Comparative politics Books

Book SynopsisThis book argues that in order to understand dibao (China's minimum livelihood guarantee) we need to look at how the programme emerged and how it has developed in the years since.

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Book SynopsisThis book joins five key debates in the current theoretical literature that have been largely taking place in isolation and identifies common strands of argument and their shared problems to developed a unified way forward for practice-based political theory.

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Book SynopsisCharting and comparing Tunisia's, Algeria's, Morocco's and Mauritania's political development over the past 10 years, this book offers fresh and original insight into their contrasting experiences as well as extending Levitsky and Way's model.

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Book SynopsisEhud Eiran compares three major settlement projects Israel in the West Bank and Gaza, Morocco in Western Sahara and Indonesia in East-Timor to discover why states launch settlements against international norms. He argues that post-colonial settlement projects are a distinct cluster of cases, separate from traditional colonial studies.

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Book SynopsisThis edited volume provides the first comprehensive introduction to and critical exploration of the constructivist turn in political representation, the reorientation of scholarship on mass democracy toward the constitutive or mobilizing aspects of political representation.

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Book SynopsisThis volume traces the roots of the constructivist turn in the distinct (and competing) traditions of Continental and Anglo-American Western political thought. Divided into three thematic parts, these 13 newly commissioned essays advance the insight that there can be no democratic politics without representation.

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Book SynopsisFeaturing a range of experts on the American presidency, this book offers both European and American perspectives on both the successes and failures of President Obama's tenure in the White House. Focusing primarily on domestic policy, these essays explain why Obama's widely anticipated moment of change did not fully materialise.

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Book SynopsisExamines Russian language politics and its impact on different Russian speaking communities

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Book SynopsisApproaching religious identity with an emphasis on agency and contestation, this book offers a historical perspective on the development of Muslim identities in Asia. It examines the contingent politics that influence how Muslims constitute themselves as modern subjects.

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Book SynopsisApproaching religious identity with an emphasis on agency and contestation, this book offers a historical perspective on the development of Muslim identities in Asia. It examines the contingent politics that influence how Muslims constitute themselves as modern subjects.Trade Review"The Politics of Muslim Identities brings together nine case studies from across Asia. The discussions in each chapter together illustrate the contested diversity of Islam as it is understood and practiced by Muslims, and contributes to a growing and much-needed literature which emphasises the need for historicised and anti-essentialist understandings of Islam." -Dr. Syed Farid Alatas, Professor of Sociology, National University of Singapore

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Book SynopsisThis book argues that in order to understand dibao (China's minimum livelihood guarantee) we need to look at how the programme emerged and how it has developed in the years since.

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Book SynopsisProposes a framework of Muslim democracy that reconciles public claims made by Muslims with the normative and practical demands of democratic regimes.Trade Review"A very cutting-edge and path-breaking work in the field. There are many political science texts on the phenomenon of Muslim democracy" but this may be the first book that treats it as political theory or ideology. This will be a very important and influential book."" -Andrew F. March, Professor of Political Science, University of Massachusetts

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Book SynopsisExamines how political parties navigate major election reforms by comparing electoral system changes in Russia and Ukraine at the same time, under different regimes In Party Politics in Russia and Ukraine, Bryon Moraski provides a window into the political landscapes of Russia and Ukraine, two countries that have clashed with each otherand struggled with their own popular revoltsin recent years. Drawing on election outcomes, party nominations, parliamentary voting, and other data, Moraski highlights how ruling parties, incumbent legislators, and others have adapted to major electoral system changes in both countries. Moraski sheds light on how authoritarian regimesand the ruling parties that support themhave used changing conditions in their countries to consolidate their power, with varying success. Exploring the swiftly changing political arena of Eastern Europe, Party Politics in Russia and Ukraine offers timely insight into the impact of elections in the twenty-first century.Trade Review"How do electoral systems shape the development of authoritarian parties? As Vladimir Putin looks to extend his rule, Bryon Moraski gives us timely and provocative insight into how authoritarian leaders seek to strengthen party systems in order to increase their own legitimacy." * Paul D’Anieri, author of Ukraine and Russia: From Civilized Divorce to Uncivil War *

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Book SynopsisExamines how political parties navigate major election reforms by comparing electoral system changes in Russia and Ukraine at the same time, under different regimes In Party Politics in Russia and Ukraine, Bryon Moraski provides a window into the political landscapes of Russia and Ukraine, two countries that have clashed with each otherand struggled with their own popular revoltsin recent years. Drawing on election outcomes, party nominations, parliamentary voting, and other data, Moraski highlights how ruling parties, incumbent legislators, and others have adapted to major electoral system changes in both countries. Moraski sheds light on how authoritarian regimesand the ruling parties that support themhave used changing conditions in their countries to consolidate their power, with varying success. Exploring the swiftly changing political arena of Eastern Europe, Party Politics in Russia and Ukraine offers timely insight into the impact of elections in the twenty-first century.Trade Review"How do electoral systems shape the development of authoritarian parties? As Vladimir Putin looks to extend his rule, Bryon Moraski gives us timely and provocative insight into how authoritarian leaders seek to strengthen party systems in order to increase their own legitimacy." * Paul D’Anieri, author of Ukraine and Russia: From Civilized Divorce to Uncivil War *"Moraski provides a persuasive and detailed account of the response of the main political parties to the change in the electoral system, taking into account different institutional settings: an imperfect but clear democracy, in the case of Ukraine, and growing authoritarianism in the case of Russia. " * Europe-Asia Studies *

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Book SynopsisHow Western donor assistance can both help and undermine democracy in different parts of the world Democracy promotion is a central pillar of the foreign policy of many states, but the results are often disappointing. In Promoting Democracy, Manal A. Jamal examines why these efforts succeed in some countries, but fail in others. A former journalist and researcher in the Palestinian territories, she offers an up-close perspective of the ways in which Western donor funding has, on one hand, undermined political participation in cases such as the Palestinian territories, and, on the other hand, succeeded in bolstering political engagement in cases such as El Salvador. Based on five fieldwork trips and over 150 interviews with grassroots activists, political leaders, and directors and program officers in donor agencies and NGOs, Jamal brings into focus an often-overlooked perspective: the experiences of those directly affected by this assistance. Promoting Democracy makes an important andTrade Review"This sophisticated, penetrating, and innovative analysis draws on extensive field research and a firm command of the available literature. It represents a significant contribution to our understanding of why democracy aid succeeds or fails and the often fraught relationship between peacebuilding and democracy support." -- Thomas Carothers,author of Development Aid Confronts Politics: The Almost Revolution"Flawless, detailed, and extremely well documented. This will become an instant classic in the list of critical studies on NGOs or civil society, and for political scientists in search of innovative South-South comparative studies." -- Benoit Challand, co-editor of The Struggle for Influence in the Middle East: The Arab Uprisings and Foreign Assistance"This book is superb in its quality, thoroughness, and clarity. Manal A. Jamal systematically sustains an argument in a fascinating study that is unusual for its insightful comparison of two ‘post-war’ examples of democracy promotion, with careful and textured attention to evidence, historical context, and conditions" -- Frances Hasso, author of Consuming Desires: Family Crisis and the State in the Middle East"Jamal combines mastery of the theoretical literature and political history with extensive field work, including over 150 in-depth interviews with grassroots activists, political leaders, and officials from donor agencies and NGOs." * Choice *"Jamal gives a fascinating and detailed account of the history of mass-based grassroots organizations both before political settlements in each country were reached and how these organizations were transformed as a result of the settlement, with additional chapters focusing on specific issues related to donor aid and (non)inclusive settlements. Her engagement with the available literature on development studies demonstrates her mastery of this subject [...] Academics and students of development studies alike would also be well served in reading this book." * The Washington Report on Middle East Affairs *"Jamal’s work offers several empirical and theoretical contributions. The author makes good use of the data throughout the book and provides a tantalizing insight into the intertwined world of foreign donors, NGOs, and activists [...] Promoting Democracy: The Force of Political Settlements in Uncertain Times makes a valuable contribution to the field of development studies. It will assist scholars and practitioners in thinking about how to best finance and construct conflict settlements that can achieve democracy—assuming, of course, that is indeed their primary goal." * The National Review of Black Politics *"Despite a growing critical scholarship on such aid, relatively less attention has been paid to understanding how democracy aid actually works in practice. The politics embedded in the enterprise have often been absent from such work and are, frankly, difficult to capture without significant field research and engagement with both the donors and recipients of democracy aid. Manal A. Jamal’s book Promoting Democracy is thus an important and timely contribution […] Far from rendering an easy verdict on the ability of Western democracy aid to positively impact democratization, the book is notable for illuminating the complexities shaping the possibilities for such aid in times of transition… This book makes a significant contribution to the field for deepening our knowledge of the politics of democracy aid at both the macro and micro levels of its provision. While not explicitly aimed at policymakers and aid practitioners, her findings should also be of deep interest to those communities." * Political Science Quarterly *"Promoting Democracy is a politically relevant, deeply informative, and very engaging book. It provides a rare example of cross-regional comparison by comparing a Latin American case with a Middle Eastern case. It is a must read for those who are interested in conflict resolution, democratization, and civil society, in both regions." * Mediterranean Politics *"Jamal’s argument is compelling and backed by extensive field research, including more than 150 interviews with stakeholders in Palestine and El Salvador, supported by rigorous analysis. The book is a trove of important insights on the relationship between peace building and democracy promotion that will be of great value to policy makers and scholars alike. The book’s true value, however, is in laying out the conceptual and practical failings of the Oslo process… Jamal’s book is a timely and welcome contribution to the literature on the complex relationships between democracy promotion, state building, and peace building. Above all, the book is a reminder of the primacy of political settlements—and of politics more broadly—in supporting democratic outcomes as well as the folly of attempting to reengineer or freeze out elements of Palestinian politics." * Journal of Palestine Studies *"Promoting Democracy makes an important contribution to the study of democracy assistance and democratic development. Although the relative success of democracy assistance is certainly influenced by a wide range of domestic factors, Jamal makes a compelling case for recognizing the importance of political settlements in postconflict societies." * Latin American Politics and Society *"Jamal’s contribution here is commendable for using cases from different regions and attempting to bring the Middle East into conversation with the larger subfield of comparative politics. Her generalizable argument, together with the rich detail of her case studies, makes for a thought-provoking read and will surely generate future inquiry." * Perspectives on Politics *"This book is likely to become an important reference point for other scholars researching democracy promotion and democratization in post-conflict contexts in the Middle East and beyond. The comparison of cases from different geographical regions has a particular strength in revealing relevant factors not considered previously in the literature on democracy promotion." * International Journal of Middle East Studies *

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Book SynopsisLooking at Canada, Brazil, Germany, Mexico, Nigeria, Pakistan, South Africa and Switzerland, Federalism and Decentralization in Health Care examines the overall organization of the health system.Table of ContentsAn Introduction to Federalism and Decentralization in Health Care Switzerland: Subnational Authority and Decentralized Health Care Health Care in Canada: Interdependence and Independence Germany: The Increasing Centralization of the Health Care Sector Pakistan: Extreme Decentralization Health Care in South Africa: Interdependence and Independence Brazil: Local Government Role in Health Care Decentralization of Health Policy and Services in Mexico Federalism and the Health System in Nigeria Federalism and Decentralization in the Health Sector: An Overview of Eight Cases

