratioins Acknowledgments A Not So Foreign Affair: Introduction Section One: The Democratic Family 1. Nazi Nationalist Melodrama: Science, Myth, and Paternal Authority in Die Goldene Stadt 2. American Nationalist Melodrama: Tales of Hitler’s Children 3. “Family Values” and Naziana in Contemporary Right-wing Media Section Two: The Democratic Psyche 4. Nazism, Psychology, and the Making of Democratic Subjects 5. The American Nazi: Cold War Social Problem Films and National Psychobiography 6. Skinheads, Militiamen, and the Legacies of Failed Masculinity Section Three: Democratic Sex 7. The Iconology of the Sexy Nazi Woman: Marlene Dietrich as Political Palimpsest 8. Sexualized Nazis and Contemporary Popular Political Culture Epilogue Notes Bibliography

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Book SynopsisIn Necro Citizenship Russ Castronovo argues that the meaning of citizenship in the United States during the nineteenth century was bound to—and even dependent on—death. Deploying an impressive range of literary and cultural texts, Castronovo interrogates an American public sphere that fetishized death as a crucial point of political identification. This morbid politics idealized disembodiment over embodiment, spiritual conditions over material ones, amnesia over history, and passivity over engagement.Moving from medical engravings, séances, and clairvoyant communication to Supreme Court decisions, popular literature, and physiological tracts, Necro Citizenship explores how rituals of inclusion and belonging have generated alienation and dispossession. Castronovo contends that citizenship does violence to bodies, especially those of blacks, women, and workers. “Necro ideology,” he argues, supplied citizens with the means to think aboTrade Review“Liberty and death? Citizenship and necrophilia? The conjunction ‘and’ is shocking and is meant to shock. Russ Castronovo sees American political life as the burial ground of many corpses, literal as well as metaphoric. With ruthless determination he digs these up, examines their tell-tale remains, and, in the process, offers a trenchant critique of some consequences of American democracy.”—Wai Chee Dimock, author of Residues of Justice: Literature, Law, PhilosophyTable of ContentsList of Illustrations Preface Introduction: Democray’s Graveyard 1. Political Necrophilia Freedom and the Longing for Dead Citizenship 2. “The Slavery of Man to Himself” White Male Sexuality, Self-Reliance, and Bondage 3. “That Half-Living Corpse” Female Mediums, Séances, and the Occult Public Sphere 4. The “Black Arts” of Citizenship Africanist Origins of White Interiority 5. De-Naturalizing Citizenship Afterword Notes Works Cited Index

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Book SynopsisDevelops an historical argument with contemporary relevance - Empire abroad inevitably undermines democracy at home. Focusing on France and to a lesser extent on the United Kingdom, this title shows how empire and the post-colony have pervaded - and corroded - Western cultural, intellectual, and social life from the mid-19th century onwards.Trade Review“Herman Lebovics is one of the leading American cultural historians of France and a rare native of our shores whose work has been translated into French. People on both sides of the Atlantic will want to read these extremely interesting essays.”—Edward Berenson, Director of the Institute of French Studies, New York University“[T]his volume is an important collection from a prominent historian that contributes to the critical history of imperialism. . . . [I]t is a useful and significant book. Lebovics provides several sophisticated ways in which we can see the inter-related history of the colonies and the metropole. His approach is wide ranging, linking cultural developments to specific political moments and economic processes.” -- Michael G. Vann * Journal of Colonialism & Colonial History *Table of ContentsPreface ix Acknowledgments xix 1. Not the Right Stuff: Shrinking Colonial Administrators 1 2. Pierre Bourdieu’s Own Cultural Revolution 22 3. Jean Renoir’s Voyage of Discovery: From the Shores of the Mediterranean to the Banks of the Ganges 34 4. France’s Black Venus 60 5. John Locke, Imperialism, and the First Stage of Capitalism 87 6. Why, Suddenly, are the Americans Doing Cultural History 100 Afterword 113 Notes 121 Selected Works of American Cultural History Writing 155 Index 159

