Democracy Books

Book SynopsisArthur Seldon uses public choice economics research to support his theory of over-government. The term over-government was coined by Seldon and is defined as the failure of governments to govern well, leading the public to avoid government programs in favour of markets. Seldon explains how the results of government programs are always at odds with what the people would have chosen for themselves, because governments seek to impose taxes and legislature based on their own agendas. This increasing control and restraint by the government will continue to force people to abandon those ineffective programs for more open markets and other countries that support them. Seldon argues that government bureaucrats rely too heavily on unions, labour groups, and lobbyists and act in their own interest instead of opening those options up to the people they serve. Seldon purports that any government that continues to force its own views and desires on the unwilling public will lead to its own demise a

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Book SynopsisWarns that an unfettered democracy would destroy the balance of interests in the community and thereby undermine the Constitution. This work focuses on democracy in Britain.Trade Review"Democracy and Liberty is the most thorough manual of conservative politics produced during the nineteenth century." -- Russell Kirk, 'The Conservative Mind'.

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Book SynopsisWarns that an unfettered democracy would destroy the balance of interests in the community and thereby undermine the Constitution. This work focuses on democracy in Britain.Trade Review"Democracy and Liberty is the most thorough manual of conservative politics produced during the nineteenth century." -- Russell Kirk, 'The Conservative Mind'.

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Book SynopsisWhen ''The American Democrat'' was first published in 1838, Cooper''s position as America''s first major novelist obscured his serious contribution to the discussion of American principles and politics.

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Book SynopsisWhen ''The American Democrat'' was first published in 1838, Cooper''s position as America''s first major novelist obscured his serious contribution to the discussion of American principles and politics.

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Book SynopsisReckoning with mass crimes perpetrated by an ideologically driven regime entails engaging in a thorough-going exploration of its utopian foundations. In the case of Romania, such an analysis requires an interpretation of the role of personality in the construction of a uniquely grotesque and unrepentant form of neo-Stalinist despotism. Of all the revolutions of 1989, the only violent one took place in Romania. Confronting its communist past therefore involves addressing the abuses committed by the communist regime up to its very last day, its failure to engage in Round Table-type agreements with democratic representatives, and the repression during the first post-communist years, a direct legacy of the old regime. This book shows how moral justice can contribute to a restoration of truth and a climate of trust in politics, in the absence of which any democratic polity remains exposed to authoritarian attack.Trade Review'Tismaneanu and Stan's Romania Confronts its Communist Past furnishes a signal contribution to our understanding of post-despotic justice and healing. Drawing on a profound understanding of the history and psychology of totalitarianism as well as a matchless grasp of the Romanian case, Tismaneanu and Stan shed light on why sound constitutions and decent economic performance are insufficient to consolidate robust democracy in societies previously rent by abusive rulers. Appearing at time when observers mull a post-truth and post-trust politics and when substantial portions of Western publics appear to be unlearning the lessons of twentieth-century nightmares, Romania Confronts its Communist Past reminds us that democracy's endurance rests on moral commitment and dedication to truth-telling no less than on workable institutions and technically competent officials.' Steven Fish, University of California, BerkeleyTable of ContentsIntroduction; 1. Judging the past in post-traumatic societies: Romania in comparative perspective; 2. Romania before 2006; 3. Coming to terms with the past in Romania: the presidential commission; 4. Reactions to the condemnation and political re-arrangements after 2007; 5. The report's aftermath: interpretations, polemics, and policies; 6. Romania and the European framework of dealing with the communist past.

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Book SynopsisThe direct primary stands as one of the most significant and distinctive political reforms of the Progressive era in American history. In this book, the authors provide the most comprehensive treatment available on the topic and utilize new data on election outcomes, candidate backgrounds, incumbent performance and behavior, newspaper endorsements, and voters'' preferences. They begin by studying whether primary elections have achieved the goals set by progressive reformers when they were first introduced over a century ago. They then evaluate the key roles these elections have played in the US electoral systems, such as injecting electoral competition into the regions that are dominated by one of the two major parties, helping select relatively qualified candidates for office, and, in some cases, holding incumbents accountable for their performance. They conclude with studying the degree to which primaries are responsible for the current, highly polarized environment. Anyone interesteTrade Review'This is a wonderful, definitive study of American party primaries at the state and district level, going back a century. All the usual wrinkles are convincingly addressed - origins, history, competition, turnout, factions, candidate quality, polarization, reform options, and more. For all its messiness, the authors conclude, the system seems to work reasonably well.' David R. Mayhew, Sterling Professor of Political Science Emeritus, Yale University, Connecticut'Hirano and Snyder's Primary Elections in the United States presents the most comprehensive, theoretically informed, and empirically rich analysis of the origins and consequences of primary elections yet attempted. It is a fundamental contribution to the literature on American party politics and will be the go-to source for anyone interested in learning how primaries have affected representation in the US.' Gary Jacobson, University of California, San DiegoTable of Contents1. More democracy; 2. One-party dominance, 1880 to 1950; 3. Introduction of primaries and electoral competition, 1892 to 1950; 4. Primaries and party loyalty; 5. Primaries and the qualifications of nominees; 6. Voting behavior and primary elections, 1892 to 1950; 7. Primaries in a changing electoral environment, 1950 to 2016; 8. Primaries and candidate selection in the modern era; 9. Voting behavior and primary elections, 1950 to 2016; 10. Primaries and accountability in the modern era; 11. Primaries and polarization; 12. Conclusion.

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Book SynopsisAt last a history that explains how indigenous dispossession and survival underlay and shaped the birth of Australian democracy. The legacy of seizing a continent and alternately destroying and governing its original people shaped how white Australians came to see themselves as independent citizens. It also shows how shifting wider imperial and colonial politics influenced the treatment of indigenous Australians, and how indigenous people began to engage in their own ways with these new political institutions. It is, essentially, a bringing together of two histories that have hitherto been told separately: one concerns the arrival of early democracy in the Australian colonies, as white settlers moved from the shame and restrictions of the penal era to a new and freer society with their own institutions of government; the other is the tragedy of indigenous dispossession and displacement, with its frontier violence, poverty, disease and enforced regimes of mission life.Trade Review'This is the first book to get to grips not only with how settlers in the Australian colonies gained powers of self-government, but how those powers were comprehended, experienced and resisted by Aboriginal Australians. Rigorously researched and compellingly narrated, this is one book that everyone with an interest in settler colonialism must read.' Alan Lester, University of Sussex and La Trobe University, Melbourne'Curthoys and Mitchell take issue with major trends in the field and aim at genres of narrative that have failed to capture the dialectics between settlers and indigenous communities. This is a fierce, unflinching case for rooting principles of equality and inclusion in deep, unsentimental genealogies of the nineteenth-century experience.' Antoinette Burton, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign'This is an important book. It is deeply learned. It compels a rethinking of political history as traditionally conceived, demanding a reckoning with the centrality of violence and the attempted erasure or coercion of Indigenous peoples to the development of democracy and colonial self-government both in Australia and the wider British settler empire. Chilling, heartbreaking, magisterial: this book is a game-changer.' Elizabeth Elbourne, McGill University, Montreal'This landmark book traces a vital shift in the histories of liberty and unfreedom across the Australian colonies in the mid nineteenth century, for the first time interrogating how responsible government and the gaining of democratic rights and freedoms for settlers gave rise to violent and oppressive degrees unfreedom for Indigenous peoples. A must read for all historians of Australia and of settler colonialism.' Penelope Edmonds, University of TasmaniaTable of ContentsIntroduction: how settlers gained self-government and indigenous people (almost) lost it; Part I. A Four-Cornered Contest: British Government, Settlers, Missionaries and Indigenous Peoples: 1. Colonialism and catastrophe: 1830; 2. 'Another new world inviting our occupation': colonisation and the beginnings of humanitarian intervention, 1831–1837; 3. Settlers oppose indigenous protection: 1837–1842; 4. A colonial conundrum: settler rights versus indigenous rights, 1837–1842; 5. Who will control the land? Colonial and imperial debates 1842–1846; Part II. Towards Self-Government: 6. Who will govern the settlers? Imperial and settler desires, visions, utopias, 1846–1850; 7. 'No place for the sole of their feet': imperial-colonial dialogue on Aboriginal land rights, 1846–1851; 8. Who will govern Aboriginal people? Britain transfers control of Aboriginal policy to the colonies, 1852–1854; 9. The dark side of responsible government? Britain and indigenous people in the self-governing colonies, 1854–1870; Part III. Self-Governing Colonies and Indigenous People, 1856–c.1870: 10. Ghosts of the past, people of the present: Tasmania; 11. 'A refugee in our own land': governing Aboriginal people in Victoria; 12. Aboriginal survival in New South Wales; 13. Their worst fears realised: the disaster of Queensland; 14. A question of honour in the colony that was meant to be different: Aboriginal policy in South Australia; Part IV. Self-Government for Western Australia: 15. 'A little short of slavery': forced Aboriginal labour in Western Australia 1856–1884; 16. 'A slur upon the colony': making Western Australia's unusual constitution, 1885–1890; Conclusion.