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Book SynopsisSince around 2000, a growing number of women in Dakar, Senegal have come to act openly as spiritual leaders for both men and women. As urban youth turn to the Fay?a Tijaniyya Sufi Islamic movement in search of direction and community, these women provide guidance in practicing Islam and cultivating mystical knowledge of God. While women Islamic leaders may appear radical in a context where women have rarely exercised Islamic authority, they have provoked surprisingly little controversy. Wrapping Authority tells these women’s stories and explores how they have developed ways of leading that feel natural to themselves and those around them. Addressing the dominant perceptions of Islam as a conservative practise, with stringent regulations for women in particular, Joseph Hill reveals how women integrate values typically associated with pious Muslim women into their leadership. These female leaders present spiritual guidance as a form of nurturing motherhood; theyTrade Review"Hill's study looks beyond the dualistic framework of inhabiting/subverting the norms and frames the pious disposition as significantly informed by materiality and conventional tropes of feminine performance. In locating the deeper nuances which engenders women’s pious narratives – marked by liminal states of trance, fissures, and transitions – the work has made a definitive contribution to the wide array of writings on gendered sacred experientialities." -- Simi K. Salim * Religion and Gender *"Hill does a good job of teasing out the diversity of women’s experiences, and his extensive knowledge of Muslim practices more broadly gives the work a useful comparative nature. This book would be especially valuable to scholars of religious studies, African Studies, anthropology, and women’s and gender studies. The chapters can stand alone so undergraduates could also read portions of the text." -- Katherine Ann Wiley, Pacific Lutheran University * Journal of Religion in Africa *Table of Contents1. An Emerging Urban Youth Movement 2. The New Muqaddamas 3. Wrapping 4. Motherhood Metamorphosis Metaphors 5. Cooking up Spiritual Leadership 6. “They Say a Woman’s Voice Is ʿAwra” 7. The Ascetic and the Mother of the Knowers Epilogue: Islam as a Numinous, Performative Tradition

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Book SynopsisPolicy Learning from Canada is the first book to take a sustained look at how Canadian immigration and integration models have impacted decision-making in Scandinavia.Table of Contents1. Scandinavians in Search of Solutions: The Canadian Immigration and Integration Policy Model 2. Sweden’s Special Transatlantic Policy Relationship: Moving Towards Mutual Inspiration 3. Denmark’s Selective Political Attention: The Development of an Alternative Model 4. Norway’s Inspired but Still Slow Learning: A Reluctant Reformer 5. Scandinavian Lesson-Drawing from Canada as ‘Work’ 6. Canada as an Inspirational, but not always Practical or Desirable Model: The Politics of Pragmatism

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Book SynopsisLocal government plays a critical role in the lives of all citizens, from remote towns to capital cities. As the political legitimacy and importance of municipalities grow, however, it becomes increasingly difficult to strike a balance between local and higher levels of government. The contributors to Local Government in a Global World provide insights into key themes impacting local governance in two federations with much in common historically, culturally, and politically: Australia and Canada.These essays examine changes in the Australian and Canadian systems through four thematic lenses: citizen participation in government systems, the restructuring and reform of local governments, the use of performance measures and management systems in the administration of local governments, and the relations of local governments within higher levels of governments. Unique in its thematic selection and in its compare-and-contrast structure, Local Government in a Global WoTrade Review‘The exploration of the connections between globalization and local government is timely given the importance of international influences on the economic, social, and environmental challenges facing governments… The discussion of various theories surrounding governance and reform trends in the two countries offers useful insights on specific country experiences, as well as broader trends and developments in the sector. The editors provide valuable perspective for those seeking more effective ways to enhance the contribution of local governments to the sustainable development of communities.’ -- Claudia Scott: Commonwealth Journal of Local Governance, Issue 7: November 2010‘Local Government in a Global World is very accessible to practitioners and academic audiences… The editors and authors provide valuable perspectives for those seeking more effective ways to enhance the contribution of local governments to the sustainable development of communities.’ -- Claudia Scott; Commonwealth Journal of Local Governance: Issue 07: November 2010Table of ContentsTable of Contents Chapter 1 Local Government in a Global World: Australia and Canada in Comparative Perspectives Emmanuel Brunet-Jailly (University of Victoria, Canada) John Martin (La Trobe University, Australia) Chapter 2 Citizen Participation and Local Governance: The Australian Experience Chris Aulich, University of Canberra, Australia Chapter 3 'You Say you want an Evolution?': From Citizen to Community Engagement in Canadian Cities Susan D. Phillips Carleton University, Ottawa, Canada Chapter Four Restructuring and Reform - Australia Neil Marshall, University of New England, Australia Chapter Five Restructuring and Reform - Canada Andrew Sancton, University of Western Ontario, Canada Chapter Six Performance Management in Australian Local Government Louise Kloot, Swinburne University and John Martin, La Trobe University, Australia Chapter 7 Performance Management in Canadian Local Government: A Journey in Progress or a Dead End? Carol Agocs, University of Western Ontario and Emmanuel Brunet-Jailly, University of Victoria, Canada Chapter 8 What's Fair? Inter-government Relations in Australia Graham Sansom, University of Technology Sydney, Australia Chapter 9 No Joke! Local - Government and Intergovernmental Relations in Canada Katherine A. H. Graham, Carleton University, Canada Chapter 10 Local Government in a Global World: Comparing Findings and Conclusions Emmanuel Brunet-Jailly, University of Victoria, Canada, and John Martin, La Trobe University, Australia.

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Book SynopsisThis timely study fills some serious gaps in the historical record of economic development in Canada and compares it with that in the United States pointing out the parallels in development that have resulted from similarities in tastes and technologies and the high degree of monility between two economies. In addition, it clarifies certain mistaken notions about the Canadian economy by evaluating the sources of past growth and anticipating the potential open to the country. This edition includes a chapter which examines Canadian experience over the past decade and compares it with that of the United States. This work will be valuable to economists, policy makers and the informed layman. There is a minimal amount of complex mathematics and the bulk of the statistical material is relegated to the apendices.

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Book SynopsisIn 1949 the bamboo curtain clattered down over one-fifth of the people of the world. In one sudden twist of history, a vast community that had been militarily and politically allied with the West was transmuted into the ideological foe of everything the free world stands for. With the surprise intervention by Red China in Korea, a new alignment of world powers was confirmed and the bamboo curtain had been fastened down securely.If the people of China were inadequately known in the years before the Red Revolution, all free intercourse between East and West was now interrupted completely. Chinese life could be described only by released westerners who had viewed it through prison bars, or it had to be interpreted from the incredibly distorted releases of the communist propaganda bureaus.Suddenly, in 1956, China offered to open its doors to western reporters wishing to come and see what was really happening in their country. In the spring of 1957, William Kinmond, Staff R

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Book SynopsisThe central task of all statebuilding is to create a state that is regarded as legitimate by the people over whom it exercises authority. This is a necessary condition for stable, effective governance. States sufficiently motivated to bear the costs of building a state in some distant land are likely to have interests in the future policies of that country, and will therefore seek to promote loyal leaders who are sympathetic to their interests and willing to implement their preferred policies. In The Statebuilder''s Dilemma, David A. Lake addresses the key tradeoff between legitimacy and loyalty common to all international statebuilding attempts. Except in rare cases where the policy preferences of the statebuilder and the population of the country whose state is to be built coincide, as in the famous success cases of West Germany and Japan after 1945, promoting a leader who will remain loyal to the statebuilder undermines that leader's legitimacy at home.In Iraq, thrust intoTrade ReviewExplores key trade-offs between legitimacy and loyalty in state building, explaining how promoting a leader loyal to the state builder undermines that leader's legitimacy at home, and investigates armed or militarized state building through in-depth case studies of Iraq and Somalia. * JOURNAL OF ECONOMIC LITERATURE *Table of ContentsIntroduction 1. Building Legitimate States 2. Problems of Sovereignty 3. Legitimacy and Loyalty 4. Statebuilding in Iraq 5. Statebuilding in Somalia Conclusion

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Book SynopsisFor both the United States and United Kingdom counterinsurgency was a serious component of security policy during the Cold War and, along with counterterrorism, has been the greatest security challenge after September 11, 2001. In The Soul of Armies, Austin Long compares and contrasts counterinsurgency operations during the Cold War and in recent years by three organizations: the US Army, the US Marine Corps, and the British Army. Long argues that the formative experiences of these three organizations as they professionalized in the nineteenth century has produced distinctive organizational cultures that shape operations. Combining archival research on counterinsurgency campaigns in Vietnam and Kenya with the author's personal experience as a civilian advisor to the military in Iraq and Afghanistan, The Soul of Armies demonstrates that the US Army has persistently conducted counterinsurgency operations in a very different way from either the US Marine Corps or tTrade ReviewIn The Soul of Armies, Dr. Long... explores the question: how does an army's organizational culture impact how it conducts counter-insurgency? Long argues an army’s ability to execute a counter-insurgency campaign is rooted in formative experiences during the 19th century. Policymakers, military professionals, and scholars will all gain insights from this book. Long provides cause for introspection by those who variously formulate policy, conduct operations, and study this new way of war. Although Long presents convincing evidence that organizational culture impacts the conduct of counter-insurgency operations, as he points out, the key for successful campaigns must rest beyond organizational culture alone. -- Colonel Ian C. Rice * Parameters *Through its wealth of empirical material, it shows not only that culture matters but also how. The Soul of Armies is a must read for all those interested in where the ongoing debate on military culture, and on culture in general, is heading, and it paves the way for a return to the study of culture and of the stickiness of ideas in international politics. * Perspectives on Politics *Table of ContentsPreface 1. Military Doctrine and the Challenge of Counterinsurgency 2. Culture, Doctrine, and Military Professionalization 3. "The Habits and Usages of War": U.S. Army Professionalization, 1865–1962 4. From the Halls of Montezuma: Marine Corps Professionalization, 1865–1960 5. A Family of Regiments: British Army Professionalization, 1856–1948 6. "A Nasty, Untidy Mess": U.S. Counterinsurgency in Vietnam, 1960–71 7. A Natural Experiment in I Corps, 1966–68 8. Out of Africa: British Army Counterinsurgency in Kenya, 1952–56 9. Counterinsurgency in the Land of Two Rivers: The Americans and British in Iraq, 2003–8 10. Counterinsurgency in Afghanistan, 2003–11 Conclusions