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Book SynopsisA leading political theorists impassioned call for the democratic left to counter the conservative stranglehold over American religious and economic culture.Trade Review“[T]his is classic William Connolly. It is fresh in theme and consistent in promoting his longstanding commitment to pluralism in this case with a programmatic twist outlining a visible way out of the American crisis of crony capitalism, apocalyptic evangelical doctrines, and environmental degradation.” - Tristan Sturm, Antipode“[A] tour de force. . . . [T]he book is not just about political theory, but it is also about a way forward.” - Jason Dittmer, Environment & Planning D: Society and Space“Written primarily from a political science perspective, Connolly’s identifications of the spiritual and religious dimensions that dominate economic discourse in the United States provides an insightful and rigorous study on topics that will be (and should be, according to [Stuart] Hall) of interest to cultural studies researchers.” - Holly Randell-Moon, Cultural Studies Review“This is a book that is a must read for anyone seeking to capture the rhizome of US Empire global capitalism and develop a counter-resonance of heterogeneous sub-discourses that express ‘pluripotentiality’ for a more equalitarian capitalism (p. 25). I would recommend this book as a blueprint for the Obama administration as it sets about the impossible task of disassembling the evangelical-cowboy capitalism resonance machine of vengeance and entitlement that has wrecked havoc on the global economy by its rampant deregulation, imbrication of Church and State, abolishment of civil liberties and using junk science to define global warming as leftist delusion against God’s more divine plan.” - David M. Boje, Critical Discourse Studies“I immensely enjoyed reading Capitalism and Christianity, American Style. William E. Connolly offers insight, innovation, and wisdom. He brings substantive theorizing to the pressing political concerns of the moment, providing a sense of momentum and sheer energy. This book is relevant, in the strongest sense.”—Nigel Thrift, author of Knowing Capitalism“In these times, we desperately need William E. Connolly’s impassioned study of inequality and the destruction of nature, his sheer awe at living-ness itself, his philosophy of immanent naturalism and deployment of the Deleuzian assemblage, and, especially, the interdisciplinary concreteness of his proposals for a resonance machine of resistance on the left. Along with Connolly’s description of an ethos, or spiritualization, of academic engagement, a key contribution of this book is to advance what has been dangerously lacking on the left, a powerful analytics of the right’s resonance machine and its recognition that the intellectual and the corporeal, the theological and the secular, never exist in purified, ‘clean’ categories.”—Linda Kintz, author of Between Jesus and the Market: The Emotions That Matter in Right-Wing America“William E. Connolly is a towering figure in contemporary political theory whose profound reflections on democracy, religion, and the tragic unsettle and enrich us. In this powerful work he casts his philosophical gaze on the internal dynamics of the American Empire—especially the role of Christian traditions and capitalist practices. The result is vintage Connolly, namely, indispensable!”—Cornel West, Princeton University“A tour de force. . . . The book is not just about political theory, but it is also about a way forward.” -- Jason Dittmer * Environment and Planning D *“[T]his is classic William Connolly. It is fresh in theme and consistent in promoting his longstanding commitment to pluralism in this case with a programmatic twist outlining a visible way out of the American crisis of crony capitalism, apocalyptic evangelical doctrines, and environmental degradation.” -- Tristan Sturm * Antipode *“This is a book that is a must read for anyone seeking to capture the rhizome of US Empire global capitalism and develop a counter-resonance of heterogeneous sub-discourses that express ‘pluripotentiality’ for a more equalitarian capitalism (p. 25). I would recommend this book as a blueprint for the Obama administration as it sets about the impossible task of disassembling the evangelical-cowboy capitalism resonance machine of vengeance and entitlement that has wrecked havoc on the global economy by its rampant deregulation, imbrication of Church and State, abolishment of civil liberties and using junk science to define global warming as leftist delusion against God’s more divine plan.” -- David M. Boje * Critical Discourse Studies *“Written primarily from a political science perspective, Connolly’s identifications of the spiritual and religious dimensions that dominate economic discourse in the United States provides an insightful and rigorous study on topics that will be (and should be, according to [Stuart] Hall) of interest to cultural studies researchers.” -- Holly Randell-Moon * Cultural Studies Review *Table of ContentsPreface vii Introduction: The Spirit of Capitalism 1 1. The Volatility of Capitalism 17 2. The Evangelical-Capitalist Resonance Machine 39 3. Between Science and Faith 69 4. Is Eco-egalitarian Capitalism Possible? 93 5. Christianity, Capitalism, and the Tragic 119 Notes 147 Index 169