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Book SynopsisJoseph Weiler's The Transformation of Europe is one of the most influential works in the history of European studies. Twenty-five years after its original publication, this new collection of essays pays tribute to Weiler's legacy by discussing some of the most pressing issues in contemporary European Union law, policy and constitutionalism. The book does not intend to be a simple expression of intellectual esteem for Weiler's seminal work; instead, the collection honours it by critically engaging with some of its assumptions and theses. Overall, it shows how a study of 1991 can still be fundamental to the present and future of the EU, including the challenges of Brexit and Eurozone crises.Trade Review'Joseph Weiler's 'The Transformation of Europe' was a seminal article that placed previous developments in sharp perspective, and contained valuable insights on the future challenges facing the EU. The article has stood the test of time. This volume provides a fitting tribute to Weiler's article, with important contributions from prominent scholars in the field that reflect on Weiler's scholarship from a variety of perspectives.' Paul Craig, University of Oxford''The Transformation of Europe' had a decisive impact on the constitution of a smarter knowledge about European integration. It helped a generation of scholars to liberate themselves from the notion of a postwar new European order placed above the fray of inter-state relations and agonistic about political preferences and social conflicts, ideological differences and value choices. It made them aware of the amorphous, conflictive and precarious character of European integration. It reintroduced in the picture the tension inherent in a political project making the existence of states subject to their coexistence and it turned this tension into the normative core of the project. This book is an effort by the same generation of scholars to revisit 'The Transformation of Europe' in view of their own conceptions developed since and thanks to the publication of the piece. A superb exercise of self-reflection and reappropriation of knowledge. A unique way of rethinking Europe in our time.” Loïc Azoulai, Institut d'études politiques de Paris'Amongst the many possible definitions of a 'classic', two features frequently arise. A classic most often connects worlds or ideas that are generally seen as distinct, and it stands the test of time: It may be revisited, amended, possibly improved, but a classic always provides us with a lens through which we understand the world. Weiler's The Transformation of Europe certainly meets these criteria and, as such, deserves the attention it gets here from a group of distinguished scholars.' Renaud Dehousse, President, European University Institute, Florence'This outstanding collection of essays transforms the 'Transformation of Europe'. Marking the 25th anniversary of Joseph Weiler's famous essay by that name, the authors take stock of how the European Union has developed in the quarter century since the essay was published, showing how Weiler's then-revolutionary blending of legal and political analysis remains the most useful way to comprehend the EU. As European crises have proliferated, Weiler's analysis of the structural tensions in the European project has looked more and more prescient. Legitimacy remains in short supply; European values are under stress. But the authors - an all-star cast of EU experts with a new essay by Professor Weiler himself - explore the way forward from the EU's present state of crisis and self-doubt. This collection is a compelling addition to the reading list of everyone concerned with the past, present and future of the European Union.' Kim Lane Scheppele, Laurance S. Rockefeller Professor of Sociology and International Affairs, Woodrow Wilson School and University Center for Human Values'This inspiring interdisciplinary, international and inter-generational collection of essays reinforces how Joseph Weiler's vivid writing and intriguing arguments energize the minds of scholars from diverse fields even today.' Karen J. Alter, Northwestern University, Illinois'What is the European construct and how to evaluate its current crisis? This book deserves a place of honor in the debate on the Union. … The authors of this book revisit Joseph Weiler's foundational analysis of the European Union and provide a key to the understanding of successes and failures of this experiment … [whilst also] capturing the essence of the European experiment. This work will likely influence public debate on the crisis of the Union. … A critical re-appraisal of an important book and, in the meantime, a diagnosis of the current crisis of the European Union. … A thoughtful and reasoned book about successes and failures of the European Union.' Sabino Cassese, Former Justice, Italian Constitutional CourtTable of ContentsTransformation of Europe J. H. H. Weiler; Introduction: the transformation of Europe twenty-five years after Miguel Maduro and Marlene Wind; 1. The transformation of Europe revisited: civilising interstatal relations Gráinne de Búrca; 2. Disequilibrium and disconnect: on Weiler's (still robust) theory of European transformation Peter L. Lindseth; 3. Joseph Weiler and the experience of law Julio Baquero Cruz; 4. The transformation of Europe in US legal academia and its legacy in the field of private law Daniela Caruso; 5. A European half-life? A retrospective on Joseph Weiler's The Transformation of Europe Neil Walker; 6. On the past and future of the transformation of Europe. Law, governance, rights and politics in the EU evolution Gianluigi Palombella; 7. Assessing the transformation of Europe: a view from political science R. Daniel Keleman and Alec Stone Sweet; 8. The Lisbon Treaty as a response to transformation's democratic skepticism Armin van Bogdandy; 9. Joseph Weiler, Eric Stein and the transformation of constitutional law Daniel Halberstam; 10. Perils of unity, promise of union Kalypso Nicolaïdis; 11. Unity and community: a tale of two monsters and one unanswered question Alexander Somek; 12. How transformative is the European project? Türküler Isiksel; 13. The transformation of Europe: loyalty lost, democracy lost? Franz C. Mayer; 14. The transformation of private law Hans W. Micklitz; 15. The transformation of Europe - and of selective exit twenty-five years after Marlene Wind; 16. Europe transformed. Exit, voice … and loyalty? Miguel Maduro; 17. The transformation of Europe revisited – the things that do not transform J. H. H. Weiler.

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Book SynopsisIn this rich analysis of the changing ideals of citizenship, Stephen K. White offers a path for the renewal of democratic life in the twenty-first century. Looking beyond passive notions of citizenship defined in terms of voting or passport possession, White seeks a more aspirational portrait, both participatory and inclusive, that challenges citizens, especially in the middle class, to confront power structures to achieve greater justice. Using the Tea Party and followers of Donald Trump as foils, he shows how these groups'' resentful and exclusivist conceptions of active citizenship undermine democratic aspirations. White explores how such deleterious influence might be effectively engaged by a robust counter-conception on the democratic left. The book makes this aspirational ideal conceptually clear, normatively compelling and aesthetically attractive.Trade Review'The volume requires an extensive understanding of political theory but is a rewarding read.' R. A. Harper, ChoiceTable of Contents1. Moral and theoretical sources; 2. Models of citizenship: virtual patriots and Tea Parties; 3. Models of citizenship: a democratic bearing; 4. Depth experience, faith and democratic life; 5. One path for critical political theory; 6. The consensus machine and 'no-saying'; 7. Suspicious conjectures and uneven injustice; 8. Conclusion.