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Book SynopsisThe contrast between Kuwait and the UAE today illustrates the vastly different possible futures facing the smaller states of the Gulf. Dubai''s rulers dream of creating a truly global business center, a megalopolis of many millions attracting immigrants in great waves from near and far. Kuwait, meanwhile, has the most spirited and influential parliament in any of the oil-rich Gulf monarchies.In The Wages of Oil, Michael Herb provides a robust framework for thinking about the future of the Gulf monarchies. The Gulf has seen enormous changes in recent years, and more are to come. Herb explains the nature of the changes we are likely to see in the future. He starts by asking why Kuwait is far ahead of all other Gulf monarchies in terms of political liberalization, but behind all of them in its efforts to diversify its economy away from oil. He compares Kuwait with the United Arab Emirates, which lacks Kuwait's parliament but has moved ambitiously to diversify. ThisTrade ReviewThe Wages of Oil is an absorbing book, rich in detail and nuance, that should become required reading for students and scholars of the Gulf oil states... both a highly readable and very timely analysis that should dispel any lingering notion among policy-makers and lay readers that the Gulf states represent a monolithic regional bloc. -- Kristian Coates Ulrichsen * International Affairs *Herb provides a well-presented analysis of the political economies of the Gulf monarchies, with a detailed and insightful assessment of Kuwait and the UAE. This book is a welcome addition to scholarly work on the rentier economies of GCC (Gulf Cooperation Council) states. -- Lorraine Charles * Middle East Journal *Michael Herb has written about very technical economic concepts using a plethora of graphs and advanced terminology to argue his points. The subject matter isn't for everyone; those with a background in economics and political science will appreciate the book more than others. Yet the book is lively and engaging and Herb has taken a potentially dreary subject and produced an intriguing book accessible to all. -- Charles Fraker * Middle East Policy Council *[T]his book provides a convincing explanation of the origin and effects of Kuwait’s parliament, and suggests several important avenues for further exploration. It does so in sharp, enjoyable prose that is accessible to all educated audiences. For researchers, professors, and practitioners in the fields of political economy, oil and politics, and the Gulf monarchies, this text is useful, engaging, and highly recommended. -- Jocelyn S. Mitchell * Arab Studies Journal *Table of ContentsIntroduction1. Labor Markets and Class Politics2. Participation3. Explaining Kuwaiti Exceptionalism4. The Consequences of Absolutism5. The Consequences of Participation6. What Resource Curse?Dilemmas of Development and Democracy in the GulfReferences Index Contents

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Book SynopsisIn The Roots of Resilience Meredith L. Weiss examines governance from the ground up in the world's two most enduring electoral authoritarian or "hybrid" regimesSingapore and Malaysiawhere politically liberal and authoritarian features blend, evading substantive democracy. Weiss explains that while key attributes of these regimes differ, affecting the scope, character, and balance among national parties and policies, local machines, and personalized linkages, the similarity in the overall patterns in these countries confirms the salience of those dimensions. The Roots of Resilience shows that high levels of authoritarian acculturation, amplifying the political payoffs of what parties and politicians actually provide their constituents, explain why electoral turnover alone is insufficient for real regime change in either state.Trade ReviewRoots of Resilience makes an important contribution to the literature on Malaysia and Singapore by providing historical depth and empirical richness to the argument that dominant parties reshape the political sphere to maximize their advantages. It will serve as a useful reference point in navigating the increasing uncertainty that the dominant parties of both countries face in the years ahead. * Pacific Affairs *A timely analysis of regime durability in Singapore and Malaysia. Weiss has made a significant contribution to the literature on comparative politics, specifically in the subfield of transitology, or the study of why democratic transitions occur. Through her focus on the minutiae of grassroots politics, she has shown just how sophisticated electoral authoritarians have to be to remain in power, and how entrenched their dominance is. * Journal of Asian Studies *Table of Contents1. Parties, Machines, and Personalities 2. Regimes and Resilience Reconceptualized 3. The Convoluted Political Path to Malaysia 4. Edging toward Sovereign Singapore 5. Competitive Authoritarianism in Malaysia: Consolidated but Challenged 6. Hegemonic Electoral Authoritarianism in Singapore: Firmly Entrenched 7. Drivers of Stasis and Change: Will the Pattern Hold?

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Book SynopsisSecession and the Sovereignty Game offers a comprehensive strategic theory for how secessionist movements attempt to win independence. Combining original data analysis, fieldwork, interviews with secessionist leaders, and case studies on Catalonia, the Murrawarri Republic, West Papua, Bougainville, New Caledonia, and Northern Cyprus, Ryan D. Griffiths shows how the rules and informal practices of sovereign recognition create a strategic playing field between existing states and aspiring nations that he terms the sovereignty game. To win sovereign statehood, all secessionist movements have to maneuver on the same strategic playing field while varying their tactics according to local conditions. To obtain recognition, secessionist movements use tactics of electoral capture, nonviolent civil resistance, and violence. To persuade the home state and the international community, they appeal to normative arguments regarding earned sovereignty, decolonizatTrade ReviewGriffith's book is grounded in theory, but its greatest value lies in the extensive fieldwork the author has undertaken in places ranging from Catalonia and West Papua to Iraqi Kurdistan and New Caledonia. Griffiths offers a corrective to the work of other researchers who tend to treat these movements with suspicion or hostility: he engages with them on their own terms, and bolsters his analysis of macro-international relations theory with a nuanced understanding of complex realities on the ground. * Times Literary Supplement *Ryan D. Griffiths's Secession and the Sovereignty Game makes an important theoretical and empirical contribution to our understanding of secession and is an asset for those interested in the study of this issue. Griffiths's Secession and the Sovereignty Game makes an important contribution, both empirically and in terms of theory building, to our understanding of this phenomenon. * H-Net *Table of Contents1. Many Secessionist Movements, One International System 2. States, Secessionist Movements, and the International Recognition Regime 3. A Theory of Secessionist Strategy and Tactical Variation 4. Catalonia: Drawn in Blood 5. Murrawarri: Earth, Sky, and Ancestry 6. West Papua: The Morning Star 7. Bougainville: A Nation that Has Come of Age 8. New Caledonia: The Melanesian Tricolor 9. Northern Cyprus: The Red Banner Reversed 10. A Macroanalysis of Secessionist Tactics 11. The Causes and Consequences of Bad Strategy and Poor Tactics 12. The Future of the Sovereignty Game

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Book SynopsisWhat does the state do when public expectations exceed its governing capacity? The Performative State shows how the state can shape public perceptions and defuse crises through the theatrical deployment of language, symbols, and gestures of good governanceperformative governance.Iza Ding unpacks the black box of street-level bureaucracy in China through ethnographic participation, in-depth interviews, and public opinion surveys. She demonstrates in vivid detail how China''s environmental bureaucrats deal with intense public scrutiny over pollution when they lack the authority to actually improve the physical environment. They assuage public outrage by appearing responsive, benevolent, and humble. But performative governance is hard work. Environmental bureaucrats paradoxically work themselves to exhaustion even when they cannot effectively implement environmental policies. Instead of achieving performance legitimacy by delivering material improvements, the stateTrade Review[T]his is a brilliantly written book, which combines perceptively observed vignettes of the routine lives of street-level bureaucrats and citizens with thought-provoking theoretical assertions and debates in order to expose the gap between what China's bureaucrats say they do and what they actually do. It will be of great interest to a wide range of students and researchers. * The China Quarterly *This book sets out to answer this fundamental question. Ding examinesenvironmental governance and applies the metaphor of "performative governance' to characterise the practices of China's environmental bureaucrats. She observes apparently hard-working officials who are held accountable for resolving environmental problems yet have 'little control over either making environmental policies or fixing environmental damage', in a setting wherein 'economic growth still relies on many polluting industries and energy-intensive consumption' * Europe-Asia Studies *Table of ContentsIntroduction: Statecraft as Stagecraft 1. Anatomy of the State 2. Old Woes and New Pains 3. Beleaguered Bureaucrats 4. Audience Appraisal 5. Performative Breakdown Conclusion: Performance and Performance

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Book SynopsisIn The Coalitions Presidents Make, Marcus Mietzner explains how Indonesia has turned its volatile post-authoritarian presidential system into one of the world''s most stable. He argues that since 2004, Indonesian presidents have deployed nuanced strategies of coalition building to consolidate their authority and these coalitions are responsible for the regime stability in place today. In building coalitions, Indonesian presidents have looked beyond parties and parliamentthe traditional partners of presidents in most other countries. In Indonesia, actors such as the military, the police, the bureaucracy, local governments, oligarchs, and Muslim groups are integrated into presidential coalitions by giving them the same status as parties and parliament. But while this inclusiveness has made Indonesia''s presidential system extraordinarily durable, it has also caused democratic decline. In order to secure the stability of their coalitions, presidents must obs

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Book SynopsisIn The Coalitions Presidents Make, Marcus Mietzner explains how Indonesia has turned its volatile post-authoritarian presidential system into one of the world''s most stable. He argues that since 2004, Indonesian presidents have deployed nuanced strategies of coalition building to consolidate their authority and these coalitions are responsible for the regime stability in place today. In building coalitions, Indonesian presidents have looked beyond parties and parliamentthe traditional partners of presidents in most other countries. In Indonesia, actors such as the military, the police, the bureaucracy, local governments, oligarchs, and Muslim groups are integrated into presidential coalitions by giving them the same status as parties and parliament. But while this inclusiveness has made Indonesia''s presidential system extraordinarily durable, it has also caused democratic decline. In order to secure the stability of their coalitions, presidents must obs

