Democracy Books
Cambridge University Press The Internet and Democratic Citizenship
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£78.56
Cambridge University Press Capitalism and Democracy in Central and Eastern Europe
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£80.75
Cambridge University Press Democracy and the Rule of Law 5 Cambridge Studies in the Theory of Democracy
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£85.99
Cambridge University Press Democracy and Redistribution
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£75.00
Cambridge University Press Democracy Defended
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£114.00
Cambridge University Press The EU NATO and the Integration of Europe
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£89.99
Cambridge University Press Democracys Ancient Ancestors
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£66.00
Cambridge University Press Retribution and Reparation in the Transition to Democracy
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£111.00
Cambridge University Press Presidentialism Parliamentarism and Democracy
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£46.27
Cambridge University Press Candidate Strategies and Electoral Competition in the Russian Federation
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£58.00
Cambridge University Press Hearing the Other Side
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£82.85
Cambridge University Press Morality and Behaviour in Democratic Athens
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£114.00
Cambridge University Press The European Court and Civil Society
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£90.00
Cambridge University Press Economic Autonomy and Democracy
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£58.00
Cambridge University Press State Repression and the Domestic Democratic Peace
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£90.00
Cambridge University Press Social Democracy in the Global Periphery Origins Challenges Prospects
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£97.68
Cambridge University Press Media Concentration and Democracy Why Ownership Matters Communication Society and Politics
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£47.00
Cambridge University Press Degrees of Democracy
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£53.19
Cambridge University Press The New Measures A Theological History of Democratic Practice
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£66.00
Cambridge University Press Accountability Without Democracy
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£94.71
Cambridge University Press Politics and the People in Revolutionary Russia
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£85.50
Cambridge University Press Law Justice Democracy and the Clash of Cultures A Pluralist Account
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£67.45
Cambridge University Press Managed Dissent
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£31.43
Cambridge University Press Planning Democracy
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£37.37
Cambridge University Press Social Media Democracy Mirage
Book SynopsisFor over two decades, political communication research has hailed the potentially reinvigorating effect of social media on democracy. Social media was expected to provide new opportunities for people to learn about politics and public affairs, and to participate politically. Building on two systematic literature reviews on social media, and its effects on political participation and knowledge (2000?2020), and introducing empirical evidence drawing on four original US survey data that expands for over a decade (2009?2020), this Element contends that social media has only partially fulfilled this tenet, producing a Social Media Democracy Mirage. That is, social media have led to a socio-political paradox in which people are more participatory than ever, yet not necessarily more informed.
£21.54
Cambridge University Press Public Administration and Democracy
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£21.54
Cambridge University Press Political Plasticity
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£70.00
Cambridge University Press Political Plasticity
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£28.47
Cambridge University Press Political Technology
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£80.00
Cambridge University Press Theorizing in Comparative Politics
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£30.44
Cambridge University Press Theorizing in Comparative Politics
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£80.00
Cambridge University Press The Political Psychology of Citizens in Rising China
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£117.46
Cambridge University Press Reimagining Radical Democracy in the Global South
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£58.12
Cambridge University Press Reimagining the American Union
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£30.99
Cambridge University Press Reimagining the American Union
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£90.25
Cambridge University Press Empathy and Political Reasoning
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£58.12
Cambridge University Press Sarah Wambaugh and the Plebiscite
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£90.00
Cambridge University Press Clientelism
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£55.00
Cambridge University Press Sport and Democracy in the Ancient and Modern Worlds
Book SynopsisThis book explores the relationship between sport and democratization. Drawing on sociological and historical methodologies and case studies of ancient Greece and nineteenth-century Britain, the author provides a framework for understanding how sport affects the level of egalitarianism in the society in which it is played. He concludes that sport can contribute meaningfully to democratization.Trade ReviewAdvance Praise: “In his brilliantly original new book, Dartmouth Professor Paul Christesen persuasively contends that horizontal mass sport promotes democratization at a societal level in modern liberal democracies –- but far from looking only at contemporary Europe, North America, and Australasia, he casts his comparativist net as far and as wide as ancient Greece, and Britain and Germany in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.” –Paul Cartledge, Cambridge University“Christesen’s broad and insightful study systematically examines whether ancient and modern sport are fundamentally the same or different, and how broad participation in sport assists the growth of democracy. Anyone interested in the social and political significance of ancient and modern sport should read this erudite but accessible book.” –Donald G. Kyle, University of Texas at ArlingtonTable of ContentsPreface; 1. Introduction; 2. Key terms and concepts; 3. Previous work positing a causal relationship between sport and democratization; 4. Congruence between society and sport; 5. Sport as a school for democracy; 6. Sport as an impediment to democratization; 7. Studying the cumulative effect of horizontal mass sport on democratization; 8. Sport and society in early iron-age Greece; 9. Sport and society in sixth- and fifth-century BCE Greece; 10. Sport and democratization in sixth- and fifth-century BCE Greece; 11. Sport and society in Britain from 1800 to 1840; 12. Sport and society in Britain from 1840 to 1870; 13. A quick trip to the continent: sport in nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Germany; 14. Sport and society in Britain from 1870 to 1900; 15. Sport and democratization in nineteenth-century Britain; 16. Mass sport in the United States; 17. Conclusion.