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Book SynopsisWhy has violence spiked in Latin America''s contemporary democracies? What explains its temporal and spatial variation? Analyzing the region''s uneven homicide levels, this book maps out a theoretical agenda focusing on three intersecting factors: the changing geography of transnational illicit political economies; the varied capacity and complicity of state institutions tasked with providing law and order; and organizational competition to control illicit territorial enclaves. These three factors inform the emergence of ''homicidal ecologies'' (subnational regions most susceptible to violence) in Latin America. After focusing on the contemporary causes of homicidal violence, the book analyzes the comparative historical origins of weak and complicit public security forces and the rare moments in which successful institutional reform takes place. Regional trends in Latin America are evaluated, followed by original case studies of Central America, which claims among the highest homicide rates in the world.Trade Review'A brilliant example of how careful social science research can illuminate the most pressing problems of our times, Homicidal Ecologies shows why democracy and the end of civil war didn't bring peace to Latin America. Rather than resulting from economic inequality or weak democratic institutions, homicidal violence soared along the routes of the Continental drug trade where cartels compete and the state is too weak or corrupt to rein them in.' Andreas Wimmer, author of Nation Building: Why Some Countries Come Together While Other Fall Apart'Latin America has the highest homicide rates in the world. Homicidal Ecologies offer a comprehensive portrait of violence in the region, and a broader theory of illicit markets, state capacity, and their responses to structural conditions and organizational incentives. It will prove indispensable not only to Latin Americanists but to students of violence and political development more generally. This book's importance cannot be overstated. It is a must-read.' M. Victoria Murillo, Columbia University'Civil war and dictatorship have virtually vanished in Latin America. Yet in many parts of the region, violent death remains a part of daily life. Through awe-inspiring data collection and encyclopedic area expertise, Deborah J. Yashar provides a granular descriptive picture of Latin America's homicidal ecologies. She convincingly demonstrates that homicide levels have skyrocketed in zones where state weakness and corruption spawn deadly competition to control the transit of illicit goods.' Dan Slater, University of Michigan'Homicidal Ecologies is a pathbreaking account of the tragic surge in violence in post-civil war Central America. Yashar breaks new theoretical ground in explaining how criminal violence is related to illicit economies, state capacities, and organizational competition over territorial enclaves and transportation routes. This book is essential reading for anyone who seeks to understand the deep societal roots of violence in Central America, and why some countries are more susceptible to it than others.' Kenneth Roberts, Cornell University, New York'In this eagerly anticipated book, Deborah J. Yashar takes up one of the most critical challenges facing Latin America today: how to understand the violence that has plagued the region after democratization. Showcasing Yashar's deep knowledge of Central America, Homicidal Ecologies explains this violence as the result of competition between organizations over the control of territory - an argument that is especially compelling because it draws on transnational, national, and subnational levels of analysis.' Kent Eaton, University of California, Santa CruzTable of ContentsPart I. Introduction: 1. Violence in third wave democracies; 2. Engaging the theoretical debate and alternative arguments; Part II. The Argument about Homicidal Ecologies: 3. Illicit economies and territorial enclaves: the transnational context and domestic footprint; 4. State capacity and organizational competition: strategic calculations about territory and violence; Part III. Divergent Trajectories in Central America: Three Post-Civil War Cases: 5. High violence in post-Civil-War Guatemala; 6. High violence in post-Civil War El Salvador; 7. Circumscribing violence in post-Civil War Nicaragua; Part IV. Looking Backwards and Forwards: 8. Concluding with states.

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Book SynopsisThe legal system is awash with excessive and incomprehensible information. Yet many of us assume that the unrelenting torrent of information pouring into various legal programs is both inevitable and unstoppable. We have become complacent; but it does not have to be this way. Incomprehensible! argues that surrendering to incomprehensibility is a bad mistake. Drawing together evidence from diverse fields such as consumer protection, financial regulation, patents, chemical control, and administrative and legislative processes, this book identifies a number of important legal programs that are built on the foundational assumption that ''more information is better''. Each of these legal processes have been designed in ways that ignore the imperative of meaningful communication. To rectify this systemic problem, the law must be re-designed to pay careful attention to the problem of incomprehensibility.Trade Review'Using a wide variety of legal fields, Wagner and Walker unpack how asymmetrical comprehension or information dictates a price point at which people will stop seeking to understand but instead pay a cost to have someone else understand for them.' Ashley Pearson, International Journal for the Semiotics of Law'I found this book well researched and meticulously referenced … I would recommend it for academic and government audiences, particularly those interested in regulatory reform.' David H. Michels, Canadian Law Library Review'This is a valuable read for students, academics, and practitioners.' F. E. Knowles, ChoiceTable of ContentsAcknowledgments; Part I. The Concept: 1. Introduction; 2. Modeling comprehension asymmetries; 3. The implications of comprehension asymmetries for the law; Part II. Application: 4. Comprehension asymmetries and consumer protection law; 5A. Comprehension asymmetries in financial regulation; 5B. Comprehension asymmetries in the law of patents; 5C. Comprehension asymmetries in chemical regulation; 6. Comprehension asymmetries in administrative process; 7. Comprehension asymmetries in legislative processes; Part III. System-Wide Reform: 8. A blueprint for reform; Bibliography.

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Book SynopsisThe direct primary stands as one of the most significant and distinctive political reforms of the Progressive era in American history. In this book, the authors provide the most comprehensive treatment available on the topic and utilize new data on election outcomes, candidate backgrounds, incumbent performance and behavior, newspaper endorsements, and voters'' preferences. They begin by studying whether primary elections have achieved the goals set by progressive reformers when they were first introduced over a century ago. They then evaluate the key roles these elections have played in the US electoral systems, such as injecting electoral competition into the regions that are dominated by one of the two major parties, helping select relatively qualified candidates for office, and, in some cases, holding incumbents accountable for their performance. They conclude with studying the degree to which primaries are responsible for the current, highly polarized environment. Anyone interesteTrade Review'This is a wonderful, definitive study of American party primaries at the state and district level, going back a century. All the usual wrinkles are convincingly addressed - origins, history, competition, turnout, factions, candidate quality, polarization, reform options, and more. For all its messiness, the authors conclude, the system seems to work reasonably well.' David R. Mayhew, Sterling Professor of Political Science Emeritus, Yale University, Connecticut'Hirano and Snyder's Primary Elections in the United States presents the most comprehensive, theoretically informed, and empirically rich analysis of the origins and consequences of primary elections yet attempted. It is a fundamental contribution to the literature on American party politics and will be the go-to source for anyone interested in learning how primaries have affected representation in the US.' Gary Jacobson, University of California, San DiegoTable of Contents1. More democracy; 2. One-party dominance, 1880 to 1950; 3. Introduction of primaries and electoral competition, 1892 to 1950; 4. Primaries and party loyalty; 5. Primaries and the qualifications of nominees; 6. Voting behavior and primary elections, 1892 to 1950; 7. Primaries in a changing electoral environment, 1950 to 2016; 8. Primaries and candidate selection in the modern era; 9. Voting behavior and primary elections, 1950 to 2016; 10. Primaries and accountability in the modern era; 11. Primaries and polarization; 12. Conclusion.