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Book SynopsisAlthough democracy is, in principle, the antithesis of dynastic rule, families with multiple members in elective office continue to be common around the world. In most democracies, the proportion of such "democratic dynasties" declines over time, and rarely exceeds ten percent of all legislators. Japan is a startling exception, with over a quarter of all legislators in recent years being dynastic. In Dynasties and Democracy, Daniel M. Smith sets out to explain when and why dynasties persist in democracies, and why their numbers are only now beginning to wane in Japan—questions that have long perplexed regional experts. Smith introduces a compelling comparative theory to explain variation in the presence of dynasties across democracies and political parties. Drawing on extensive legislator-level data from twelve democracies and detailed candidate-level data from Japan, he examines the inherited advantage that members of dynasties reap throughout their political careers—from candidate selection, to election, to promotion into cabinet. Smith shows how the nature and extent of this advantage, as well as its consequences for representation, vary significantly with the institutional context of electoral rules and features of party organization. His findings extend far beyond Japan, shedding light on the causes and consequences of dynastic politics for democracies around the world.Trade Review"Daniel Smith's Dynasties and Democracy is a triumph of expositional clarity and measurement. It is hard to think of a sharper evaluation of the effects of political institutions on the quality and nature of democratic competition." -- Frances McCall Rosenbluth * Yale University *"Smith's book on dynastic politicians in Japan is a gem. He firmly and usefully places Japan into the comparative context through extensive presentation and analysis of data in other countries. His analysis will become the standard explanation for dynastic politicians in Japan. The prolific anecdotes and illustrations will also make this book appealing in classrooms." -- Robert J. Pekkanen * University of Washington *"As E. E. Schattschneider put it, 'he who can make the nominations is the owner of the party.' Dynasties and Democracy investigates parties in which such 'ownership' is effectively inheritable, giving rise to political family dynasties. It provides both a fascinating comparative study of nominations and the most compelling analysis to date of democratic dynasties." -- Gary W. Cox * Stanford University *"This deep dive into the phenomenon of democratic electoral dynasties is a valuable contribution to the comparative politics literature, not the least because the author makes good use of comparable findings from the Philippines and established democracies beyond Asia, such as the US, Ireland, and Israel. The puzzle presented by the high rate of such dynasties in the Japanese Diet by comparison with other liberal democracies and their implications for governing tie together the book's narrative and empirical findings....Recommended." -- J.C. Hickman * CHOICE *"Finding the right balance between a deep understanding of a given context and a broader perspective on political phenomena is difficult. There is no doubt that Daniel M. Smith succeeds in his book...This is part of a much broader comparative endeavour that has the potential to reinvent the study of institutionalized political actors. Some scholars are better than others at maximizing the output from such data and Smith is among the best." -- Marc André Bodet * Cahiers d'études africaines *"Daniel Smith demonstrates that political institutions, especially electoral systems and candidate selection procedures, influence the dominance of political dynasties in Japan, thereby countering the view that the dominance is merely a reflection of Japan's indigenous traditions and culture.Smith tests the fascinating hypothesis persuasively by using extensive data and sophisticated methods and paints a vivid picture of the reality of Japanese politics." -- Yosuke Sunahara * Japanese Journal of Political Science *"Utilizing mixed methods and exploring multiple dimensions of the subject, Smith successfully lays out a comprehensive and in-depth study of democratic dynasties....[The] findings of this book are valuable not just for those who study Japanese politics but also for those who are interested in politics in other areas as well." -- Hironori Sasada * Japanese Studies *"[Few] studies have sought to understand the wide variation in dynastic politicians across democracies over time. Dynasties and Democracy offers a comprehensive answer to this question....certainly a key referent for future work to understand the existence of dynasties in democracies." -- Carlos Velasco Rivera * Political Science Quarterly *"Anyone with any questions about hereditary politicians and the implications of this phenomenon for democracy and politics would be well served to study this book. Not only is the list of questions addressed comprehensive, Smith also comes at every question with a wealth of data, not just data about Japanese elections and politicians (around which much of the book is based), but also data about comparable countries that have high frequencies of hereditary politicians." -- Ray Christensen * Party Politics *"[The] most compelling analysis to date of dynasties in democracies in general, and in Japan's 'land of the rising sons' in particular....required reading for anyone interested in democratic politics more broadly and in the puzzle of political dynasties in democracies." -- Matthew Carlson * Perspectives on Politics *"Dynasties and Democracy is destined to be on the syllabi of Japanese politics courses for many years to come, and indeed it hould also be required reading for all students of electoral politics. Smith lays out his sophisticated theoretical project with ease while helping us see the people and institutions that populate the world of Japanese politics. Dynasties and Democracy is political science at its very best, and Smith one of the field's sharpest voices." -- Sheila A. Smith * The Journal of Asian Studies *"Dynasties and Democracy gives a valuable and detailed look into the puzzling phenomenon of legacy politics in Japan while placing Japan's experience in comparative context. It is a data-rich, thoroughly researched, and accessibly written book....An invaluable resource for scholars of Japanese and comparative electoral and party politics." -- Mary Alice Haddad * Monumenta Nipponica *"Smith's book can be credited with taking a markedly different approach to the topic of second-generation Diet members, one that is innovative....[This] book deserves to be seen as an outstanding work of scholarship." -- Satoshi Machidori * Social Science Japan Journal *"[One] of the most fully researched studies of Japanese politics to appear in recent years....[This] book should be recommended as a powerful study of dynastic politics in Japan and a valuable contribution to the understanding of political dynasties more generally. It should be on any reading list in courses on Japanese politics and comparative courses on parliamentary democracy." -- Arthur Stockwin * Journal of Japanese Studies *Table of ContentsContents and Abstracts1Introduction: Dynasties in Democracies chapter abstractThis chapter introduces the puzzle of "democratic dynasties" and Japan's unusually high level of dynastic politics compared to other democracies. The chapter briefly reviews the existing explanations for the causes of dynastic politics, and then summarizes the new theoretical argument that is offered in the book, as well as the background context of the case of Japan and the research design used to test the argument. Finally, the chapter discusses the potential positive and negative consequences of democratic dynasties and provides an outline of the book's remaining chapters. 2Putting Japan into Comparative Perspective chapter abstractThis chapter gives a descriptive overview of the empirical record using the book's two original data sets. The first aim is to situate the case of Japan in a broader comparative context and highlight some of the puzzles in the aggregate variation in dynastic politics across countries, parties, and time. The second aim is to explore the empirical patterns in Japan in order to establish that these patterns provide insufficient insight into the sources of Japan's high level of dynastic politics. There are few differences between legacy candidates and non-legacy candidates in terms of personal characteristics, experience, education, or background—apart from their legacy ties—which might explain their greater electoral success. The third aim is to demonstrate that alternative theories based on history or culture do not provide credible explanations for the empirical differences between Japan and other democracies. 3A Comparative Theory of Dynastic Candidate Selection chapter abstractThis chapter introduces a comparative theory of dynastic candidate selection based on a framework of supply and demand within the institutional contexts of electoral systems and candidate selection methods. On the supply side, incumbents who serve longer terms in office, and who are themselves part of an existing dynasty, will be more likely to have family members who select into politics. However, relative demand for their potential successors will be higher where electoral institutions generate candidate-centered elections, and in parties where candidate selection processes are exclusive and decentralized, leaving much of the decision up to local party actors—in Japan's case, primarily the support groups of exiting candidates. Demand for legacy candidates should also be higher in parties with weak organizational linkages to groups in civil society and when the previous incumbent dies in office. Comparative evidence is presented in support of the theory. 4Selection: From Family Business to Party Priority chapter abstractThis chapter examines dynastic candidate selection in Japan under the single nontransferable vote (SNTV) electoral system and the changes that have occurred since the adoption of a mixed-member majoritarian (MMM) system, which combines first-past-the-post and closed-list proportional representation. Dynasties under SNTV were more common in larger, decentralized parties—especially the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). The MMM system shifted the focus of elections from candidates to parties. Subsequent party reforms within the LDP have expanded the pool of candidates and placed greater control over nominations with national-level party leaders, who have selected a more diverse range of candidates. Legacy candidates are still nominated, but recently, only the most powerful and longest-serving incumbents are likely to be succeeded in politics by a family member. This suggests that demand-side incentives have changed, leaving mainly supply-side incentives to explain the continued persistence of dynastic politics. 5Election: The Inherited Incumbency Advantage chapter abstractThis chapter explores the inherited incumbency advantage in elections, the mechanisms behind the advantage, and how it differs in the prereform and postreform electoral environments of Japan. New legacy candidates are decidedly advantaged over non-legacy candidates in both SNTV and FPTP elections. However, there is also a selection effect in terms of where legacy candidates emerge. In the prereform period, legacy candidates followed strong incumbents, whose exit freed up votes and encouraged the entry of competitive challengers. In the postreform period, legacy candidates are most likely to get nominated in party strongholds where any new candidate might be similarly successful, and challengers tend to be weaker. Evidence from traditional surveys and a conjoint survey experiment suggests that voters in Japan do not like the idea of dynasties in the abstract sense, even as they continue to elect specific legacy candidates in their own local districts. 6Promotion: Dynastic Dominance in the Cabinet chapter abstractThis chapter evaluates the advantage of dynastic ties in promotion to cabinet. Before 1970, legacy members of parliament—particularly those whose predecessors had served in cabinet—were overrepresented in most cabinets. From 1970 to 1993, seniority rule and factional balancing functioned as informal institutions constraining the choices of LDP prime ministers, and legacy MPs enjoyed no apparent advantage. In the years since electoral reform, legacy MPs are again dramatically overrepresented in LDP cabinets. For those whose predecessors never served in cabinet, this advantage is due in large part to seniority. Legacy MPs with a family history in the cabinet, conversely, enjoy a significant advantage in promotion that cannot be explained simply by seniority. It is likely that the relatives of former cabinet ministers benefit from internal party networks or other informational advantages within the party. The advantage of cabinet legacies is evident in several of the comparative country cases. 7The Consequences of Dynastic Politics for Representation chapter abstractThis chapter considers several potential downstream effects of dynastic politics on the functioning of democracy and the quality of representation, including effects on gender representation, the representational style of candidates, and legislative behavior. There is a clear pattern across democracies and in Japan of a gender bias in dynastic politics. However, this bias tends to decrease over time. An analysis of the policy content of candidate manifestos suggests that dynasties provide some continuity in representation for voters, which may be part of their appeal. There is less evidence that legacy MPs are any more active in the legislature than non-legacy MPs. Although cabinet legacies tend to speak more in plenary sessions of the Diet since electoral reform, there are no other obvious differences in the legislative activity of legacy and non-legacy MPs. 8Conclusion: Family Fiefdoms and Party Politics chapter abstractThis chapter concludes the book by drawing together the key empirical findings and reflecting on the lessons that Japan's experience with dynastic politics might hold for other democracies, such as India and the Philippines, where dynasties have been viewed as a growing problem in recent years, and Ireland, where politics is still in many ways a family affair. The key challenge is how to transform party organizations from decentralized cadres of local notables into coherent vehicles for programmatic policies. The experience of Japan's Liberal Democratic Party, viewed through the lens of dynastic politics, sheds important light on the possibilities and challenges involved in institutional design and reform.