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Book SynopsisIn the story of Argentina's diplomatic worker attachés dispatched to further Peronism, organized labor became a crucial aspect in defining democracy and perceptions of social justice, freedom, and sovereignty in the Americas.Trade Review"In this insightful volume, the author provides a multilevel analysis of the workings and lasting impact of Argentine labor attachés in the post–World War II era. . . . Among the many unique contributions of this book is the analysis of how nationalist Perónism became a symbol for domestic and transnational competing visions of liberal democracy and how it was a lens through which US policy makers and elites viewed the legacy of the New Deal. Highly recommended." -- L. M. Barnett * Choice *"Ambassadors of the Working Class is one of those rare hidden histories that come to light out of the blue to capture the imagination." -- Gavin O'Toole * Latin American Review of Books *"This book will be essential reading for scholars interested in international labor relationships, Peronism, and the ways in which democracy was being debated and redefined in post-World War II Latin America." -- Amie Campos * H-Latam, H-Net Reviews *“An outstanding piece of scholarship.” -- Stephen G. Rabe * Canadian Journal of History *“Ambassadors of the Working Class is an example of the possibilities offered by a truly transnational historical approach, informed by careful research and relevant theoretical frameworks. It opens interesting comparative perspectives with other movements and countries in Latin America, and it should be of interest to scholars and students of Peronism and the Cold World in Latin America.” -- Jorge A. Nállim * Journal of Latin American Studies *"Ambassadors of the Working Class is a terrific story, absorbingly told." -- David M. K. Sheinin * Journal of American History *"Ambassadors of the Working Class presents a contradictory and multifaceted Peronism. . . . The timeliness of Semán’s analysis is extraordinary. . . . A powerful antidote to conceptions that do not see anything more in Latin American popular governments than 'totalitarian populism.'" -- Fernando Teixeira da Silva * American Historical Review *"Engagingly written, and impressively researched, [Ambassadors of the Working Class] is a major contribution to the history of Peronism, of labour in Latin America, of inter-American relations, and of the Cold War." -- Paulo Drinot * Journal of the Social History Society *"Excellent multinational archival research. . . . Written in accessible and even entertaining style, and solidly grounded in previously untapped primary sources, the book therefore sheds new light not only on Peronism, but more broadly on the international history of the years immediately following the Second World War." -- Michael Goebel * Social History *"Semán not only tells a fascinating story but also, by taking seriously the challenge of doing transnational history, should inspire reflection on how global history, when produced from below, can shed light on previously ignored issues. . . . Ambassadors of the Working Class is obligatory reading for anyone interested in global history, the Cold War in Latin America, and, of course, Peronism and populism." -- Larrisa Rosa Correa * HAHR *Table of ContentsAcknowledgments ix Introduction. From the Fringes of the Nation to the World 1 1. In Search of Social Reform 23 2. "The Argentine Problem" 44 3. Apostles of Social Revolution 68 4. From the Belly of the Beasts 102 5. At the Turn of the Tide 132 6. Political Declension 166 7. A Bitter Pill 193 Conclusion. Branding Mass Politics in the Americas 219 Notes 233 Bibliography 287 Index 311

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Book SynopsisThis book examines why some countries succeed in installing democracy after authoritarian rule, and why some of these new democracies make progress toward consolidation.