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Book SynopsisCitizens, political leaders, and scholars invoke the term ''democracy'' to describe present-day states without grasping its roots or prospects in theory or practice. This book clarifies the political discourse about democracy by identifying that its primary focus is human activity, not consent. It points out how democracy is neither self-legitimating nor self-justifying and so requires critical, ethical discourse to address its ongoing problems, such as inequality and exclusion. Wallach pinpoints how democracy has historically depended on notions of goodness to ratify its power. The book analyses pivotal concepts of democratic ethics such as ''virtue'', ''representation'', ''civil rightness'', ''legitimacy'', and ''human rights'' and looks at them as practical versions of goodness that have adapted democracy to new constellations of power in history. Wallach notes how democratic ethics should never be reduced to power or moral ideals. Historical understanding needs to come first to higTrade Review'Democracy and Goodness is an admirable exercise in argumentation, as refined in its theoretical perspective as it is expansive in its political scope. Ranging across ancients and moderns in an unabashedly 'historicizing' mode, Wallach intervenes decisively onto the contested terrain of contemporary democratic theory, retrieving an account of democratic ethics that is intrinsic to democracy as an ongoing activity in politics and history. On these terms, Wallach's book is a welcome provocation at a moment when principled and coherent conceptions of the relation between democracy, power, and goodness are in short supply.' Mary G. Dietz, Northwestern University, Illinois'Wallach argues on the opening page of this ambitious, erudite, and wide-ranging book, 'democracy' is often treated as self-evidently 'good'. Why - on the basis of what conceptualizations of democracy and goodness - have successive generations of self identified democrats believed that? And how should future democracies act so as to bring democracy and goodness closer together? Wallach argues that efficacious answers to the second question require the kind of critical political judgment that can be developed by answering the first one.' Daniela Cammack, University of CaliforniaTable of ContentsPreface; Acknowledgements; Introduction; 1. Historicizing democratic ethics; 2. Democracy and virtue in ancient Athens; 3. Representation as a political virtue and the formation of liberal democracy; 4. Civil rightness: a virtuous discipline for the modern Demos; 5. Democracy and legitimacy: popular justification of states amid contemporary globalization; 6. Human rights and democracy; Conclusion: political action and retrospection; Bibliography; Index.

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Book SynopsisIn this ground breaking analysis, Terry M. Moe treats Hurricane Katrina as a natural experiment that offers a rare opportunity to learn about the role of power in the politics of institutional reform. When Katrina hit, it physically destroyed New Orleans'' school buildings, but it also destroyed the vested-interest power that had protected the city''s abysmal education system from major reform. With the constraints of power lifted, decision makers who had been incremental problem-solvers turned into revolutionaries, creating the most innovative school system in the entire country. The story of New Orleans'' path from failure to revolution is fascinating, but, more importantly, it reveals the true role of power, whose full effects normally cannot be observed, because power has a ''second face'' that is hidden and unobservable. Making use of Katrina''s analytic leverage, Moe pulls back the curtain to show that this second face has profound consequences that stifle and undermine society''Trade Review'A groundbreaking contribution. By creatively leveraging Katrina's impact on New Orleans education reform as a natural experiment, Moe generates fresh insights into the role of power in sustaining poorly performing institutions and sheds new light on society's potential for problem-solving and real reform. A must-read.' Eric M. Patashnik, Brown University, Rhode Island'Beautifully written, rich in descriptive detail, and propelled by a singular idea, The Politics of Institutional Reform packs a punch. This isn't just a book about education reform. It is a book about all public policy all the time: about how vested-interest power prevents society from fixing its institutions - and how, when that power is swept away, reforms once deemed heretical can become commonplace.' William Howell, University of Chicago'Terry M. Moe uses the case of Hurricane Katrina to generate fundamental insights into the politics of institutional reform. Moe demonstrates how the 'second face of power' ordinarily allows vested interests to stifle major reform, and shows how institutional politics are transformed when their power is disrupted. A must-read for anyone interested in understanding the dynamics of institutional stability and change - and the challenge of fixing failing institutions.' Eric Schickler, University of California, Berkeley'Terry M. Moe uses a theorist's insight to cut through the clutter surrounding New Orleans' school transformation. As he shows, smart pragmatists like Paul Pastorek can do sensible things, but only when the guardians of the status quo lose their blocking power. The result is a novel and revealing analysis of how power shapes the prospects for institutional reform.' Paul Hill, Center for Reinventing Public Education, University of WashingtonTable of ContentsIntroduction; 1. Power, vested interests, and the politics of institutional reform; 2. Before Katrina: the normal politics of reform; 3. After Katrina: reform with the lid off; 4. Protecting the revolution: toward a new normal; 5. Learning from Katrina.

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Book SynopsisIdeological congruence is the term generally used in comparative politics for the representative relationship between the general preferences of citizens and the perceived and stated position of government. This study provides a systematic comparative assessment of success and failure in achieving ideological congruence in nineteen developed parliamentary democracies from 1996 through to 2017. It then deconstructs the processes through which elections can connect citizens and governments into the three major stages: citizens'' votes in parliamentary elections; the conversion of those votes into legislative representation; the election of prime ministers by their parliaments and the appointment of cabinet ministers. Analyzing these three stages shows that average distance from the median citizen increases at each stage, with only a few remarkable recoveries once congruence begins to go astray.Table of Contents1. Elections and ideological congruence in parliamentary democracies; 2. The (rocky) paths to government congruence: three stages; 3. Party systems as contexts; 4. Incongruence at stage I: starting out on or off the path to ideological congruence; 5. Congruence failures at stage II: votes into seats – disproportionality and the distance of the median legislative party; 6. Forming governments: stage III failure – distance of the governments; 7. A special analysis problem at stage III: minority governments; 8. The costs of ideological congruence: achieving and achieved; 9. Representation in parliamentary democracies: when does congruence go astray?

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Book SynopsisA new taxonomy of democratic architectures, which reconnects deliberation to the study of patterns of democracy. Whether readers are interested in satisfaction with democracy, income inequality, subnational architectures or geographic factors in institutional design, this book gives fresh insights based on a database encompassing sixty-one countries.Trade Review'Power Diffusion and Democracy is an enormously impressive work - a comparative masterpiece. It's a theoretically and methodologically sophisticated analysis of the political-institutional arrangements in more than sixty democracies. The authors convincingly link the concept of deliberation, which matches my own work on the politics of accommodation, to the framework of patterns of democracy. The wide and deep database, the various analytical perspectives and the important findings make this book an essential reading for anyone interested in the mechanisms of power diffusion in democracies.' Arend Lijphart, University of California, San Diego'… the book is of high interest for advanced students and scholars in the field of assessing democratic quality especially regarding power diffusion and deliberation. Further Bernauer's and Vatter's book will also be of interest to those interested in actor-centered institutionalism. Finally, the book is also recommended for scholars of other social science disciplines, as it draws on sociological aspects of inclusion, such as income equality and migrant integration.' Ingrid Heidlmayr-Chegdaly, DemocratizationTable of Contents1. Introducing power diffusion in democracies; 2. A theory of power diffusion, deliberation and democracy; 3. A taxonomy of power diffusion; 4. Performance; 5. Legitimacy; 6. Explaining power diffusion; 7. Convergence; 8. Subnational power diffusion; 9. Conclusions.

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Book SynopsisThis book brings together research on democratization processes and constitutional justice by examining the role of three generations of European constitutional courts in the transitions to democracy that took place in Europe in the twentieth century. Using a comparative perspective, the author examines how the constitutional courts during that period managed to ensure an initial full implementation of the constitutional provisions, thus contributing - together with other actors and factors - to the positive outcome of the democratization processes. European Constitutional Courts and Transitions to Democracy provides a better understanding of the relationship between transitions to democracy and constitutionalism from the perspective of constitutional courts.Trade Review'Biagi has produced a masterpiece of comparative law. His methodologically careful, crisply analytic study of constitutional courts in Europe deepens our understanding of the role of judicial review in democratic transition. He shows how courts transform politics while securing constitutional democracy.' Tom Ginsburg, Leo Spitz Professor of International Law, University of Chicago'Francesco Biagi has written an important book on the role of constitutional courts in transitions to democracy. The literature on the subject is abundant, but Biagi's book stands out because of its unique combination of an historical and interdisciplinary approach to highlight legal landmarks and substantive democratic achievements. His account of three generations of transitions is highly rewarding as it affords a wealth of both retrospective and prospective insights.' Michel Rosenfeld, Yeshiva UniversityTable of Contents1. Democratic transitions and constitutional courts; 2. The first generation: the case of the Italian Constitutional Court; 3. The second generation: the case of the Spanish Constitutional Court; 4. The third generation: the case of the Constitutional Court of the Czech Republic; 5. Comparing three generations; Bibliography; Index.