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Book SynopsisDuring the Cold War, the U.S. built a series of alliances with Asian nations to erect a bulwark against the spread of communism and provide security to the region. Despite pressure to end bilateral alliances in the post-Cold War world, they persist to this day, even as new multilateral institutions have sprung up around them. The resulting architecture may aggravate rivalries as the U.S., China, and others compete for influence. However, Andrew Yeo demonstrates how Asia's complex array of bilateral and multilateral agreements may ultimately bring greater stability and order to a region fraught with underlying tensions. Asia's Regional Architecture transcends traditional international relations models. It investigates change and continuity in Asia through the lens of historical institutionalism. Refuting claims regarding the demise of the liberal international order, Yeo reveals how overlapping institutions can promote regional governance and reduce uncertainty in a global context. In addition to considering established institutions such as the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation, he discusses newer regional arrangements including the East Asia Summit, Trans-Pacific Partnership, and the Belt and Road Initiative. This book has important implications for how policymakers think about institutional design and regionalism in Asia and beyond. Trade Review"Andrew Yeo has written an informed, nuanced, and vivid account of Asia's regional architecture. His historical institutionalist framework captures well the richness and diversity of efforts at cooperation among regional actors. A welcome and significant contribution to the literature." -- Victor D. Cha, D.S. Song-KF Professor and Chairholder, School of Foreign Service and Government Department * Georgetown University *"This innovative and important book puts changes in Asia's regional architecture into a broad historical and institutional perspective. In an era of unilateral transactional American diplomacy, Andrew Yeo reminds us of how and why the complex patchwork of past bilateral and multilateral security and economic arrangements will shape our and Asia's future." -- Peter J. Katzenstein, Walter S. Carpenter, Jr. Professor of International Studies * Cornell University *"Andrew Yeo offers a rich account of how Asia's security and economic architecture has evolved since 1945. Asia's Regional Architecture convincingly explains stability and change, and the eclectic approach ties all the empirical evidence together." -- Ralf Emmers, Professor and Associate Dean at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies * Nanyang Technological University *"Yeo has written a book with indisputable value for understanding international cooperation in the Asia-Pacific region. Its 'big tent' approach to theoretically analyzing historical events also should appeal to a range of scholars and policymakers. With Asia's centrality to many events in global politics, Yeo's research should find its way onto the bookshelves of regional specialists, scholars of both alliance politics and international institutions, and students with an interest in learning about the complexities of Asian diplomacy." -- Stephen Herzog * H-Diplo *"[Bilateralism] and multilateralism in Asia have been extensively researched since the end of the Cold War....Yeo contributes to the literature by bringing all of this material together and analyzing it through the application of a less well-known conceptual framework—historical institutionalism. To my knowledge, this has never before been attempted, making the book both original and innovative. The end result is that Asia's Regional Architecture takes a long-term view that enriches the existing analysis and provides a sense of perspective." -- Ralph Emmers * Asia Policy *"Yeo offers a discussion that, more than most, tries to account for Asia's different moving parts....Asia's Regional Architecture is a worthwhile contribution to the debate about Asian security and especially the U.S. role in the region." -- Alice D. Ba * Asia Policy *[Yeo] provides detailed yet succinct accounts of the main political, economic, and security regional institutions in Asia. A plethora of insights are contained in this book....[Its] broad definition of institutions—ranging from ASEAN-led regional multilateral frameworks to U.S.-led bilateral security alliances—opens up new research questions regarding the interactive dynamics within regional institutions." -- Kei Koga * Asia Policy *"Asia's Regional Architecture provides a comprehensive and timely account of the evolution, development, and operation of the various institutions that compose the region's security architecture....Yeo's use of historical institutionalism makes this text a coherent, dynamic, and theoretically insightful account of the beginning, development, and future of Asia's architecture." -- Renato Cruz de Castro * Asia Policy *"Yeo offers a refreshing perspective through the use of the historical-institutionalist framework....This book should be required reading, not only for students, analysts and experts of East Asian affairs, but also for present and future US administration officials to understand the consequential role the US has played and will continue to play in the East Asian order and for regional stability." -- Bhubhindar Singh * Asian Studies Review *"Yeo's book serves as an outstanding primer on how the institutional landscape developed the way it did and why. It is an absolutely essential addition to the literature on regionalism and security architecture in the Asia-Pacific, and comes highly recommended for students, scholars, and practitioners alike." -- Thomas Wilkins * Pacific Affairs *Table of ContentsContents and Abstracts1Asia's Regional Architecture: A Historical Institutional Perspective chapter abstractThis chapter presents a new theoretical framework for understanding the development of Asia's regional architecture. Drawing on historical institutionalism, the chapter discusses how endogenous processes of change, as well as mechanisms of continuity, have produced a layering of bilateral, trilateral, mini-lateral, and multilateral institutions in Asia. The chapter also discusses the limitations of theories of rational institutional design, and the role ideas and institutions play in shaping actors' choices. 2Bilateralism, Multilateralism, and the Making of an Alliance Consensus chapter abstractChapter 2 recounts the origins of bilateralism in Asia and the legitimization of the US-led hub-and-spokes system among Asian elites during the Cold War. It also outlines the rise of ASEAN in the 1960s. Exploring postwar US alliances forged with the Philippines, Japan, South Korea, Australia, and Thailand, I demonstrate how material threats, institutions, and ideas interact to produce an alliance consensus among political elites in Asia. Despite periodic domestic opposition to US alliances, and the weakness of ASEAN, the hub-and-spokes system and ASEAN become entrenched over time. 3Change and Continuity: 1989–1997 chapter abstractThis chapter demonstrates elements of change and continuity in Asia's regional architecture between the waning years of the Cold War and the Asian financial crisis. Despite the external shock of the Cold War, I argue that the path to change is best captured by endogenous processes of change where mechanisms of change and continuity intersect. The first part of the chapter chronicles the development of two multilateral institutions: the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation and the ASEAN Regional Forum. The second part demonstrates the continuity of bilateral alliances, focusing on the US-Japan and US-Philippines alliance. 4Rising Regionalism: 1998–2007 chapter abstractChapter 4 describes the rising phenomena of East Asian regionalism in the wake of the Asian financial crisis and demonstrates how debates between inclusive and exclusive variations of Asian regionalism played out in the development of the regional architecture. The chapter traces the establishment of the ASEAN Plus Three, the East Asia Summit, and the Six-Party Talks. Taken together, these three institutions signified greater political will behind regional multilateralism but also revealed the contentious nature of institution building. The discussion of multilateral developments is juxtaposed to an analysis of the US–South Korea and US-Thailand alliances, and their resilience in an era of greater multilateralism and expanding regionalism. 5Complex Patchwork: 2008–2017 chapter abstractThis chapter demonstrates how the complex patchwork of overlapping institutions in Asia is largely a product of historical institutional processes. Between bilateralism and multilateralism, a variety of mini-laterals, preferential trade agreements, and track II dialogues have grown to become an important part of the institutional landscape. Policy makers turned to these additional informal outlets to advance regional economic and security goals. The chapter describes US alliance relationships with Australia and the Philippines during the period of the US pivot to Asia, as well as the growth of new security partnerships with Singapore and Vietnam. It also explores trilateral relations and the rise of multilateral trade agreements, including the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP). 6America First, China's Rise, and Regional Order chapter abstractChapter 6 explores developments in Asia's regional architecture under the Trump government and the rising influence of China under Xi Jinping. The chapter draws explicit connections between Asia's current regional architecture and the future of Asian order. It makes the case that institutions in Asia, particularly US bilateral alliances, are more resilient than presumed. It then draws on the historical institutionalism and regime complexity literatures to describe how the complex patchwork both complicates and advances institutional cooperation. The chapter concludes by offering a more optimistic outlook regarding the complex patchwork and its potential for improving regional governance. 7Conclusion: Theory, Policy, and the Relevance of Historical Institutionalism and Asia chapter abstractChapter 7 recaps the book's finding that processes of continuity and change have occurred simultaneously, transforming an under-institutionalized region into a complex patchwork of overlapping institutions. The chapter then draws lessons from historical institutionalism for international relations theory and its significance for Asia policy and strategy. The book concludes with recommendations for US policy makers given rising tensions in US-Sino relations and potential institutional competition between Beijing and Washington. In particular, it advocates policy makers to adopt a zero-sum framework and continue building and supporting the regional architecture in ways which reinforce, but also look beyond its bilateral alliances.

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Book SynopsisThe United States is the world's leading foreign aid donor. Yet there has been little inquiry into how such assistance affects the politics and societies of recipient nations. Drawing on four decades of data on U.S. economic and military aid, Aiding and Abetting explores whether foreign aid does more harm than good. Jessica Trisko Darden challenges long-standing ideas about aid and its consequences, and highlights key patterns in the relationship between assistance and violence. She persuasively demonstrates that many of the foreign aid policy challenges the U.S. faced in the Cold War era, such as the propping up of dictators friendly to U.S. interests, remain salient today. Historical case studies of Indonesia, El Salvador, and South Korea illustrate how aid can uphold human freedoms or propagate human rights abuses. Aiding and Abetting encourages both advocates and critics of foreign assistance to reconsider its political and social consequences by focusing international aid efforts on the expansion of human freedom.Trade Review"This is a critical book at a time when the U.S. approach to human rights is in deep crisis and global human rights are in grave danger. Jessica Trisko Darden has given us a beautifully written and compellingly readable account of how U.S. foreign aid has tragically supported regimes that unleashed violence against their own citizens."—William Easterly, New York University"Jessica Trisko Darden's new book is a masterful look at the dangerous and often unintended consequences of U.S. foreign aid. By combining state-of-the-art quantitative methods with detailed case studies, she convincingly shows that foreign aid often deeply harms the citizens it is purported to help. The book should be required reading for international political economy, human rights, and foreign policy scholars. It persuasively calls for a radical reimagination of the American foreign aid process."—Amanda Murdie, University of Georgia"This is a fascinating study of one of the darker sides of American foreign policy. Drawing on her own family's experience as well as decades of diplomatic history, Jessica Trisko Darden shows how foreign aid—widely seen as a bipartisan vehicle for promoting American values abroad—has often played into the hands of ruthless autocrats."—Robert Worth, contributing writer, The New York Times Magazine"This book is a sobering but necessary corrective to the notion that foreign aid delivers only beneficial ends."—Chris Preble, War on the Rocks"[This] study makes a significant contribution to the literature on foreign aid and its political effects. Recommended."—K. Buterbaugh, CHOICE"Aiding and Abetting provides a short, readable account of U.S. foreign aid and assistance and the role of both in subsidizing state violence and repression by recipients....This work should serve as a yield sign to those policymakers and military officials who consider bi-lateral foreign assistance in areas of supposed strategic American interests....[and] as a guide to better envision the enduring effects of U.S. assistance."—Harrison Manlove, RealClear Defense"Perhaps the most striking sections of Aiding and Abetting are where Trisko Darden discusses the policy implications of her findings....Aiding and Abetting [also] raises several questions for future research."—Inken von Borzyskowski, Democracy and Autocracy"This is a timely book and it fills an important gap in the current literature. Aid policymakers have yet to take into account the effects of aid on state violence, which has been well established in the empirical literature. This work constitutes a call to action to do so."—Emily Silcock, Contemporary Arab Affairs"Trisko Darden makes important points about the fungibility of foreign assistance, the challenges of constraining the executive in the realm of foreign policy, and the plausibility of effective aid sanctions... Aiding and Abettingprovides both quantitative and qualitative evidence that foreign assistance in general likely enables or emboldens governments that are facing civil conflict to cause harm to civilian populations and otherwise engage in repressive measures. This is no doubt a challenge to individuals who want to see foreign aid used to bring about economic development and widespread poverty alleviation. Simultaneously, one hopes, it is a challenge even to those who seek to use foreign aid for the purpose of promoting national security, calling upon policymakers to think about how best to support allied regimes while also holding them to the highest standards of human rights protection."—Matthew S. Winters, H-Diplo"Overwhelmingly, studies of human rights and foreign aid have analyzed how a recipient state's human rights record may impact the amount of foreign aid they receive from the US. [Trisko] Darden correctly points out that 'relatively little work has been done to demonstrate the opposite: how foreign aid affects human rights' (17)... [T]he case study chapters allow for a closer examination of the mechanics of exactly how US foreign aid contributes to human rights abuses."—Evan W. Sandlin, Human Rights ReviewTable of ContentsIntroduction: Aiding Freedom: Human Rights and U.S. Foreign Assistance 1. Abetting Violence: The Coercive Effect of Foreign Aid 2. Patterns of Foreign Aid and State Violence 3. Indonesia: Arming and Oppressing 4. El Salvador: Buying Guns and Butter 5. South Korea: Constraining Coercion 6. Aiding and Abetting in the Twenty-First Century Conclusion: Can "Do No Harm" Be Done?