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Book SynopsisThe Left's Dirty Job compares the experiences of recent socialist governments in France and Spain, examining how the governments of Francois Mitterrand (1981-1995) and Felipe Gonzalez (1982-1996) provide a key test of whether a leftist approach to industrial restructuring is possible.

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Book SynopsisA study that demonstrates how crucial civil society has been to democratic transition, democratic failure, and the recent, ongoing efforts to reform, deepen, and consolidate democracy in Korea.

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Book SynopsisExamines the dramatic changes within Mexican society, politics, and journalism that transformed an authoritarian media institution into many conflicting styles of journalism with very different implications for deepening democracy in the country.

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Book SynopsisA groundbreaking national and regional study of corruption and its relation to democracy in Latin America. This book provides policy analysis and prescription through a wide-ranging methodological, empirical, and theoretical survey.

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Book SynopsisExamines debates over women's rights in the first half of the twentieth century, to show how Czechs gradually turned away from democracy and established the separation of state and domestic issues, at the expense of personal freedoms.

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Book SynopsisThis edited collection examines the connections between the new face of progressive, civil reform in Latin America and new kinds of openness to reform on the part of the private sector. It is the first to focus on the response of business to reform efforts arising from civil society.

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Book SynopsisThis book argues that political democracy has not fulfilled its promise and that we should therefore re-examine literature’s long conservative hostility to it. It offers new accounts of the ethos of refusing political democracy, as well as innovative readings of writers including Tocqueville, Disraeli, George Eliot, E.M. Forster and Saul Bellow.Trade Review"Against Democracy is a frame-shifting discussion of the interrelated histories of democracy, conservative thought, and the rise of literary criticism and theory. Highly readable, and displaying a rare blend of literary and political insight, this book is sure to influence ongoing debates in the literary humanities." -- -Amanda Anderson Johns Hopkins University "Simon During is one of the most original, intelligent, unpredictable literary critics currently writing in the English language. Sentence by elegant sentence, one generally learns more from him than from almost anyone else I can think of." -- -Bruce Robbins Columbia University

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Book SynopsisCommoning customs and practices in the Revolutionary era offered non-elite actors a relationship to democratic power different from the representative democracy that would be institutionalized by the Framers in 1787. Commons Democracy uncovers the democratic spirit, ideals and practices created by ordinary folk in the early nation.Trade Review"Nelson's Commons Democracy deserves the attention of a wide range of early republic scholars, especially those interested in literature, democracy, and the political practices of ordinary Americans. This vigorously argued book offers a coherent paradigm for understanding an important part of the early American democratic tradition. The field would do well to run with Nelson's framework and explore the full range of commons democracy in the early republic." -Reviews in History "Commons Democracy is an exhilarating and compelling account of early U.S. forms of participatory democracy that have largely disappeared from critical view behind the shadow of the dominant account of the Founders' creation of formal electoral democracy." -- -Elizabeth Maddock Dillon Northeastern University "Nelson's powerful rereading of the early republic's literary tradition is not just about getting the past right. She hopes that her depiction of the post-Revolutionary United States will help move us beyond what Garrett Hardin called the "Tragedy of the Commons" in 1968." -Journal of Social History "An important contribution, at a vital moment, to renewing appreciation of democracy as the awkward practice of sharing power to shape common existence." -- -Wendy Brown University of California, Berkeley "Nelson focuses in this book on a dynamic aspect of U.S. history, one that is already quite relevant in our own time and that promises to be increasingly so in the future." -- -John Ernest University of DelawareTable of ContentsCommons Democracy: An Introduction One. Telling Stories: Vernacular versus Formal Democracy Two. Between Savagery and Civilization: The Whiskey Rebellion and a Democratic Middle Way Three. The Privatizing State: The Pioneers and the Closing of the Legal Commons Four. Settler Self-Governance: Democratic Politics on the Frontier Five. From Nothing to Start, Into Being: The Anti-Rent Wars, the Indian Question, and the Triumph of Liberalism Conclusion: "The Wayward Multitudinous People