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Book SynopsisAppearing against the backdrop of Jordan''s remarkable levels of authoritarian stability and accounting for Jordan being one of the highest recipients of US and European ''democracy promotion'' funding, Promoting Democracy, Reinforcing Authoritarianism examines what external ''democracy promoters'' actually do when they promote democracy. By examining why Jordanian authoritarianism is so stable, not despite but in part because of external attempts at ''democracy promotion'', Benjamin Schuetze demonstrates the depth of Orientalist attitudes among ''democracy promoters''. In highlighting the undermining of democratic values as they become circumscribed by the free market and security concerns, Schuetze suggests that although US and European policy in Jordan comes under the cloak of a universal morality which claims the surmounting of authoritarianism as its objective, its effect is not that different to traditional modes of imperial support for authoritarian regimes. As a result, this is a vivid illustration of what greater US and European policy presence in the Global South really means.Trade Review'Schuetze has produced a much-needed analysis of how US and EU 'democracy promotion' in Jordan buttresses authoritarian rule. Textured and layered, his work challenges ideas of a benevolent monarchy and well-intentioned external actors, providing us with important insights into the logics and limits of the 'reform game' in Jordan.' Ziad M. Abu-Rish, Ohio University'Schuetze offers a theoretically-informed, practice-oriented, empirically rigorous expose of 'Western' promotion of certain aspects of procedural democracy in Jordan. In addition to projects oriented towards elections and civil society, respectively, he investigates neoliberal economic models and security collaboration, placing political aid in the context of global power structures and ideologies.' Sheila Carapico, University of Richmond'Western democracy promotion programs in the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan have been state of the art for decades. In this important study, Schuetze blows the lid off by examining what democracy promotion actually does. Based on a wealth of interviews and striking observational evidence, Schuetze frames democracy promotion policies as intimately tied to monarchical absolutism in Jordan.' Pete W. Moore, Case Western Reserve University, OhioTable of ContentsPreface: in Jordan 'reform is not a strange word'; 1. 'Democracy promotion' and moral authority; 2. Who's afraid of politics?; 3. Supporting, mobilising for, and ignoring Jordanian elections; 4. The Jordanian civil society market; 5. Break on through to the other side; 6. Securing Jordan; 7. Imperial coercion, liberal intervention and the rise of populist politics; Sources and bibliography.

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Book SynopsisComparing the experiences of different countries before, during, and after the Arab Spring, this is a broad but focused account of how societies, including those of Egypt, Libya, Yemen, Iraq, and Tunisia, handled the challenge of democratic consolidation.Trade Review'Stephen J. King's very insightful and timely study sheds important light on what followed the 2011 uprisings in six Arab countries. He has picked exactly the right cases for comparative analysis aimed at identifying generalizable patterns and scope conditions for authoritarian breakdown and the different paths that followed. The chapters on each country are rich and informative, but King explains as well as describes. His thesis that challenges associated with democratic consolidation bear much of the responsibility for the failure of most Arab Spring revolutions is both welcome and persuasive.' Mark Tessler, Samuel J. Eldersveld Professor of Political Science, University of Michigan'In his valuable new book, Stephen J. King offers a new take on the trajectories of the Arab Uprising states. While most analyses have focused on authoritarian breakdown, King focuses on the requisites of democratic consolidation: consensus via pacts on key issues. This enables a deeper understanding of the variation in post-uprising trajectories between the one case of relative consolidation, Tunisia, and authoritarian restoration or state failure elsewhere.' Raymond Hinnebusch, University of St Andrews'King tells this story in five well-researched chapters with a short conclusion. His book should be an instant classic in comparative politics and would be suitable for undergraduate courses on Middle East politics.' S. Waalkes, ChoiceTable of ContentsTable of abbreviations; Introduction; 1. Tunisia; 2. Egypt; 3. Libya; 4. Yemen; 5. Broken states: Iraq, Syria and ISIS; 6. Summary and conclusions; Index.

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Book SynopsisThe collapse of the communist monopoly across Central and Southeastern Europe in 1989/1990 initiated a process of rapid political, economic, and cultural change. While Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, and Serbia went on to suffer three and a half years of war, all the states of the region have confronted challenges as they dismantled communist institutions and drafted new laws, in some cases ignoring their own laws. Indeed, in certain countries, local politicians have done their best to corrupt the media and the economy, with recent years seeing some states move in an illiberal direction. Throughout the region, however, there has been a strong interest in enjoying the benefits of membership of the European Union and NATO. In this updated second edition, regional specialists comprehensively analyze the post-communist trajectories of the states of Central and Southeastern Europe, encompassing democratization, privatization, corruption, and war. It will appeal to students and scholars, whetheTrade Review'The second edition of this useful collection of essays provides context for the persistent challenges to what in 1989 was advertised as the 'transition' of Central and Eastern Europe from Communism to liberal democracy and European integration. Contributors take a sober view of populism and the stubborn corrosive of corruption and provide specific suggestions on how governments, activists, and European institutions might overcome the disorientation that has afflicted them since at least the financial crisis of 2008. It helps the reader understand that 'progress' is only one of multiple plausible futures for the region.' David Kanin, The Johns Hopkins University'This second edition of the Ramet-Hassenstab book is an extraordinary and timely contribution to rethink the long itinerary of post-socialist Europe from the 'Great Transformation' of 1989 to the current events. Shedding new light to the impact of reforms and societal transformations, this highly recommended book offers an updated and unique analysis of a world under deep transformation, where still corruption, freedom constraints of media, reforms stagnation, and attractive 'illiberal democracy' perspectives are playing a crucial role within a broader, European context, which is increasingly under growing disorder. Stefano Bianchini, University of Bologna, Forlì'With the European Union finally taking note of the illiberal trends in some newer members, this updated volume is a timely look at the mixed outcomes from the post-Communist transitions. Bringing together the insights and analyses of noted specialists from North America and Europe, Ramet and Hassenstab have again grappled superbly with understanding the challenges to democratic resilience, economic reform, and regional security in an era of rising populism, Russian resurgence, and fragile institutions.' Robert F. Goeckel, State University of New York, Geneseo'This book shall be of use and importance to students, analysts and policymakers interested in any country of the region, and in the different experiences of these neighboring countries.' Senada Zatagić, Insight Turkey'Where this textbook really shines and comes into its own is in the level and depth of analysis undertaken by each author, something that is often not seen in a textbook of this nature. This one serves as an excellent introductory text for students taking their first steps into the history and politics of the region and will probably find itself on many recommended reading lists. At the same time, the book also serves as a useful reference for more knowledgeable readers who want to reacquaint themselves with the region before delving deeper into the literature. All readers will benefit from the strong empirical account of the region's development accompanied by expert analysis at the theoretical level.' Jonathan Millins, Europe-Asia StudiesTable of ContentsPart I. Introduction: 1. The challenge of transformation since 1989: an introduction Sabrina P. Ramet and Christine M. Hassenstab; 2. Post-socialist models of rule in Central and Southeastern Europe Sabrina P. Ramet and F. Peter Wagner; Part II. Issues: 3. Media, journalism, and the third wave of democratization in former Communist countries Peter Gross; 4. Economic reforms and the burdens of transition Karl Kaser; 5. The war of Yugoslav succession Marko Attila Hoare; Part III. Central Europe: 6. Poland since 1989: muddling through, wall to wall Konstanty Gebert; 7. Building democratic values in the Czech Republic since 1989 Carol Skalnik Leff; 8. Slovakia since 1989 Erika Harris and Karen Henderson; 9. Two faces of Hungary: from democratization to democratic backsliding András Bozóki and Eszter Simon; Part IV. Yugoslav Successor States: 10. Slovenia since 1989 Danica Fink-Hafner; 11. Politics in Croatia since 1990 Sabrina P. Ramet and Ivo Goldstein; 12. Serbia and Montenegro since 1989 Sabrina P. Ramet; 13. Bosnia and Herzegovina since 1991 Florian Bieber; 14. Macedonia/North Macedonia since 1989 Zachary T. Irwin; 15. Kosova: from resisting expulsion to building on independence Frances Trix; Part V. Southeastern Europe: 16. Romania: in the shadow of the past Lavinia Stan; 17. Bulgaria since 1989 Maria Spirova and Radostina Sharenkova-Toshkova; 18. Albania since 1989: the Hoxhaist Legacy Bernd J. Fischer; Part VI. Present and Future Challenges: 19. Regional security and regional relations Rick Fawn; 20. The European Union and democratization in Central and Southeastern Europe since 1989 Ulrich Sedelmeier; 21. Conclusion – adapting to the twenty-first century: lessons, progress, and regression Aurel Braun.