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Book SynopsisThe United States is the world's leading foreign aid donor. Yet there has been little inquiry into how such assistance affects the politics and societies of recipient nations. Drawing on four decades of data on U.S. economic and military aid, Aiding and Abetting explores whether foreign aid does more harm than good. Jessica Trisko Darden challenges long-standing ideas about aid and its consequences, and highlights key patterns in the relationship between assistance and violence. She persuasively demonstrates that many of the foreign aid policy challenges the U.S. faced in the Cold War era, such as the propping up of dictators friendly to U.S. interests, remain salient today. Historical case studies of Indonesia, El Salvador, and South Korea illustrate how aid can uphold human freedoms or propagate human rights abuses. Aiding and Abetting encourages both advocates and critics of foreign assistance to reconsider its political and social consequences by focusing international aid efforts on the expansion of human freedom.Trade Review"This is a critical book at a time when the U.S. approach to human rights is in deep crisis and global human rights are in grave danger. Jessica Trisko Darden has given us a beautifully written and compellingly readable account of how U.S. foreign aid has tragically supported regimes that unleashed violence against their own citizens."—William Easterly, New York University"Jessica Trisko Darden's new book is a masterful look at the dangerous and often unintended consequences of U.S. foreign aid. By combining state-of-the-art quantitative methods with detailed case studies, she convincingly shows that foreign aid often deeply harms the citizens it is purported to help. The book should be required reading for international political economy, human rights, and foreign policy scholars. It persuasively calls for a radical reimagination of the American foreign aid process."—Amanda Murdie, University of Georgia"This is a fascinating study of one of the darker sides of American foreign policy. Drawing on her own family's experience as well as decades of diplomatic history, Jessica Trisko Darden shows how foreign aid—widely seen as a bipartisan vehicle for promoting American values abroad—has often played into the hands of ruthless autocrats."—Robert Worth, contributing writer, The New York Times Magazine"This book is a sobering but necessary corrective to the notion that foreign aid delivers only beneficial ends."—Chris Preble, War on the Rocks"[This] study makes a significant contribution to the literature on foreign aid and its political effects. Recommended."—K. Buterbaugh, CHOICE"Aiding and Abetting provides a short, readable account of U.S. foreign aid and assistance and the role of both in subsidizing state violence and repression by recipients....This work should serve as a yield sign to those policymakers and military officials who consider bi-lateral foreign assistance in areas of supposed strategic American interests....[and] as a guide to better envision the enduring effects of U.S. assistance."—Harrison Manlove, RealClear Defense"Perhaps the most striking sections of Aiding and Abetting are where Trisko Darden discusses the policy implications of her findings....Aiding and Abetting [also] raises several questions for future research."—Inken von Borzyskowski, Democracy and Autocracy"This is a timely book and it fills an important gap in the current literature. Aid policymakers have yet to take into account the effects of aid on state violence, which has been well established in the empirical literature. This work constitutes a call to action to do so."—Emily Silcock, Contemporary Arab Affairs"Trisko Darden makes important points about the fungibility of foreign assistance, the challenges of constraining the executive in the realm of foreign policy, and the plausibility of effective aid sanctions... Aiding and Abettingprovides both quantitative and qualitative evidence that foreign assistance in general likely enables or emboldens governments that are facing civil conflict to cause harm to civilian populations and otherwise engage in repressive measures. This is no doubt a challenge to individuals who want to see foreign aid used to bring about economic development and widespread poverty alleviation. Simultaneously, one hopes, it is a challenge even to those who seek to use foreign aid for the purpose of promoting national security, calling upon policymakers to think about how best to support allied regimes while also holding them to the highest standards of human rights protection."—Matthew S. Winters, H-Diplo"Overwhelmingly, studies of human rights and foreign aid have analyzed how a recipient state's human rights record may impact the amount of foreign aid they receive from the US. [Trisko] Darden correctly points out that 'relatively little work has been done to demonstrate the opposite: how foreign aid affects human rights' (17)... [T]he case study chapters allow for a closer examination of the mechanics of exactly how US foreign aid contributes to human rights abuses."—Evan W. Sandlin, Human Rights ReviewTable of ContentsIntroduction: Aiding Freedom: Human Rights and U.S. Foreign Assistance 1. Abetting Violence: The Coercive Effect of Foreign Aid 2. Patterns of Foreign Aid and State Violence 3. Indonesia: Arming and Oppressing 4. El Salvador: Buying Guns and Butter 5. South Korea: Constraining Coercion 6. Aiding and Abetting in the Twenty-First Century Conclusion: Can "Do No Harm" Be Done?

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Book SynopsisAlthough democracy is, in principle, the antithesis of dynastic rule, families with multiple members in elective office continue to be common around the world. In most democracies, the proportion of such "democratic dynasties" declines over time, and rarely exceeds ten percent of all legislators. Japan is a startling exception, with over a quarter of all legislators in recent years being dynastic. In Dynasties and Democracy, Daniel M. Smith sets out to explain when and why dynasties persist in democracies, and why their numbers are only now beginning to wane in Japan—questions that have long perplexed regional experts. Smith introduces a compelling comparative theory to explain variation in the presence of dynasties across democracies and political parties. Drawing on extensive legislator-level data from twelve democracies and detailed candidate-level data from Japan, he examines the inherited advantage that members of dynasties reap throughout their political careers—from candidate selection, to election, to promotion into cabinet. Smith shows how the nature and extent of this advantage, as well as its consequences for representation, vary significantly with the institutional context of electoral rules and features of party organization. His findings extend far beyond Japan, shedding light on the causes and consequences of dynastic politics for democracies around the world.Trade Review"Daniel Smith's Dynasties and Democracy is a triumph of expositional clarity and measurement. It is hard to think of a sharper evaluation of the effects of political institutions on the quality and nature of democratic competition." -- Frances McCall Rosenbluth * Yale University *"Smith's book on dynastic politicians in Japan is a gem. He firmly and usefully places Japan into the comparative context through extensive presentation and analysis of data in other countries. His analysis will become the standard explanation for dynastic politicians in Japan. The prolific anecdotes and illustrations will also make this book appealing in classrooms." -- Robert J. Pekkanen * University of Washington *"As E. E. Schattschneider put it, 'he who can make the nominations is the owner of the party.' Dynasties and Democracy investigates parties in which such 'ownership' is effectively inheritable, giving rise to political family dynasties. It provides both a fascinating comparative study of nominations and the most compelling analysis to date of democratic dynasties." -- Gary W. Cox * Stanford University *"This deep dive into the phenomenon of democratic electoral dynasties is a valuable contribution to the comparative politics literature, not the least because the author makes good use of comparable findings from the Philippines and established democracies beyond Asia, such as the US, Ireland, and Israel. The puzzle presented by the high rate of such dynasties in the Japanese Diet by comparison with other liberal democracies and their implications for governing tie together the book's narrative and empirical findings....Recommended." -- J.C. Hickman * CHOICE *"Finding the right balance between a deep understanding of a given context and a broader perspective on political phenomena is difficult. There is no doubt that Daniel M. Smith succeeds in his book...This is part of a much broader comparative endeavour that has the potential to reinvent the study of institutionalized political actors. Some scholars are better than others at maximizing the output from such data and Smith is among the best." -- Marc André Bodet * Cahiers d'études africaines *"Daniel Smith demonstrates that political institutions, especially electoral systems and candidate selection procedures, influence the dominance of political dynasties in Japan, thereby countering the view that the dominance is merely a reflection of Japan's indigenous traditions and culture.Smith tests the fascinating hypothesis persuasively by using extensive data and sophisticated methods and paints a vivid picture of the reality of Japanese politics." -- Yosuke Sunahara * Japanese Journal of Political Science *"Utilizing mixed methods and exploring multiple dimensions of the subject, Smith successfully lays out a comprehensive and in-depth study of democratic dynasties....[The] findings of this book are valuable not just for those who study Japanese politics but also for those who are interested in politics in other areas as well." -- Hironori Sasada * Japanese Studies *"[Few] studies have sought to understand the wide variation in dynastic politicians across democracies over time. Dynasties and Democracy offers a comprehensive answer to this question....certainly a key referent for future work to understand the existence of dynasties in democracies." -- Carlos Velasco Rivera * Political Science Quarterly *"Anyone with any questions about hereditary politicians and the implications of this phenomenon for democracy and politics would be well served to study this book. Not only is the list of questions addressed comprehensive, Smith also comes at every question with a wealth of data, not just data about Japanese elections and politicians (around which much of the book is based), but also data about comparable countries that have high frequencies of hereditary politicians." -- Ray Christensen * Party Politics *"[The] most compelling analysis to date of dynasties in democracies in general, and in Japan's 'land of the rising sons' in particular....required reading for anyone interested in democratic politics more broadly and in the puzzle of political dynasties in democracies." -- Matthew Carlson * Perspectives on Politics *"Dynasties and Democracy is destined to be on the syllabi of Japanese politics courses for many years to come, and indeed it hould also be required reading for all students of electoral politics. Smith lays out his sophisticated theoretical project with ease while helping us see the people and institutions that populate the world of Japanese politics. Dynasties and Democracy is political science at its very best, and Smith one of the field's sharpest voices." -- Sheila A. Smith * The Journal of Asian Studies *"Dynasties and Democracy gives a valuable and detailed look into the puzzling phenomenon of legacy politics in Japan while placing Japan's experience in comparative context. It is a data-rich, thoroughly researched, and accessibly written book....An invaluable resource for scholars of Japanese and comparative electoral and party politics." -- Mary Alice Haddad * Monumenta Nipponica *"Smith's book can be credited with taking a markedly different approach to the topic of second-generation Diet members, one that is innovative....[This] book deserves to be seen as an outstanding work of scholarship." -- Satoshi Machidori * Social Science Japan Journal *"[One] of the most fully researched studies of Japanese politics to appear in recent years....[This] book should be recommended as a powerful study of dynastic politics in Japan and a valuable contribution to the understanding of political dynasties more generally. It should be on any reading list in courses on Japanese politics and comparative courses on parliamentary democracy." -- Arthur Stockwin * Journal of Japanese Studies *Table of ContentsContents and Abstracts1Introduction: Dynasties in Democracies chapter abstractThis chapter introduces the puzzle of "democratic dynasties" and Japan's unusually high level of dynastic politics compared to other democracies. The chapter briefly reviews the existing explanations for the causes of dynastic politics, and then summarizes the new theoretical argument that is offered in the book, as well as the background context of the case of Japan and the research design used to test the argument. Finally, the chapter discusses the potential positive and negative consequences of democratic dynasties and provides an outline of the book's remaining chapters. 2Putting Japan into Comparative Perspective chapter abstractThis chapter gives a descriptive overview of the empirical record using the book's two original data sets. The first aim is to situate the case of Japan in a broader comparative context and highlight some of the puzzles in the aggregate variation in dynastic politics across countries, parties, and time. The second aim is to explore the empirical patterns in Japan in order to establish that these patterns provide insufficient insight into the sources of Japan's high level of dynastic politics. There are few differences between legacy candidates and non-legacy candidates in terms of personal characteristics, experience, education, or background—apart from their legacy ties—which might explain their greater electoral success. The third aim is to demonstrate that alternative theories based on history or culture do not provide credible explanations for the empirical differences between Japan and other democracies. 3A Comparative Theory of Dynastic Candidate Selection chapter abstractThis chapter introduces a comparative theory of dynastic candidate selection based on a framework of supply and demand within the institutional contexts of electoral systems and candidate selection methods. On the supply side, incumbents who serve longer terms in office, and who are themselves part of an existing dynasty, will be more likely to have family members who select into politics. However, relative demand for their potential successors will be higher where electoral institutions generate candidate-centered elections, and in parties where candidate selection processes are exclusive and decentralized, leaving much of the decision up to local party actors—in Japan's case, primarily the support groups of exiting candidates. Demand for legacy candidates should also be higher in parties with weak organizational linkages to groups in civil society and when the previous incumbent dies in office. Comparative evidence is presented in support of the theory. 4Selection: From Family Business to Party Priority chapter abstractThis chapter examines dynastic candidate selection in Japan under the single nontransferable vote (SNTV) electoral system and the changes that have occurred since the adoption of a mixed-member majoritarian (MMM) system, which combines first-past-the-post and closed-list proportional representation. Dynasties under SNTV were more common in larger, decentralized parties—especially the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). The MMM system shifted the focus of elections from candidates to parties. Subsequent party reforms within the LDP have expanded the pool of candidates and placed greater control over nominations with national-level party leaders, who have selected a more diverse range of candidates. Legacy candidates are still nominated, but recently, only the most powerful and longest-serving incumbents are likely to be succeeded in politics by a family member. This suggests that demand-side incentives have changed, leaving mainly supply-side incentives to explain the continued persistence of dynastic politics. 5Election: The Inherited Incumbency Advantage chapter abstractThis chapter explores the inherited incumbency advantage in elections, the mechanisms behind the advantage, and how it differs in the prereform and postreform electoral environments of Japan. New legacy candidates are decidedly advantaged over non-legacy candidates in both SNTV and FPTP elections. However, there is also a selection effect in terms of where legacy candidates emerge. In the prereform period, legacy candidates followed strong incumbents, whose exit freed up votes and encouraged the entry of competitive challengers. In the postreform period, legacy candidates are most likely to get nominated in party strongholds where any new candidate might be similarly successful, and challengers tend to be weaker. Evidence from traditional surveys and a conjoint survey experiment suggests that voters in Japan do not like the idea of dynasties in the abstract sense, even as they continue to elect specific legacy candidates in their own local districts. 6Promotion: Dynastic Dominance in the Cabinet chapter abstractThis chapter evaluates the advantage of dynastic ties in promotion to cabinet. Before 1970, legacy members of parliament—particularly those whose predecessors had served in cabinet—were overrepresented in most cabinets. From 1970 to 1993, seniority rule and factional balancing functioned as informal institutions constraining the choices of LDP prime ministers, and legacy MPs enjoyed no apparent advantage. In the years since electoral reform, legacy MPs are again dramatically overrepresented in LDP cabinets. For those whose predecessors never served in cabinet, this advantage is due in large part to seniority. Legacy MPs with a family history in the cabinet, conversely, enjoy a significant advantage in promotion that cannot be explained simply by seniority. It is likely that the relatives of former cabinet ministers benefit from internal party networks or other informational advantages within the party. The advantage of cabinet legacies is evident in several of the comparative country cases. 7The Consequences of Dynastic Politics for Representation chapter abstractThis chapter considers several potential downstream effects of dynastic politics on the functioning of democracy and the quality of representation, including effects on gender representation, the representational style of candidates, and legislative behavior. There is a clear pattern across democracies and in Japan of a gender bias in dynastic politics. However, this bias tends to decrease over time. An analysis of the policy content of candidate manifestos suggests that dynasties provide some continuity in representation for voters, which may be part of their appeal. There is less evidence that legacy MPs are any more active in the legislature than non-legacy MPs. Although cabinet legacies tend to speak more in plenary sessions of the Diet since electoral reform, there are no other obvious differences in the legislative activity of legacy and non-legacy MPs. 8Conclusion: Family Fiefdoms and Party Politics chapter abstractThis chapter concludes the book by drawing together the key empirical findings and reflecting on the lessons that Japan's experience with dynastic politics might hold for other democracies, such as India and the Philippines, where dynasties have been viewed as a growing problem in recent years, and Ireland, where politics is still in many ways a family affair. The key challenge is how to transform party organizations from decentralized cadres of local notables into coherent vehicles for programmatic policies. The experience of Japan's Liberal Democratic Party, viewed through the lens of dynastic politics, sheds important light on the possibilities and challenges involved in institutional design and reform.