£89.29
Cambridge University Press Populism in Europe and the Americas
Book SynopsisPopulism is a buzzword in discussions about politics around the world. Using a clear theoretical framework, a collection of eminent scholars analyze populist actors - from Haider in Austria to Chávez in Venezuela - to demonstrate how populism can be both a threat and a corrective to democracy.Trade Review'Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser's volume makes conceptual and empirical headway on what is difficult terrain. They sensibly define populism as a 'thin-centered' ideology, more akin to a political style that finds highly diverse empirical expressions in conjunction with varying specific circumstances and 'thick' beliefs about the correct social and political order. The editors have done a great job assembling a set of case studies with just the right variance to speak to the theoretical question they put front and center, namely the differential consequences of populism for democratic participation and contestation.' Herbert Kitschelt, George V. Allen Professor of International Relations, Duke University'Does populism do more damage to democracy by undermining pluralism and competition, or more good by boosting participation and inclusion? With its bold cross-regional comparisons, this interesting book establishes the conditions under which each effect prevails and thus provides a new and nuanced answer to this important question.' Kurt Weyland, University of Texas, Austin'This timely volume helps answer one of the most important questions in the study of populism, namely, how populism and democracy interrelate. Readers will be pleased not only with the book's answer, but with its empirical focus: it tests and refines its theories through case studies that cross several regions. Such an extraordinary comparative perspective not only offers powerful insights into the relationship between populist discourse, incumbency, and democratic consolidation but also demonstrates the carrying capacity of an ideational definition of populism. It shows just how far the study of populism has come in the past decade.' Kirk Hawkins, Brigham Young University'Populism in Europe and the Americas is a valuable contribution to the increasingly crowded field of populism studies … it is unique and ambitious in its aim to test empirically and systematically the effects of populism on democracy in multiple cases … The case studies are rich in insights and provide substantiation for the conclusion that populism can be a corrective as well as a threat to democracy.' Stijn van Kessel, Journal of Contemporary European StudiesTable of Contents1. Populism and (liberal) democracy: a framework for analysis Cas Mudde and Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser; 2. Populist parties in Belgium: a case of hegemonic liberal democracy? Sarah L. de Lange and Tjitske Akkerman; 3. Populism and democracy in Canada's Reform Party David Laycock; 4. The Czech Republicans, 1990–8: a populist outsider in a consolidating democracy Seán Hanley; 5. 'To hell with your corrupt institutions!': AMLO and populism in Mexico Kathleen Bruhn; 6. Populism in government: the case of Austria (2000–7) Franz Fallend; 7. Populism and democracy in Venezuela under Hugo Chávez Kenneth M. Roberts; 8. Populism and competitive authoritarianism: the case of Fujimori's Peru Steven Levitsky and James Loxton; 9. Populism, democracy, and nationalism in Slovakia Kevin Deegan-Krause; 10. Populism: corrective and threat to democracy Cas Mudde and Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser.