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Book SynopsisSergio Fabbrini proposes a way out of the EU''s crises, which have triggered an unprecedented cleavage between ''sovereignist'' and ''Europeanist'' forces. The intergovernmental governance of the multiple crises of the past decade has led to a division on the very rationale of Europe''s integration project. Sovereignism (the expression of nationalistic and populist forces) has demanded more decision-making autonomy for the EU member states, although Europeanism has struggled to make an effective case against this challenge. Fabbrini proposes a new perspective to release the EU from this predicament, involving the decoupling and reforming of the EU: on the one hand, the economic community of the single market (consisting of the current member states of the EU and of others interested in joining or re-joining it); and on the other, the political union (largely based on the eurozone reformed according to an original model of the federal union).Trade Review'Europe's Future provides an incisive analysis of the design weaknesses of the European Union - its dual supranational and intergovernmental character - and explains how that structure has contributed to the extraordinary surge of opposition to the EU among voters across the continent. Sergio Fabbrini, one of the leading scholars of the EU, presents his case in a highly readable form and provides guidance as to how it can get out of its current predicament.' Francis Fukuyama, Stanford University, California'Fabbrini's book is a twofold exercise in lesson-drawing and forward-looking. He designs a stimulating and challenging alternative to the present process of Europeanisation by decoupling market objectives from the aspiration of political integration. Both scholars and students will be nourished with food for thought aplenty in this rich and provocative study.' Yves Mèny, European University Institute, Florence'In a brilliant and complex study, Fabbrini develops a powerful explanation of the EU's present malaise and an original perspective on its possible correction. The way forward suggested would decouple the supranational regime of the Single Market from a more selective 'federal union'. This fascinating vision of a federal union 'functioning without a people, a government and a state' will push the debate on EU reforms beyond the current agenda of predictably ineffective or illegitimate proposals.' Fritz W. Scharpf, Max-Planck-Institut für Gesellschaftsforschung, Cologne'In this tour de force, Fabbrini boldly demonstrates how and why the EU's current institutional architecture, challenged by the euro and migration crises combined with the rise of nationalism and populism, can only be resolved by creating two unions, the economic one wide, for the Single Market, the political one deep, around the Euro area.' Vivien A. Schmidt, Boston UniversityTable of ContentsIntroduction: multiple crises and European governance; 1. Supranational and intergovernmental governance; 2. Intergovernmental governance and its implications; 3. Sovereignist challenges and the political union; 4. From Statist to federal political union; 5. The future of Europe as constitutional decoupling.

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Book SynopsisIdeological congruence is the term generally used in comparative politics for the representative relationship between the general preferences of citizens and the perceived and stated position of government. This study provides a systematic comparative assessment of success and failure in achieving ideological congruence in nineteen developed parliamentary democracies from 1996 through to 2017. It then deconstructs the processes through which elections can connect citizens and governments into the three major stages: citizens'' votes in parliamentary elections; the conversion of those votes into legislative representation; the election of prime ministers by their parliaments and the appointment of cabinet ministers. Analyzing these three stages shows that average distance from the median citizen increases at each stage, with only a few remarkable recoveries once congruence begins to go astray.Table of Contents1. Elections and ideological congruence in parliamentary democracies; 2. The (rocky) paths to government congruence: three stages; 3. Party systems as contexts; 4. Incongruence at stage I: starting out on or off the path to ideological congruence; 5. Congruence failures at stage II: votes into seats – disproportionality and the distance of the median legislative party; 6. Forming governments: stage III failure – distance of the governments; 7. A special analysis problem at stage III: minority governments; 8. The costs of ideological congruence: achieving and achieved; 9. Representation in parliamentary democracies: when does congruence go astray?

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Book SynopsisIn this rich analysis of the changing ideals of citizenship, Stephen K. White offers a path for the renewal of democratic life in the twenty-first century. Looking beyond passive notions of citizenship defined in terms of voting or passport possession, White seeks a more aspirational portrait, both participatory and inclusive, that challenges citizens, especially in the middle class, to confront power structures to achieve greater justice. Using the Tea Party and followers of Donald Trump as foils, he shows how these groups'' resentful and exclusivist conceptions of active citizenship undermine democratic aspirations. White explores how such deleterious influence might be effectively engaged by a robust counter-conception on the democratic left. The book makes this aspirational ideal conceptually clear, normatively compelling and aesthetically attractive.Trade Review'The volume requires an extensive understanding of political theory but is a rewarding read.' R. A. Harper, ChoiceTable of Contents1. Moral and theoretical sources; 2. Models of citizenship: virtual patriots and Tea Parties; 3. Models of citizenship: a democratic bearing; 4. Depth experience, faith and democratic life; 5. One path for critical political theory; 6. The consensus machine and 'no-saying'; 7. Suspicious conjectures and uneven injustice; 8. Conclusion.

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Book SynopsisDemocracy in America, written by French lawyer Alexis de Tocqueville in 1831, documents his travels through America where he finds an equality unknown in Europe. When Alexis de Tocqueville came to study Democracy in America, the trial of nearly a half-century of the working of our system had been made, and it had been proved, by many crucial tests, to be a government of liberty regulated by law, with such results in the development of strength, in population, wealth, and military and commercial power, as no age had ever witnessed. Democracy in America was received at once by the scholars and thinkers of Europe as a profound, impartial, and entertaining exposition of the principles of popular, representative self-government. This book continues to be as important today as when it was first written.

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Book SynopsisDemocracy in America, written by French lawyer Alexis de Tocqueville in 1831, documents his travels through America where he finds an equality unknown in Europe. When Alexis de Tocqueville came to study Democracy in America, the trial of nearly a half-century of the working of our system had been made, and it had been proved, by many crucial tests, to be a government of liberty regulated by law, with such results in the development of strength, in population, wealth, and military and commercial power, as no age had ever witnessed. Democracy in America was received at once by the scholars and thinkers of Europe as a profound, impartial, and entertaining exposition of the principles of popular, representative self-government. This book continues to be as important today as when it was first written.

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Book SynopsisThere is no doubt that the House of Representatives exists and functions in the United States. The fact that few understand how it does exist and function is the subject of this new book. The chapters in this book detail the sometimes arcane procedures and processes of this grunt-type chamber. These are the folks who do the heavy lifting of lawmaking. The Senate may be considered august, especially to its own members, but it is the House which forms the backbone of American democracy at the federal level.

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Book SynopsisThe central concern of this study is power and influence, a twin concept: How African countries can obtain power and use it properly for the common good of the people. Thus the transfer of the concepts of power and influence from the plane of theory to that of social practice should render a service to those in search of greater social relevance in social change as well as to those seeking an improved, more precise, and intellectually more manageable and intelligible frame of reference for power and its usage. This publication is different, and the hope is that it will open new vistas to students as well as the reading public who are beginning to learn about state-building, democracy and development (government and politics) in countries other than their own.

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Book SynopsisThis book includes a discussion of the impact of women in Congress as well as historical information, including the number and percentage of women in Congress over time, means of entry to Congress, comparisons to international and state legislatures, records for tenure, firsts for women in Congress, women in leadership, and African American and Asian Pacific American women in Congress. This book also includes biographical information, including the names, committee assignments, dates of service, listings by Congress and state, and (for Representatives) congressional districts of the 297 women who have served in Congress.