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Book SynopsisIn fragile states, domestic and international actors sometimes take the momentous step of sharing sovereign authority to provide basic public services and build the rule of law. While sovereignty sharing can help address gaps in governance, it is inherently difficult, risking redundancy, confusion over roles, and feuds between partners when their interests diverge. In Sovereignty Sharing in Fragile States, John D. Ciorciari sheds light on how and why these extraordinary joint ventures are created, designed, and implemented. Based on extensive field research in several countries and more than 150 interviews with senior figures from governments, the UN, donor states, and civil society, Ciorciari discusses when sovereignty sharing may be justified and when it is most likely to achieve its aims. The two, he argues, are closely related: perceived legitimacy and continued political and popular support are keys to success. This book examines a diverse range of sovereignty-sharing arrangements, including hybrid criminal tribunals, joint policing arrangements, and anti-corruption initiatives, in Sierra Leone, Cambodia, Lebanon, Timor-Leste, Guatemala, and Liberia. Ciorciari provides the first comparative assessment of these remarkable attempts to repair ruptures in the rule of law—the heart of a well-governed state.Trade Review"John Ciorciari has written a wonderful work. Sovereignty sharing has been an approach that has not been given a proper name. Ciorciari not only provides excellent case studies, but he also shows why sovereignty sharing has been widely used and the limited conditions that make it likely to be successful."—Stephen D. Krasner, Stanford University"This extraordinary book combines insights and lessons for those who wish to understand the challenges of sovereignty sharing to promote the rule of law in fragile states. Meticulously researched, Sovereignty Sharing in Fragile States is an invaluable resource for scholars and practitioners. Highly recommended."—Richard Caplan, University of Oxford"Sovereignty Sharing in Fragile States is a first-rate piece of scholarship that offers a compelling answer to an important, but perennially perplexing, question: Why do 'shared sovereignty' arrangements fail so often—and under what conditions can they succeed?"—Roland Paris, University of OttawaTable of ContentsIntroduction 1: Justifying Shared Sovereignty 2: How Political Foundations Affect Performance 3: Partnering to Prosecute War Crimes 4: Compromising on Hybrid Justice 5: Imposing a Mixed Tribunal 6: Sharing Sovereignty in the Streets 7: Contracting for Criminal Investigation 8: Cosigning to Curb Corruption 9: The Path Ahead

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Book SynopsisNegative views of the United States abound, but we know too little about how such views affect politics. Drawing on careful research on post-Soviet Central Asia, Edward Schatz argues that anti-Americanism is best seen not as a rising tide that swamps or as a conflagration that overwhelms. Rather, "America" is a symbolic resource that resides quietly in the mundane but always has potential value for social and political mobilizers. Using a wide range of evidence and a novel analytic framework, Schatz considers how Islamist movements, human rights activists, and labor mobilizers across Central Asia avail themselves of this fact, thus changing their ability to pursue their respective agendas. By refocusing our analytic gaze away from high politics, he affords us a clearer view of the slower-moving, partially occluded, and socially embedded processes that ground how "America" becomes political. In turn, we gain a nuanced appreciation of the downstream effects of US foreign policy choices and a sober sense of the challenges posed by the politics of traveling images. Most treatments of anti-Americanism focus on politics in the realm of presidential elections and foreign policies. By focusing instead on symbols, Schatz lays bare how changing public attitudes shift social relations in politically significant ways, and considers how changing symbolic depictions of the United States recombine the raw material available for social mobilizers. Just like sediment traveling along waterways before reaching its final destination, the raw material that constitutes symbolic America can travel among various social groups, and can settle into place to form the basis of new social meanings. Symbolic America, Schatz shows us, matters for politics in Central Asia and beyond.Trade Review"Fresh, strikingly original, and with the wisdom of the long view, Slow Anti-Americanism compellingly shows the slow-burning complexities of anti-Americanism. Edward Schatz's careful observations offer critical guidance to scholars and policymakers about what America stands for in Central Asia and beyond." -- Alexander Cooley * Columbia University *"Relying on geological metaphors and the analysis of symbolic politics, Edward Schatz offers a theoretically nuanced and empirically innovative study of anti-Americanism in Central Asia. Slow Anti-Americanism is a valuable addition to a literature that is, once again, of growing importance in the analysis of U.S. foreign policy and world politics." -- Peter J. Katzenstein * Cornell University *"Edward Schatz looks at how negative perceptions of America conditioned the long-term success or failure of domestic political movements abroad. Turning the topic inside out on the strategic terrain of central Asia, this brilliant book heralds a paradigm shift in the study of public diplomacy. It deserves a large audience." -- Alex Langstaff * International Affairs *"Those interested in reflecting on the recent history of America's reputation abroad and what should be done differently in the future will want to readSlow Anti-Americanism... It takes readers far from the headspace of the foreign policy community and into the lives of activists and ordinary people in a part of the world where the reputation of the United States has changed greatly over the last 30 years." –Laura Adams, the Oxus Society for Central Asian Affairs"Whereas scholars have tended to view anti-Americanism as either a psychological or a cultural 'clash of civilizations' phenomenon, Edward Schatz looks at how negative perceptions of America conditioned the long-term success or failure of domestic political movements abroad. Turning the topic inside out on the strategic terrain of central Asia, this brilliant book heralds a paradigm shift in the study of public diplomacy. It deserves a large audience." -- Alex Langstaff * International Affairs *Table of ContentsContents and AbstractsIntroduction: Slow Anti-Americanism chapter abstractWhile anti-Americanism is typically studied through the lens of "high politics," this introductory chapter contends that such approaches blind us to the political dynamics of this important phenomenon. Instead, the chapter introduces slow anti-Americanism, which takes better stock of the phenomenon. The chapter shows that attention to the symbolic power of "America" allows us to view how social and political mobilizers use changing symbolic raw material to further their goals. It emphasizes that changes to symbolic America may occur slowly, leaving resonant social meanings in their wake. Such meanings can be quarried by future generations for political benefit. The chapter previews how the Central Asian cases provide new analytic traction on a complex problem. 1America's Changing Image chapter abstractThis chapter traces how images of the United States changed in the Central Asian region from the Soviet period into the post-Soviet period. Setting the stage for the discussion of social movements that follows, this chapter makes three points. First, Central Asia's initial imaginings of the United States were the product of the Soviet period, and symbolic America for Central Asians was similar to what it was for other Soviet citizens—an ambiguous cluster of polyvalent but resonant images. Second, after an initial post-Soviet period of being overwhelmed by positive images of the United States, Central Asian opinions of the US declined. This downward trend occurred less because of concrete changes to US policy than because of the slow-moving processes of sedimentation. Third, because images of the United States had multiplied and diversified, a wider range of images became available for social mobilizers. They would be the symbolic raw material for Central Asia's social movements to use in the 2000's and beyond. 2Islamist Trajectories chapter abstractThis chapter traces the arcs of Islamist mobilizers. First, it introduces a plural understanding of Islamism, recognizing that whatever theological consensus the pious might seek, real-world contexts witness a striking variety of ways that religion and politics intersect. Second, the chapter highlights the rise of Islamic piety since the Soviet collapse, arguing against a simplistic notion that greater piety necessarily produces a politics inflected by religion. Finally, the chapter details how three Islamist movements—Hizb ut-Tahrir, the Islamic Renaissance Party of Tajikistan, and the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan—use the changing American image. The examples underscore that, while America's image matters in Central Asia, how precisely its significance becomes political depends on image-making efforts at play in each movement. 3Human Rights Trajectories chapter abstractThis chapter traces the arcs of human rights activism in Central Asia. It argues that the post-9/11 securitization of US foreign policy indeed did complicate the pursuit of a human-rights agenda but in complex way. This chapter uses the extended example of Kyrgyzstan and its two "revolutions" in 2005 and 2010 to highlight how the shift to symbolic America had a different impact, depending on whether activism was classic street protests or via professional rule-of-law advocacy. 4Labor, Disorganized chapter abstractThis chapter takes stock of a third and final type of activism: labor. By all appearances, labor was in a position to take full advantage of shifts to symbolic America. In Central Asia, as across post-socialist space more generally, societies had experienced dramatic macro-economic contraction and massive dislocation in the aftermath of the Soviet collapse. Once-robust and explicit labor protections were quickly dismantled or hollowed out. Ordinary people suffered greatly, and labor—the notional cornerstone of state socialism—had ample grievances. Yet, while labor activists in Central Asia were well aware of the United States and its symbolic power, they did not avail themselves of the opportunity to use symbolic America in their framing efforts. This chapter explores the impact of this missed opportunity. Conclusion: Shaping the Slow Politics of Anti-Americanism chapter abstractThis conclusion first recaps the arcs of Central Asian social mobilization and highlights how slow anti-Americanism helped to shake the political terrain across the region. It then turns to policy-relevant questions. What changes might shape how symbolic America affects global publics and global politics? While policymakers pay attention to the substance of their policies and sometimes pay attention to communicating their policies, they rarely concern themselves with matters of credibility. As research on framing effects suggests, however, the credibility of the messenger is crucial to effective public diplomacy and therefore essential to affecting how symbolic America shapes politics across the globe.