£92.99
Cambridge University Press Taking Liberty
Book SynopsisAt last a history that explains how indigenous dispossession and survival underlay and shaped the birth of Australian democracy. The legacy of seizing a continent and alternately destroying and governing its original people shaped how white Australians came to see themselves as independent citizens. It also shows how shifting wider imperial and colonial politics influenced the treatment of indigenous Australians, and how indigenous people began to engage in their own ways with these new political institutions. It is, essentially, a bringing together of two histories that have hitherto been told separately: one concerns the arrival of early democracy in the Australian colonies, as white settlers moved from the shame and restrictions of the penal era to a new and freer society with their own institutions of government; the other is the tragedy of indigenous dispossession and displacement, with its frontier violence, poverty, disease and enforced regimes of mission life.Trade Review'This is the first book to get to grips not only with how settlers in the Australian colonies gained powers of self-government, but how those powers were comprehended, experienced and resisted by Aboriginal Australians. Rigorously researched and compellingly narrated, this is one book that everyone with an interest in settler colonialism must read.' Alan Lester, University of Sussex and La Trobe University, Melbourne'Curthoys and Mitchell take issue with major trends in the field and aim at genres of narrative that have failed to capture the dialectics between settlers and indigenous communities. This is a fierce, unflinching case for rooting principles of equality and inclusion in deep, unsentimental genealogies of the nineteenth-century experience.' Antoinette Burton, University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign'This is an important book. It is deeply learned. It compels a rethinking of political history as traditionally conceived, demanding a reckoning with the centrality of violence and the attempted erasure or coercion of Indigenous peoples to the development of democracy and colonial self-government both in Australia and the wider British settler empire. Chilling, heartbreaking, magisterial: this book is a game-changer.' Elizabeth Elbourne, McGill University, Montreal'This landmark book traces a vital shift in the histories of liberty and unfreedom across the Australian colonies in the mid nineteenth century, for the first time interrogating how responsible government and the gaining of democratic rights and freedoms for settlers gave rise to violent and oppressive degrees unfreedom for Indigenous peoples. A must read for all historians of Australia and of settler colonialism.' Penelope Edmonds, University of TasmaniaTable of ContentsIntroduction: how settlers gained self-government and indigenous people (almost) lost it; Part I. A Four-Cornered Contest: British Government, Settlers, Missionaries and Indigenous Peoples: 1. Colonialism and catastrophe: 1830; 2. 'Another new world inviting our occupation': colonisation and the beginnings of humanitarian intervention, 1831–1837; 3. Settlers oppose indigenous protection: 1837–1842; 4. A colonial conundrum: settler rights versus indigenous rights, 1837–1842; 5. Who will control the land? Colonial and imperial debates 1842–1846; Part II. Towards Self-Government: 6. Who will govern the settlers? Imperial and settler desires, visions, utopias, 1846–1850; 7. 'No place for the sole of their feet': imperial-colonial dialogue on Aboriginal land rights, 1846–1851; 8. Who will govern Aboriginal people? Britain transfers control of Aboriginal policy to the colonies, 1852–1854; 9. The dark side of responsible government? Britain and indigenous people in the self-governing colonies, 1854–1870; Part III. Self-Governing Colonies and Indigenous People, 1856–c.1870: 10. Ghosts of the past, people of the present: Tasmania; 11. 'A refugee in our own land': governing Aboriginal people in Victoria; 12. Aboriginal survival in New South Wales; 13. Their worst fears realised: the disaster of Queensland; 14. A question of honour in the colony that was meant to be different: Aboriginal policy in South Australia; Part IV. Self-Government for Western Australia: 15. 'A little short of slavery': forced Aboriginal labour in Western Australia 1856–1884; 16. 'A slur upon the colony': making Western Australia's unusual constitution, 1885–1890; Conclusion.
£43.30
Cambridge University Press Authoritarian Origins of Democratic Party Systems in Africa
Book SynopsisWhy have seemingly similar African countries developed very different forms of democratic party systems? Despite virtually ubiquitous conditions that are assumed to be challenging to democracy - low levels of economic development, high ethnic heterogeneity, and weak state capacity - nearly two dozen African countries have maintained democratic competition since the early 1990s. Yet the forms of party system competition vary greatly: from highly stable, nationally organized, well-institutionalized party systems to incredibly volatile, particularistic parties in systems with low institutionalization. To explain their divergent development, Rachel Beatty Riedl points to earlier authoritarian strategies to consolidate support and maintain power. The initial stages of democratic opening provide an opportunity for authoritarian incumbents to attempt to shape the rules of the new multiparty system in their own interests, but their power to do so depends on the extent of local support built upTrade Review'This well-designed comparative study helps to explain the structure of political party competition in Africa's new democracies. The author shows how and why authoritarian precedents continue to shape institutional outcomes. Future analysts of party systems and democratic stability will have no choice but to take Riedl's important and challenging findings into account.' Michael Bratton, University Distinguished Professor of Political Science and African Studies, Michigan State University'The most thorough, wide-ranging and important study of African political parties to date. If students of democratization and African politics want to know about African parties and party systems - and Reidl convincingly argues that they should - this is the place to start.' Nic Cheeseman, African Studies Centre, University of Oxford'In this model work of comparative-historical analysis, Rachel Beatty Riedl unravels an important puzzle in contemporary African politics: why party competition is more stable in some African democracies than others. In so doing, she advances an argument with truly global resonance: how democracies work in the present depends on how dictatorships tried to accumulate power and rewire authority in the authoritarian past. Authoritarian Origins of Democratic Party Systems in Africa is a major achievement.' Dan Slater, University of Chicago'In this first-rate former dissertation, Riedl asserts that the nature of authoritarian regimes significantly influences the strength of ensuing democratic governments … An excellent bibliography and useful tables and figures add to Riedl's book's utility. Summing up: highly recommended.' C. E. Welch, Choice'Africa's fledgling democracies feature both stable, strong political parties, in countries such as Ghana, and fractious, weak, and unstable parties, in countries such as Benin. In this finely crafted book, Riedl argues convincingly that the main factor in determining the strength of parties in any given country in the region is the extent to which the authoritarian regime that dominated politics prior to the country's democratic transition was able to influence the terms of democratization. But the relationship is somewhat counter-intuitive: the greater the staying power of the old regime, the more likely it is that the opposition coalesced into a well-institutionalized, strong party. The book's best sections smartly observe and carefully compare the electoral politics of Benin, Ghana, Senegal, and Zambia. Riedl demonstrates that in contemporary Africa, single-party authoritarian rule might well have left a positive legacy.' Nicolas van de Walle, Foreign Affairs'Rachel Beatty Riedl's Authoritarian Origins of Democratic Party Systems in Africa represents one of the most important contributions to the study of African politics in recent memory. Meticulously researched and theoretically innovative, the book is essential reading for those seeking to comprehend the character and dynamics of political life in Africa's democratic societies.' Peter VonDoepp, Journal of Modern African Studies'There is much to commend about Riedl's work - recognized in awards by two sections of the American Political Science Association - including her careful situation of her research in the broader literatures on parties and regime change, her close examination of the nature of authoritarian strategies and transitions in her four disparate cases, and the logical and convincing unfolding of her argument.' Jeffrey Conroy-Krutz, African AffairsTable of Contents1. A theory of party system variation; 2. Variations in party system institutionalization in Africa; 3. Competing explanations: from colonial rule to new democratic institutions; 4. Modes of authoritarian power; 5. Authoritarian power and transition control; 6. The emergence and endurance of the multiparty system; 7. Africa and beyond: party systems in new democracies.
£37.37
Cambridge University Press Resurrecting Democracy
Book SynopsisThrough a case study of community organizing in the global city of London and an examination of the legacy of Saul Alinsky around the world, this book assesses the construction of citizenship as an identity, a performance, and a shared rationality.Trade Review'Dr Luke Bretherton has written a book of both great range and extraordinary depth. Whether detailing the inner workings of a citizens organization, leading readers through a history of social change, or reflecting on the philosophical and theological foundations that inform what Ella Baker termed 'the slow and respectful work' of democracy, his prose has the clarity and verve usually found in pieces written by accomplished essayists or masterful journalists. He has managed to be academically sound without cluttering his pages with academic jargon. Resurrecting Democracy is respectful, but never slow. It sets a new and very high standard for all those who wish to write about leaders and institutions struggling to create what the author calls the politics of a common life.' Michael Gecan, Co-Director, Industrial Areas Foundation'Every organizer or person concerned with organizing should read this book. Whether he or she agrees or disagrees with any particular point is immaterial - it is a very important intellectual scrimmage to undergo.' Ernesto Cortes, Jr, Executive Director, Interfaith Education Fund'Luke Bretherton's Resurrecting Democracy addresses a crucial if largely unremarked crisis of our age: the radical shrinking of the democratic imagination. Citizens feel powerless to act collectively to shape their future and 'democracy' has been narrowed to mean electoral politics and voting. Combining an extraordinary case study of London Citizens, a broad-based organization of different religious faiths and political perspectives that has helped to set the public agenda in contemporary Great Britain, with brilliant innovations in political theory and theology, Bretherton shows that an expanded view of democracy can live and inspire in the twenty-first century.' Harry Boyte, Augsburg College, Minnesota'London Citizens has changed British politics in the last few years and Luke Bretherton's terrific book both tells the organization's story and explains why it matters so much. The scholarship in places is breathtaking and the author's passion for the cause more impressive still.' Marc Stears, University of Oxford'Resurrecting Democracy aims to demonstrate the fertile legacy of Alinsky as more than a bogeyman of right-wing American politicians and a figure of historical curiosity to the Left. Bretherton begins with a thorough and lucid history of the movement's origins and growth, continues with an ethnographic case study of community organization in London between 2008 and 2011, and ends with an ambitious survey of the theory of civil society, national sovereignty, and political economy, informed by Christian theology.' Jonathan Benthall, The Times Literary Supplement'This is a very rich book, a work of theology and