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Book SynopsisA powerful history of the long tradition of political dissent in India published at a moment when the very idea of dissent is under attack.Trade Review"Dissent, expressed against the state as much as institutional forms of religion, creates traditions of thinking that are always available as a resource. Hence, when Gandhi thinking against colonial violence thinks through the idea of satyagraha, he draws upon a library of dissent with its vocabulary and forms. . . . Thapar does not make an argument for passive inheritance. At each historical juncture, the reimagining of an ethical conception of equality and compassion draws upon a rich vein of dissentient thought. Democracy survives because of dissent. Forms of political and social orthodoxy are contingent; and the battle against them is always ongoing."-- "India Today" "Where this book shines is in its discussion of how dissent often arises from within cultures, and not from outside, restructuring social relations and enabling mutation of knowledge through the questioning of institutions. . . . The book raises some significant questions, not only for the political establishment but also for dissenters. Does dissent seek resolution of conflict, sharing of power, annihilation of tradition, or merely a recognition of plurality in thought? . . . If dissent gives way to accommodation, is that a win-win situation or a selling out? Can ideological purity coexist with political pragmatism?"-- "Business Standard"Table of ContentsPreface Prologue: Is Dissent Necessary? 1. The Dasyah-putrah Brahmana, or the Dasi-putra Brahmana, the Brahmana Who Is the Son of a Dasi 2. The Presence of the Shramanas 3. Otherness Imprinted 4. The Bhakti Sant and the Sufi Pir 5. A Recapitulation 6. A Modern Movement of Dissent in the Context of the Nationalism of the Present 7. Gandhi?’s Satyagraha 8. The Social Articulation of Protest 9. Did the Public Response to Satyagraha Come Out of an Embedded Tradition of Dissenting Forms? 10. Epilogue: Should We Remember Our Many Voices of Dissent from the Past and Hear Them Speak to Us Today? Readings

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Book SynopsisA chronicle of the political development of the Republic of Georgia since the collapse of the Soviet Union. This work argues that the change of power in 2003 was not a step forward for democracy but rather a dramatic move backward.

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Book SynopsisLeo Strauss has been simultaneously condemned by the Left as an extreme opponent of liberal democracy and celebrated by the Right as a defender of Western civilization. Rejecting both of these portrayals, this title shifts the debate beyond the conventional parameters of our age.Trade ReviewGrant Havers' conservative-oriented critique of Leo Strauss' work is brave, counter-intuitive, and ultimately persuasive. * C2C Journal *In any revelatory study, there is always the moment when the reader thinks 'That's true. I should have seen that.' For me, that moment came with Havers's account—learned, subtle, and occasionally surprising—of Strauss's liberalism. * The American Conservative *One of the most thorough critiques to date of the political uses and abuses of Strauss's thought. * Perspectives on Politics *