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Book SynopsisDiscretionary spending covers the costs of the routine activities commonly associated with such federal government functions as running executive branch agencies, congressional offices and agencies, and international operations of the government. Essentially all spending on federal wages and salaries is discretionary. Discretionary spending also funds grants, purchases of equipment and other assets, and contractor services that support various federal programs and activities. Congress provides and controls discretionary funding through annual appropriations acts, which grant federal agencies the legal authority to obligate the U.S. government to make payments. Budget authority is the amount that can be legally obligated. Outlays are the payments made by the U.S. Treasury to satisfy those obligations. This book discusses trends in outlays. It also presents figures showing trends in discretionary budget authority as a percentage of GDP by subfunction within each of 17 budget function categories, using data from President Obama''s FY2014 budget submission. It provides a starting point for discussions about spending trends.

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Book SynopsisThis series gathers and presents original research in the study of the Presidency of the United States. Each article has been carefully selected in an attempt to present substantial topical data across a broad spectrum. Topics discussed in this compilation include the Presidential inauguration; joint Congressional Committee on inaugural ceremonies; inauguration security; the President''s budget; gifts to the President of the United States; the 2013 cybersecurity executive order; national security and emergency preparedness communications; and executive order 13438.

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Book SynopsisThe European Union (EU) is a political and economic partnership that represents a unique form of cooperation among sovereign countries. The Union is the latest stage in a process of integration begun after World War II, initially by six Western European countries, to foster interdependence and make another war in Europe unthinkable. Today, the EU is composed of 28 member states, including most of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, and has helped to promote peace, stability, and economic prosperity throughout the European continent. The EU has been built through a series of binding treaties, and over the years, EU member states have sought to harmonise laws and adopt common policies on an increasing number of economic, social, and political issues. EU member states share a customs union, a single market in which goods, people, and capital move freely, a common trade policy, and a common agricultural policy. This book serves as a primer on the EU and provides a brief description of U.S.-EU relations that may be of interest in the 113th Congress. This book also asks questions about the democratic credentials of the European Union.

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Book SynopsisThe first clause of the Fourteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, known as the Citizenship Clause, provides that [a]ll persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside. This generally has been taken to mean that any person born in the United States automatically gains U.S. citizenship, regardless of the citizenship or immigration status of the persons parents, with limited exceptions such as children born to recognized foreign diplomats. The current rule is often called birthright citizenship. However, driven in part by concerns about unauthorized immigration, some have questioned this understanding of the Citizenship Clause, and in particular the meaning of subject to the jurisdiction [of the United States]. This book traces the history of birthright citizenship under U.S. law and discusses some of the legislation in recent Congresses intended to alter it.

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Book SynopsisAn urgent and timely exploration of a British political system in peril – and what we must do to save it. For centuries, British identity has been shaped by ideas of exceptionalism, grandeur and competence. Yet British democracy is failing. Governments supported by a minority of voters are elected with enormous majorities under a deeply unrepresentative first-past-the-post system. The result has been failed leaders delivering wounding blows to the country's economy, prosperity and international image. Britain Is Better Than This explores what lies beneath this sense of malaise, revealing the structural and constitutional failures at the heart of a sclerotic political system. It sheds light on a culture of lies, distrust and corruption. It reveals fundamental flaws in core institutions, including the media, the House of Lords and the House of Commons. It draws on events such as the MP expenses scandal, Brexit, 'Partygate' and the farcical premiership of Liz Truss, as symptoms of a great nation at a turning point yet unsure of which way to turn. And it looks ahead, offering practical solutions to answer the key question of our time: What do we need to do to build a better future? 'The most compelling, lacerating description of the Muppet Show that is British public life I have yet read.' Will Hutton 'There can be no book more urgently needed than this one.' Steve RichardsTrade ReviewThe most compelling, lacerating description of the Muppet show that is British public life I have yet read. Esler on occasion reaches the heights of Tom Paine in his devastating mockery of the British system – from the corners of the House of Lords to the playing fields of Eton. You laugh out loud while violently agreeing – we are better than this. * Will Hutton, author of The State We're In *Gavin Esler rightly asserts that Britain is better than this, shows with vivid insight why it is a country in deep crisis and what can be done about it. There can be no book more urgently needed than this one. * Steve Richards, author of The Prime Ministers We Never Had *As Gavin Elser writes, ‘many of us feel that our demonstrably clever and competent country has lost its way’. I am certainly amongst their number. And I share his view that much of our problem is bound up with our outdated and unwritten constitution and our distorted media landscape. We can be better than this. We can be a stronger democracy and a kinder society. Gavin Esler’s important book points the way to that better future for our country. * Professor Molly Scott Cato, Vice Chair of the European Movement *This powerful and passionate book sets out a searing account of why our political system is broken, and what needs to be done to repair the damage and restore our international reputation. I strongly recommend it! * Lord Peter Ricketts *PRAISE FOR HOW BRITAIN ENDS: 'A wonderful book which will be quoted in years to come' New European. 'An eloquent, forensic examination of resurgent English nationalism as the force that has driven Brexit and may now break up the United Kingdom' Jonathan Coe. 'A fascinating book that draws on poetry, literature and on-the-ground reporting' The Times. 'Packed with broad cultural and literary insight to go with hard-nosed political evaluation' GQ. 'A cool-headed contribution to this often emotional debate' * Sunday Business Post *

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Book SynopsisNever in the lifetime of most British adults has there been such uncertainty about the future of the political and governing institutions of the state. Brexit has the potential to change everything – from the shape of government institutions, to the main political parties, from Britain’s relationship with its near neighbour Ireland to its international trading. The idealists of the Leave campaign won their vote in 2016. But now the realists are gently taking over. Here, Denis MacShane explains how the Brexit process will be long and full of difficulties – arguing that a ‘Brexiternity’ of negotiations and internal political wrangling in Britain lies ahead.Trade ReviewBrexiternity is another title with foresight and flair. * Financial Times *Denis MacShane knows European politics better than most and he has been consistent in predicting and charting the course of Brexit ever since David Cameron announced the referendum in January 2013. His latest look forward to many years of dominating England's relations with Europe, with Ireland and Scotland. Unless new political leadership arises that cuts the Brexit Gordian knot we face a difficult Brexit decade which this book explains. * Polly Toynbee *It is unbelievable to me that a rational nation like Britain should embark on such a disastrous venture as Brexit, which puts at risk the economic and political links with Europe, the continent where our civilization was born and where our, and still the world’s, biggest market is to be found. With the rise of Asia and the growing isolation of the United States it is imperative that we stay united in Europe and work for each other for the common good. Brexit in any form can only do serious damage to the British economy and to Europe, the store of national wealth and the public revenue that comes in from a growing economy. Dr Denis MacShane has written a book on the future impact of Brexit which policy makers would be well advised to read. * Sir Christopher Pissarides, Regius Professor of Economics, LSE and Nobel Laureate in Economic Sciences *Leavers and Remainers alike will learn from this book as we face a decade in which Brexit will dominate our national life. * Jon Snow *Denis MacShane has spent much of his writing and political life engaging with European politics as well as a deep sense of the English politics that gave rise to Brexit. He is right to argue that we face years and years of Brexit issues in Britain but also in Ireland and the rest of Europe as well. This book spells out why Brexit will morph into a Brexiternity. * Brigid Laffan, Director, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies *Denis MacShane is a rare British politician who understands how the EU actually works. His book is a sombre warning about how Brexit will damage relations with Europe in the years ahead. * Radek Sikorski, former Foreign and Defence Minister of Poland *Denis MacShane is a former Europe Minister who spends time talking to European politicians and getting first-hand information by visiting EU capitals. Taking the British egg out of the EU omelette if it can ever be done will take years of negotiations - a Brexiternity indeed. * Pascal Lamy, former WTO Director-General, former Chief of Staff to Jacques Delors *I’ve just read Denis MacShane’s excellent Brexiternity and strongly recommend it. * Professor Chris Grey *Whether you agree or disagree with him – it will be well worth reading. * Order! Order! *Table of ContentsIntroduction. Chap 1 England , Our England Chap 2 Why Brexit Chap 3 The Brexit Majority Has Vanished Chap 4 How Brexit Killed Party Politics Chap 5 Negotiating Brexit Chap 6 The Economics of Brexit Chap 7 Brexit and Britain’s Role in the World Chap 8 Europeans in Britain, Brits in Europe Chap 9 How the Brexit and Orange Card Fused Chapter 10 Alternatives to Europe – the Anglosphere? Commonwealth? Chap 11 Brexit, Books, and the Pessimism of the Intellectuals Chap 11 Where is the Opposition to Brexit – Civil Society, Fake News and the Solutionist Dead-End Chap 13 British Politicians Join Long List of Enemies of Europe Conclusion . How Europe Survives Brexit