political theory, but also ethnography, which together casts light on the failures and frustrations of liberal democracy.' Paul Bickley, Third Way'This book is full of wisdom and insight about the significant contribution BBCO can make to the practice of democracy' Roger J. Gench, Interpretation: A Journal of Bible and Theology'With great skill and erudition, Bretherton immerses the reader in a complex web of discussions that are used to build an inventive proposal that critically appropriates, disapproves, and integrates the thoughts of many other important scholars. In this way, the reader is not only enriched by the constructive thesis that [the author] develops, but they are also empowered to deepen their knowledge and understanding of the issues debated in the book, and to creatively engage with the author's core arguments by referring to the many sources that Bretherton uses. I highly recommend this book to all those interested in the intersection of religion and politics.' Alessandro Rovati, Reading Religion (www.readingreligion.org)'This engaging, insightful book weaves together theology, political philosophy, and ethnography in order to illuminate the ways in which community organizing can help build a common life in a pluralistic world. … This book will appeal to all those interested not only in political theology, but also community organizers seeking to be reflective about the goals and methods of their work.' A. W. Klink, Religious Studies ReviewTable of ContentsIntroduction; Part I: 1. The origins of organizing: an intellectual history; 2. Faith and citizenship in a world city; 3. Reimagining the secular: interfaith relations as a civic practice; 4. An anatomy of organizing I: listening, analysis, and building power; 5. An anatomy of organizing II: capacity, action, and representation; Part II: 6. Civil society as the body politic; 7. Sovereignty and consociational democracy; 8. Economy, debt, and citizenship; Conclusion.
£30.99
Cambridge University Press The Taming of Democracy Assistance Why Democracy Promotion Does Not Confront Dictators
Book SynopsisFew government programs that aid democracy abroad today seek to foster regime change. Technical programs that do not confront dictators are more common than the aid to dissidents and political parties that once dominated the field. What explains this 'taming' of democracy assistance? This book offers the first analysis of that puzzle. In contrast to previous research on democracy aid, it focuses on the survival instincts of the non-governmental organizations (NGOs) that design and implement democracy assistance. To survive, Sarah Bush argues that NGOs seek out tamer types of aid, especially as they become more professional. Diverse evidence - including three decades of new project-level data, case studies of democracy assistance in Jordan and Tunisia, and primary documents gathered from NGO archives - supports the argument. This book provides new understanding of foreign influence and moral actors in world politics, with policy implications for democracy in the Middle East.Trade Review'The Taming of Democracy Assistance is an impressive 'whodunit' that is an original contribution to the study of democracy assistance and an important statement on the lifeworlds of global NGOs. When rounding up those who might have tamed democracy assistance, the usual suspects are donors, who have the financial power to tell NGOs what to do and not do, and authoritarian governments, who have the power to keep democracy-promoting NGOs in their place and the motivation to do so. Although their fingerprints are at the scene, according to Bush, these NGOs are responsible for their own domestication. Worried about their own survival, they played the game in ways that kept their programs open and the money flowing in. And the very professionalization of the sector introduced a more technocratic, means-oriented expert class that lost the big picture.' Michael Barnett, George Washington University, Washington DC'An empirically rich study that raises important questions about how much international democracy aid actually challenges authoritarian regimes.' Thomas Carothers, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace'Sarah Bush's methodologically sophisticated and well-documented book shows that democracy promotion is challenging not just because of the strategic interests of donor states and the characteristics of recipient states but also because of the survival needs of NGOs, the actual implementers of many democracy promotion programs. Demands for quantifiable measures from donors and the need for access that can only be granted by recipient states create incentives for NGOs to develop 'tame' programs which do not directly challenge autocratic regimes.' Stephen D. Krasner, Graham H. Stuart Professor of International Relations, Stanford University, California'The hallmark of a trailblazing book is its ability to provoke thought, ignite new areas of research, and generate stimulating questions. Bush's Taming of Democracy Assistance will shape the NGO research agenda for years to come.' Maryam Z. Deloffre, H-Diplo'In The Taming of Democracy Assistance, Sarah Bush makes a novel contribution to this well-established field of donor-NGO research. Using a mix of statistical models and detailed case studies, Bush advances a scathing critique of the democracy promotion establishment by showing how the measurement revolution and the rising demand for evidence-based policies have distorted NGOs' core operations.' Andrew Heiss and Judith Kelley, The Journal of PoliticsTable of ContentsPart I. Introduction and Argument: 1. Introduction; 2. The argument: structure, agency, and democracy promotion; 3. Tame democracy assistance: what it is and why it matters; Part II. Testing the Argument: 4. Delegation and the allocation of democracy assistance; 5. Changes in American grant-making; 6. Creating the democracy establishment; 7. Jordan: aid in the shadow of geopolitics; 8. Tunisia: reform after revolution; Part III. Conclusions: 9. Should democracy promoters be set free?; Part IV. Appendices and References: A. Descriptions of categories of democracy assistance; B. List of interviewee affiliations; C. Major organizations in the democracy establishment; D. Data appendix.