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Book SynopsisBeyond Oligarchy is a collection of essays by leading scholars of contemporary Indonesian politics and society, each addressing effects of material inequality on political power and contestation in democratic Indonesia. The contributors assess how critical concepts in the study of politicsoligarchy, inequality, power, democracy, and otherscan be used to characterize the Indonesian case, and in turn, how the Indonesian experience informs conceptual and analytical debates in political science and related disciplines. In bringing together experts from around the world to engage with these themes, Beyond Oligarchy reclaims a tradition of focused intellectual debate across scholarly communities in Indonesian studies.The collapse of Indonesia''s New Order has proven a critical juncture in Indonesian political studies, launching new analyses about the drivers of regime change and the character of Indonesian democracy. It has also prompted a new groundswell of theoreticTrade Review"A brilliant and very useful collection in which advocates of the major theses in Australian and American scholarship on Indonesian democratization both present and reflect on their focus on oligarchic versus liberal and plural tendencies. A must-read also in wider circles and for those who try alternative perspectives." -- Olle Tornquist, University of Oslo"At long last, leading experts on Indonesian politics are arguing with each other again. At the heart of this new debate is the importance of material inequality and extreme wealth concentration in shaping the character of Indonesian politics. Beyond Oligarchy collects a series of first-rate essays that both express the power and explore the limitations of analyses that portray the fusion of wealth and domination as the defining deficiency of Indonesian democracy. In so doing, volume coeditors Michele Ford and Thomas Pepinsky boldly break down conventional barriers to scholarly conversations about the most pressing issues and developments in Indonesian political life. Beyond Oligarchy definitively sets a new tone—and arguably sets a new standard—for the study of Indonesian politics after Suharto." -- Dan Slater, University of Chicago, author of Ordering Power: Contentious Politics and Authoritarian Leviathans in Southeast Asia

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Book SynopsisBeyond Oligarchy is a collection of essays by leading scholars of contemporary Indonesian politics and society, each addressing effects of material inequality on political power and contestation in democratic Indonesia. The contributors assess how critical concepts in the study of politicsoligarchy, inequality, power, democracy, and otherscan be used to characterize the Indonesian case, and in turn, how the Indonesian experience informs conceptual and analytical debates in political science and related disciplines. In bringing together experts from around the world to engage with these themes, Beyond Oligarchy reclaims a tradition of focused intellectual debate across scholarly communities in Indonesian studies.The collapse of Indonesia''s New Order has proven a critical juncture in Indonesian political studies, launching new analyses about the drivers of regime change and the character of Indonesian democracy. It has also prompted a new groundswell of theoreticTrade Review"A brilliant and very useful collection in which advocates of the major theses in Australian and American scholarship on Indonesian democratization both present and reflect on their focus on oligarchic versus liberal and plural tendencies. A must-read also in wider circles and for those who try alternative perspectives." -- Olle Tornquist, University of Oslo"At long last, leading experts on Indonesian politics are arguing with each other again. At the heart of this new debate is the importance of material inequality and extreme wealth concentration in shaping the character of Indonesian politics. Beyond Oligarchy collects a series of first-rate essays that both express the power and explore the limitations of analyses that portray the fusion of wealth and domination as the defining deficiency of Indonesian democracy. In so doing, volume coeditors Michele Ford and Thomas Pepinsky boldly break down conventional barriers to scholarly conversations about the most pressing issues and developments in Indonesian political life. Beyond Oligarchy definitively sets a new tone—and arguably sets a new standard—for the study of Indonesian politics after Suharto." -- Dan Slater, University of Chicago, author of Ordering Power: Contentious Politics and Authoritarian Leviathans in Southeast Asia

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Book SynopsisCambodia's Second Kingdom is an exploration of the role of nationalist imaginings, discourses, and narratives in Cambodia since the 1993 reintroduction of a multiparty democratic system.Trade ReviewCambodia’s Second Kingdom provides unique insight into the dynamics of Cambodian elites’ representations of their respective visions for the nation in multiparty politics after the United Nations-sponsored general election in 1993... [t]his book offers an excellent example of discourse analysis and will be a good reference on Cambodia’s domestic politics for years to come. * Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences *Offers some interesting theoretical insights.... Most arguments are developed in a way that is theoretically and analytically interesting, as well as empirically rich. To that extent, the book is worth reading and is likely to gain attention at a time when liberal democracy, human rights, and globalization come under challenge and are still in retreat, as evident in various regions of the world, including Southeast Asia. * Pacific Affairs *

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Book SynopsisLaying out the history of the struggle for democracy in the early years of transition, the author addresses the problem of competence in party politics and democratization and the consequences of amateurism and inexperience.

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