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Book SynopsisThis book opens the often narrow discourse on the future of Europe and criticises the false dichotomy between nationalism on the one hand and a neoliberal version of Europe on the other. Existing emancipatory projects from across the continent are presented together with reflections on strategies to achieve a democratic Europe beyond the nation state: from the municipal level to the level of transnational media, from technology and counter-surveillance to the systemic change provided by the commons movement and more.The shift towards a new way of thinking and doing politics is possible!With contributions by Etienne Balibar, Ulrike Guérot, Gesine Schwan, Renata Avila, Barbara Spinelli, Andreas Karitzis, Lorenzo Marsili, Jonas Staal, among others, and interviews with city governors from Madrid to Naples.Trade Review"The book proves that a shift towards a new way of thinking and doing politics is not only possible, but actually already happening." https://euroalter.com, 8 (2017) "In sum, what is particularly convincing about the theme of this publication is that it releases the reader from a dichotomous discursive straightjacket. Instead of reproducing the binary discourse of being for or against, respectively in our out of Europe, it opens up alternative spaces and pathways for more creative political practices." Antje Scharenberg, http://blogs.lse.ac.uk, 8 (2017) "This book is essential reading for anyone not just involved with European affairs, but concerned about the state of the EU and looking for the evidence that change is possible for the better." Tony Venables, www.ecit-foundation.eu, 6 (2017) Reviewed in: Commons Network Newsletter, 7 (2017) P2 Foundation, 23.06.2017, Stacco Troncoso http://www.engagee.org

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Book SynopsisThe work of Pierre Rosanvallon has increasingly found itself at the center of debates in democratic and political theory - although only few of his numerous monographs have thus far been translated from French. This interdisciplinary volume, the first comprehensive collection on his political thought in English, seeks to lay the groundwork for the study of this eminent political thinker and historian. Following a hitherto untranslated opening essay by Rosanvallon, the chapters - written from a variety of disciplinary perspectives including political theory, political science, philosophy, and history - cover a wide range of topics from the history of democracy to sovereignty, populism, and the function of the press in liberal democratic regimes.Trade Review"The anthology [demonstrates] impressively, how effective the combination of history and philosophy can be." -- Sebastian Jutisz, Francia recensio, 1 (2020)

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Book SynopsisAfter a long time of neglect, Artificial Intelligence is once again at the center of most of our political, economic, and socio-cultural debates. Recent advances in the field of Artifical Neural Networks have led to a renaissance of dystopian and utopian speculations on an AI-rendered future. Algorithmic technologies are deployed for identifying potential terrorists through vast surveillance networks, for producing sentencing guidelines and recidivism risk profiles in criminal justice systems, for demographic and psychographic targeting of bodies for advertising or propaganda, and more generally for automating the analysis of language, text, and images. Against this background, the aim of this book is to discuss the heterogenous conditions, implications, and effects of modern AI and Internet technologies in terms of their political dimension: What does it mean to critically investigate efforts of net politics in the age of machine learning algorithms?

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Book SynopsisWhere are all the bodies? Political institutions are populated by living, breathing human beings, who eat, sleep, gesture, desire and suffer. And yet participants of the political realm are often depicted as disembodied minds, detached and distinct from their corporeal existence. Amanda Machin considers six embodied modes of democratic politics: representation, deliberation, disagreement, protest, occupation and counsel. Drawing on diverse thinkers such as Maurice Merleau-Ponty, Michael Polanyi, Simone de Beauvoir, Donna Haraway and Judith Butler, she offers an absorbing illustration of the ways human bodies are not only the disciplined objects of politics, but the generative subjects of democracy.Table of ContentsIntroduction: A Political Remembering of Bodies; Embodied Representation: Performances of Identity; Embodied Deliberation: Conditions, Excesses, Disruptions, Opportunities; Embodied Disagreement: The Agony of Others; Embodied Protest: The Politics of the Hunger-Strike; Introduction; Embodied Occupation: Disciplined Bodies in Counter-Conduct; Embodied Counsel: Bodies of Knowledge; Conclusion: Recalling Bodies.

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Book SynopsisTraditionally, citizenship has been defined as the legal and political link between individuals and their democratic political community. However, traditional conceptions of democratic citizenship are currently challenged by various developments like migration, the rise of populism, increasing polarization, social fragmentation, and the challenging of representative democracy as well as developments in digital communication technology. Against this background, this peer reviewed book reflects recent conceptions of citizenship by bringing together insights from different disciplines, such as political science, sociology, economics, law, and history.

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Book SynopsisHow can we overcome the existing political, economic, and ecological crises that humanity faces? With the notion of the commons, Lukas Peter argues that this form of social organization can provide answers to the shortcomings of centralized states and open and competitive markets. By building on and going beyond the work of Elinor and Vincent Ostrom, he develops an ecological understanding of the commons and human freedom, more generally, thereby reinterpreting classical thinkers such as John Locke and John Rawls. Importantly, he does not suggest an end to property, states or markets, but rather a radical democratization thereof, ultimately providing a real alternative for the 21st century.

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Book SynopsisSocial practice theories help to challenge the often hidden paradigms, worldviews, and values at the basis of many unsustainable practices. Discourses and their boundaries define what is seen as possible, as well as the range of issues and their solutions. By exploring the connections between practices and discourses, Minna Kanerva develops a conceptual approach enabling purposive change in unsustainable social practices. Radical transformation towards new meatways is arguably necessary, yet complex psychological, ideological, and power-related mechanisms currently inhibit change.

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Book SynopsisMusic and Democracy explores music as a resource for societal transformation processes. This book provides recent insights into how individuals and groups used and still use music to achieve social, cultural, and political participation and bring about social change. The contributors present outstanding perspectives on the topic: From the promise and myth of democratization through music technology to the use of music in imposing authoritarian, neoliberal or even fascist political ideas in the past and present up to music's impact on political systems, governmental representation, and socio-political realities. The volume further features approaches in the fields of gender, migration, disability, and digitalization.Table of ContentsAmbivalences in Music and Democracy: Introductory Remarks; Part 1: From Recorded Democracy to Digital Participation? Part 2: Political Impacts of Bourgeois Music Culture; Part 3: (Non‐)Democratic Participation in Popular Music and Performance Cultures; Part 4: Sonic Implications of Political Changes.

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Book SynopsisThe European Union has developed a range of instruments to promote democracy and human rights worldwide. However, the success of its democratisation efforts remains questionable in countries that lack an EU membership perspective. The case of post-soviet Central Asia, where the EU declares democracy promotion among its key priorities yet is confronted with unfavourable domestic conditions for democratisation and often fails to follow through, is an eye-opening example. Vera Axyonova's study offers the first comprehensive evaluation of the micro-level effects of the EU engagement in Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan and examines the factors that have made the EU efforts more or less successful in Central Asia.Trade Review"Vera Axyonova's book offers an insightful and refreshing analysis of the European democratization strategy in Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan. The book is a must-read for all those interested in understanding the very limited success of EU democratization tools in Central Asia and the challenges that European institutions face in their promotion of a value-based agenda." -- Marlene Laruelle, Elliott School of International Affairs, George Washington University

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