£37.37
Cambridge University Press From Slavery to the Cooperative Commonwealth
Book SynopsisThis book reconstructs how a group of nineteenth-century labor reformers appropriated and radicalized the republican tradition. These 'labor republicans' derived their definition of freedom from a long tradition of political theory dating back to the classical republics.Trade Review'Alex Gourevitch's new book powerfully challenges received understandings of the relationship between liberal and republican ideas and unsettles familiar narratives about the history of American political thought. He shows that republican political theory is not as automatically or easily egalitarian as has often been assumed; that nineteenth-century laissez-faire free labor doctrines themselves made civic and not only liberal claims; and, most importantly and centrally, that those he identifies as 'labor republicans' offered a neglected, fascinating, and distinctively American critique of capitalism and wage labor. From Slavery to the Cooperative Commonwealth is an exciting and highly original work.' Jacob T. Levy, Tomlinson Professor of Political Theory, McGill University'This is a mind-opening study of an American movement in which the republican idea of freedom was invoked in support of workers. It reminds us that, traditionally understood, freedom argues not just for an open market and a transparent state, but for employment and workplace conditions that guard against servitude and servility. The book makes for salutary reading in an age of 'business-friendly' government.' Philip Pettit, L. S. Rockefeller University Professor of Politics and Human Values, Princeton University, and Distinguished Professor of Philosophy, Australian National University'Every once in a rare while, a book comes along with an argument that, once advanced, not only changes how we think but makes you wonder how we ever could have thought anything else. Alex Gourevitch has written such a book … The transformative insight at the heart of [this] book is that in the nineteenth century, in the United States, slavery was not a rhetoric but a reality, which drove some of the most breathtaking innovations in how republicans thought about freedom. And once slavery was abolished, its successor - wage slavery, as it was called - drove even more innovations. What emerges from Gourevitch's treatment is a wholesale reconsideration of the republican tradition, in an utterly novel setting … Once we've read this book and digested its implications, we'll never talk about freedom, republicanism, or domination - not just in the past but in the present - in the same way.' Corey Robin, Brooklyn College and the CUNY Graduate Center'Provides a careful examination of labor arguments, uncovering the complex ways advocates 'embraced and recast' republican ideology.' Daniel J. McInerney, The Journal of American HistoryTable of ContentsIntroduction: something of slavery still remains; 1. The paradox of slavery and freedom; 2. 'Independent laborers by voluntary contract': the laissez-faire republican turn; 3. 'The sword of want': free labor against wage labor; 4. Labor republicanism and the cooperative commonwealth; 5. Solidarity and selfishness: the political theory of the dependent classes; Conclusion: the freedom yet to come.
£28.47
Cambridge University Press The Moral Economy of Elections in Africa
Book SynopsisDo elections turn people into democratic citizens? Elections have long been seen as a way to foster democracy, development and security in Africa, with many hoping that the secret ballot would transform states. Adopting a new approach that focusses on the moral economy of elections, Nic Cheeseman, Gabrielle Lynch and Justin Willis show how elections are shaped by competing visions of what it means to be a good leader, bureaucrat or citizen. Using a mixed-methods study of elections in Ghana, Kenya and Uganda, they explore moral claims made by officials, politicians, civil society, international observers and voters themselves. This radical new lens reveals that elections are the site of intense moral contestation, which helps to explain why there is such vigourous participation in processes that often seem flawed. Demonstrating the impact of these debates on six decades of electoral practice, they explain why the behaviour of those involved so frequently transgresses national law and inTrade Review'A fresh and nuanced exploration of elections in Africa through the lens of moral virtue. How do political actors – citizens, politicians, officials – endeavor to 'do the right thing' (as they see it) about voting, seeking office and managing the polls? Using multiple research methods, the authors uncover a range of complex popular conceptions of good leadership and proper elections. They find that, in resolving tensions between civic virtue and patrimonial obligation, many Africans are constructing forms of political accountability that are culturally authentic.' Michael Bratton, Michigan State University'Cheeseman, Lynch and Willis critically examine the behavior of key actors in Africa's electoral processes. Drawing on the tension between civil and patrimonial registers, this book offers new and provocative insights into the dynamics of African elections. Highly relevant for students and scholars of African politics and beyond.' Sebastian Elischer, University of Florida'A timely and important book on ideas of virtue and the moral economy of elections in Africa. It is comprehensive in its comparison of Ghana, Kenya, and Uganda and is an essential read for scholars of politics.' Peace A. Medie, University of Bristol'Why do people invest time, money and energy in elections that are not free and fair? This provocative book draws on careful research in Kenya, Uganda and Ghana to persuasively argue that a politics of virtue is at play, in which both voters and politicians use elections to stake out moral claims. The book, which challenges conventional understandings of elections, such as those that focus on patrimonial and ethnic politics, is certain to gain recognition as one of the most important theoretical works on African politics.' Aili Mari Tripp, University of Wisconsin, Madison'Highly recommended. Upper-division undergraduates. Graduate students and faculty.' C. E. Welch, ChoiceTable of ContentsIntroduction. Writing African elections; 1. Towards a moral economy of elections in Africa; 2. Elections, states and citizens: a history of the ballot in Ghana, Kenya and Uganda; Part I. Promoting Civic Virtue: National Exercises: 3. Making states and citizens through the ballot; 4. The eyes of the world are upon us: the aspirations and limitations of international election observation; 5. Creating democrats: Civil society and voter education; Part II. The Moral Economy in Action: 6. Performing virtue: politicians, leadership and election campaigns; 7. Navigating multiple moralities: popular expectations and experiences of the polls; 9. Conclusion: the electoral fallacy revisited.
£37.37
Cambridge University Press Multilevel Democracy
Book SynopsisThis volume presents the first systematic comparative analysis of national traditions of local democracy across the developed world, as well as their origins and evolution. It reveals how inclusive local institutions that integrate national and local governance make democracy work better. Across most of the developed world, early forms of the national state entrenched the local power of elites. In Anglo-American and Swiss democracies, state formation imposed enduring tensions with local civic governance. In contrast, inclusive, integrative local institutions in Northern Europe enabled close links with central government around common local and national agendas, producing better governance and fuller democracy to the present day. Through comparative analysis, the authors demonstrate how institutions for local governance and the participation of civil society differ widely among developed democracies, and how local democracy relates to national democracy. The resulting insights fundamentTrade Review'This book restores local democracy to its rightful place at the center of our understanding of national politics. Through an illuminating, comparative historical analysis, the authors show that systematic variations in local political incorporation have laid down enduring differences in the character of multilevel democracy, with far-reaching consequences for policymaking and the quality of democracy. A must-read!' Christopher Ansell, University of California, Berkeley'Local governments are often overlooked in discussions on the formation of modern democracies. This insightful and carefully researched book shows why they should not be: local institutional incorporation in the nation state is historically meaningful for democracies.' Merilee S. Grindle, Harvard University, Massachusetts'Multilevel Democracy offers an original and fascinating account of institutional endurance and change. The authors' analyses challenges our understanding of state formation, political mobilization, and institutions. Perhaps most importantly, they show the role of local democracy and institutions in developing democratic states, and the significance of 'vertical circuits of power and influence' between institutions at different levels of the polity in shaping and sustaining democracy. If Acemoglu and Robinson, in their seminal work, showed the importance of good institutions for economic growth, Sellers, Lidström and Bae show a similar pattern for the development of democracy and governance. This book should be required readings for all students of democracy, institutions and governance.' Jon Pierre, Göteborgs Universitet, Sweden'A breakthrough book in comparative urban analysis! Following in the tradition of Tocqueville, the trio of Sellers, Lidstrom, and Bae provide a multi-national treatment of how state and civil society are interwoven with local-national relations. Resisting the temptation to retreat into vague abstractions about multiscalar politics, the authors use a much-needed comparative approach that grounds their work in examinations of cross-national experiences. During an era in which democratic advancement faces numerous obstacles, Multilevel Democracy offers lessons that can be applied in a time of great challenges. By emphasizing the important role of civil society, this book moves scholarship beyond a limited political-economy conception into a framework that is more accommodating to the vital part that civil society plays in shaping governance in today's world.' Clarence N. Stone, George Washington University, Washington DC'... Multilevel Democracy offers a significant contribution to the broad field of comparative political science and is a must-read for a wide range of political scientists ...' Arjan H. Schakel, Comparative Politics'… an impressive body of research literature and masses of quantitative data … it is probably primarily of interest for researchers of public administration, but the parts about 'civil society' will raise the interest of Voluntas readers. The authors describe interesting fits between governance infrastructures on the one hand and the political and civic organizations on the other. The book has a broad scope: a wide variety of sources and literature from public administration, political science, history, economy, and civil society studies. It is more about being careful with the heritage than about building democracy from scratch.' Paul Dekker, VoluntasTable of Contents1. Introduction: taking local institutions seriously; 2. Multilevel democracy and the modern state; 3. Multilevel democracies: a cross-sectional comparison; 4. Trajectories of local state formation; 5. The local state and the formation of civil society; 6. The policy state and local governance; 7. The quality of multilevel democracy; Postscript. Constructing multilevel democracy.
£135.16
Cambridge University Press Power and Humility
Book SynopsisDemocracy urgently needs re-imagining if it is to address the dangers and opportunities posed by current global realities, argues leading political thinker John Keane. He offers an imaginative, radically new interpretation of the twenty-first-century fate of democracy. The book shows why the current literature on democracy is failing to make sense of many intellectual puzzles and new political trends. It probes a wide range of themes, from the growth of cross-border institutions and capitalist market failures to the greening of democracy, the dignity of children and the anti-democratic effects of everyday fear, violence and bigotry. Keane develops the idea of ''monitory democracy'' to show why periodic free and fair elections are losing their democratic centrality; and why the ongoing struggles by citizens and their representatives, in a multiplicity of global settings, to humble the high and mighty and deal with the dangers of arbitrary power, force us to rethink what we mean by democTrade Review'There are very few scholars in the world with the intellectual capacity that is needed to understand the past, present and future of democracy on a truly global scale. John Keane is undoubtedly one of them. For those of us that thought - even hoped - that John Keane's The Life and Death of Democracy was his magnum opus, we must now deal with an even more ambitious contribution to the field. In calling for a radical stretching and refiguring of the imaginary horizons of democracy, Keane is pushing back the most basic boundaries of human understanding and raising profound questions about the future of politics in the twenty-first century. Written in a style that is as accessible and entertaining as it is devastatingly precise and informative, this is quite simply a brilliant book.' Matthew Flinders, University of Sheffield'Democracy is in crisis everywhere and it ought to be re-imagined. Only visionary theorists such as John Keane can do this. His collection of essays written in a 'pizzicato' style is a real intellectual treat for both students and practitioners of democracy. Keane views liberal democracy as a 'living-dead zombie' and brings our attention to a new historical genus generated by the galaxy of (virtual) media: the monitory democracy. The book invites us to question the conventional wisdom and suggests how to make democracy thrive, even against daunting odds.' Jan Zielonka, University of Oxford and Ralf Dahrendorf Professorial Fellow at St Antony's College'When so many people have been dismayed by democracy, we need a strong voice such as Mr Keane's to uphold our faith in it, for the alternative is far worse.' Hu Yong, Peking University'John Keane's call to democratize the study of democracy is an important intervention. The book is a must-read for anyone who wishes to be inspired and challenged when thinking about the virtues democracy demands in the age of communicative plenty.' Nicole Curato, Institute for Governance and Policy Analysis, University of Canberra'Like a Socratic wasp, John Keane's innovative book shows us how to look at democracy from a space–time perspective that detects multiple variations of the political form known as democracy and the cultures and traditions in which it takes root. The age we are in today entails that the power of the will (elections and deliberation) is no longer master in the field, while the negative power of judgment expands. The Internet facilitates this, with the paradox of enlarging citizens' indirect influence instead of direct participation. It is thus the meaning of participation that changes and makes contemporary democracy radically different from the ancient one, not merely in the institutions but above all the value of political autonomy. It seems that the age of monitory democracy is one of power dispersion and depersonalization in the fullest - a liberal age.' Nadia Urbinati, Kyriakos Tsakopoulos Professor of Political Theory, Columbia University, New YorkTable of ContentsIntroduction; Part I. Indigenisation: 1. Asia's orphan: democracy in Taiwan, 1895–2000; 2. Indigenous peoples; Part II. Communications Revolution: 3. Monitory democracy 4. Wild thinking; 5. Lying, truth and power; 6. Silence, early warnings and catastrophes; Part III. Re-Imagining Equality: 7. Capitalism and civil society; 8. The greening of democracy; 9. Child citizens; Part IV. Democracy beyond Borders?: 10. Quantum metaphors; 11. The European citizen; 12. Antarctica: democracy at the end of the world; Part V. Violence, Fear, War: 13. Does democracy have a violent heart?; 14. The triangle of fear; Part VI. Why Monitory Democracy?: 15. Is democracy a universal ideal?
£37.37