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Book SynopsisConventional wisdom emerging from China and other autocracies claims that single-party legislatures and elections are mutually beneficial for citizens and autocrats. This line of thought reasons that these institutions can serve multiple functions, like constraining political leaders or providing information about citizens. In United Front, Paul Schuler challenges these views through his examination of the past and present functioning of the Vietnam National Assembly (VNA), arguing that the legislature's primary role is to signal strength to the public. When active, the critical behavior from delegates in the legislature represents cross fire within the regime rather than genuine citizen feedback. In making these arguments, Schuler counters a growing scholarly trend to see democratic institutions within single-party settings like China and Vietnam as useful for citizens or regime performance. His argument also suggests that there are limits to generating genuinely "consultative authoritarianism" through quasi-democratic institutions. Applying a diverse range of cutting-edge social science methods on a wealth of original data such as legislative speeches, election returns, and surveys, Schuler shows that even in a seemingly vociferous legislature like the VNA, the ultimate purpose of the institution is not to reflect the views of citizens, but rather to signal the regime's preferences while taking down rivals.Trade Review"Why does a single-party state have well-developed electoral and legislative institutions? Schuler provides a compelling answer to this question in this persuasive, far-reaching account. His work pushes forward our understanding of institutions not only in one of the few remaining Communist states, but also in authoritarian regimes more broadly." -- Jennifer Gandhi * Emory University *"A firecracker of a book and a critical contribution to scholarship on authoritarian institutions and Vietnamese politics. In punchy and thrilling prose, using deep knowledge and cutting-edge empirical tools, Schuler challenges existing theories that parliaments resolve informational problems for autocrats, arguing instead that they are better suited to signal dominance and promote popular legitimacy." -- Edmund Malesky * Duke University *"As a study of political science, Schuler makes a major contribution by challenging the dominant view in scholarship that often conflates legislatures in single-party regimes with other authoritarian or hybrid regimes... Schuler has written an outstanding book that deserves to be read widely by both political scientists and Vietnam experts." -- Tuong Vu * Pacific Affairs *Table of ContentsContents and AbstractsIntroduction: Introduction chapter abstractThe introduction presents the book's central research question and the theory and evidence used to explore it: Why might the Vietnam National Assembly and some single-party legislatures be empowered with greater responsibilities and greater electoral competitiveness? Recent work suggests that legislative institutionalization demonstrates "resilient" or "consultative" authoritarianism, whereby autocrats can inform or constrain themselves through limited debate in a legislature and limited electoral competitiveness. This book challenges this view, arguing that single-party legislatures and elections do not inform or constrain autocrats but instead are meant to signal strength. When such legislatures are active, they are supposed to direct their activity against the autocrat's agents in the government. Elections serve to mobilize compliance with the regime. The theory of this book suggests that autocrats cannot simultaneously encourage input and signal strength through the same institutions. The introduction concludes with a preview of the chapters. 1The Signaling Trap: Why Single-Party Legislatures Must Be Controlled chapter abstractThis chapter examines existing explanations for the role of authoritarian legislatures and elections, raising questions about the applicability of these theories to Vietnam. It also lays out the book's core theoretical argument that while autocrats may use institutions such as legislatures and elections to achieve multiple goals, some goals are incompatible. In particular, if autocrats hope to use legislatures and elections to signal strength, this compromises their ability to use those same institutions to constrain or inform themselves. The chapter then argues that autocrats in single-party regimes are more likely to use legislatures and elections to signal strength at the expense of constraint or information provision because these institutions are publicly visible and state sanctioned. The chapter concludes with the observable implications of the argument for legislative organization, electoral behavior, delegate behavior, and public opinion. 2How Elections Work in Vietnam chapter abstractThis chapter lays out the structure of Vietnam's electoral system, highlighting some of the key institutions that block linkages between citizens and delegates. It focuses in particular on party management of campaigns and vetting institutions to show how the "five gates" system effectively keeps genuinely independent candidates from winning seats. The chapter shows how the regime further undermines the competitiveness of elections by manipulating the districts such that even candidates who survive vetting face bias in favor of the regime's preferred candidates. This chapter serves two purposes: providing important background on Vietnam's electoral institutions, and highlighting important institutions that facilitate the signaling value of elections and give the regime control over legislative behavior. 3"Unconditional Party Government": Legislative Organization in the VNA chapter abstractThis chapter examines legislative organization in the VNA, describing the extremely hierarchical system as "unconditional party government." Building from a theory of "conditional party government" to explain party control of legislatures in democracies, this chapter describes the extreme dominance of the VNA Standing Committee over legislative proceedings and agenda setting. Given the party's role in deciding who will serve on the Standing Committee and fill vital full-time roles in the legislature, the party ensures its control over legislative output and the legislative agenda. As with elections, party dominance of legislative output through the Standing Committee ensures that the VNA serves to signal strength to the population at the expense of the legislature's capacity to inform or constrain. 4Explaining the Evolution of the VNA chapter abstractThis chapter explores the institutionalization of the VNA to examine the argument that the Vietnam Communist Party empowered it to check the government rather than to constrain or inform the party leadership. Before defending this argument, which contradicts existing accounts of the development of authoritarian legislatures and the VNA, the chapter also establishes that the VNA is a most likely case for the competing arguments for authoritarian legislative institutionalization and a least likely case for the book's signaling argument. The chapter then defends the signaling argument by examining the role party leaders played versus those of political and economic reformers at critical moments when the legislature gained increased powers. An examination of the decisions to empower the legislature with greater staff, televised query sessions, and a regularized vote of confidence measure shows that it was the party leaders who supported the measures rather than economic liberalizers in the government. 5Mobilized or Motivated? Voting Behavior in Vietnamese Elections chapter abstractThis chapter examines how electoral institutions impact electoral behavior in a single-party regime. Existing work suggests that citizens in authoritarian regimes vote in a partially informed manner and provide information through their votes. By contrast, this chapter argues that party strength rather than voter interest drives electoral behavior. Using unique data from Vietnam, which for the first time combine actual electoral returns with district-level survey data, this chapter shows little evidence of strategic voting, competitiveness driving turnout, or knowledge of candidates. Instead, connection to the party drives participation. The findings imply that Vietnamese voters are ill informed about their candidates and that their votes contain little informational content. Consequently, elections are largely an exercise in mobilizing public compliance and support for the party. 6Explaining Oversight Behavior: Position Taking or Position Ducking? chapter abstractThis chapter examines legislative behavior in the VNA. The signaling and blame deflection theory of the book holds that the legislature should not criticize the party. By contrast, when the legislature is critical, it should direct its attention toward government leaders. Using an original dataset of public opinion data and legislative behavior, this chapter uses automated text analysis to show that the VNA only debates hot-button issues on government-controlled issues. When issues arise on party-controlled portfolios, the legislature is not called into action. The findings imply that the legislature does not primarily inform or constrain the party through legislative behavior but rather serves to damage rivals in the government. 7Intimidation or Legitimation? The Signaling Value of the VNA chapter abstractA final implication of the book's signaling theory is that legislative behavior and elections should increase support for the party and reduce the likelihood of public resistance. Such an effect could operate through two potential channels. First, it could convince citizens that resistance is futile. Alternatively, it could convince citizens more directly to support the regime. Using an Internet-based survey experiment in Vietnam, this chapter shows that legislative behavior and elections seem to boost public confidence in the legitimacy of the legislature and the electoral process. This in turn leads to greater support for the party and satisfaction in the overall political environment in Vietnam. Conclusion: Conclusion: Curbing our Expectations for the VNA, Single-Party Legislatures chapter abstractThe conclusion examines the implications of the theory and findings for broader understanding of the role of legislatures in single-party and hybrid regimes outside Vietnam. This chapter argues that while elections for legislatures in hybrid regimes may be more informative than in single-party contexts, the importance of legislatures for policy outcomes is likely minimal in these contexts as well. The chapter then examines why such legislatures have been associated with improved investment and economic growth if they have little policy input. It suggests that one reason is that legislative closures are typically correlated with the process of consolidation, which hinders these outcomes. The chapter also considers the implications of the argument for theories of democratization and Vietnam's political development. It argues that while the VNA may facilitate a smoother transition should democratization occur, the VNA and other single-party legislatures are not likely to spearhead such a transition.

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Book SynopsisScholars have long examined the relationship between nation-states and their "internal others," such as immigrants and ethnoracial minorities. Contested Embrace shifts the analytic focus to explore how a state relates to people it views as "external members" such as emigrants and diasporas. Specifically, Jaeeun Kim analyzes disputes over the belonging of Koreans in Japan and China, focusing on their contested relationship with the colonial and postcolonial states in the Korean peninsula. Extending the constructivist approach to nationalisms and the culturalist view of the modern state to a transnational context, Contested Embrace illuminates the political and bureaucratic construction of ethno-national populations beyond the territorial boundary of the state. Through a comparative analysis of transborder membership politics in the colonial, Cold War, and post-Cold War periods, the book shows how the configuration of geopolitics, bureaucratic techniques, and actors' agency shapes the making, unmaking, and remaking of transborder ties. Kim demonstrates that being a "homeland" state or a member of the "transborder nation" is a precarious, arduous, and revocable political achievement.Trade Review"Contested Embrace sets a new standard in the study of migration and the state. Kim's theoretically agile and ethnographically vivid account shows how ordinary people and governments across Northeast Asia have wrestled over the question of who is Korean, and what that means in practice." -- David Scott Fitzgerald * University of California, San Diego *"Contested Embrace is a brilliant and bracing analysis of transborder membership politics. Exhaustively researched and meticulously argued, Jaeeun Kim's book is required reading for anyone interested in modern Northeast Asia, comparative ethnicity and nationalism, and transnational and global studies. It is a great book to think with." -- John Lie * University of California, Berkeley *"This impressive work shows that neither instrumentalist nor culturalist views do justice to how states deal with their diaspora communities abroad and brings rare nuance to the vexed "transnationalism" problematic. Allergic to false binaries of many sorts, not least the one of micro v. macro, Contested Embrace is simply good sociology." -- Christian Joppke * University of Bern *"Kim'sContested Embrace presents a commanding account of the long-term macrohistorical and regional interstate dynamics of the Korean transborder membership, mapping twentieth- and twenty-first-century Korean migration and repatriation across East Asia." -- Journal of Asian Studies"An impressive study, with in-depth historical narratives, engaging theoretical discussions, rich archival and ethnographic data, and nuanced analysis. Contested Embraceis the first extensive study that examines all the Korean transborder populations in Northeast Asia." -- American Journal of Sociology"The contributions of Contested Embrace to the literature on nationalism, transnationality, citizenship, and migration are manifold and impressive. In terms of research ambition, scope, and quality of research, this book is a tour de force." -- Cross-Currents: East Asian History and Culture Review"A groundbreaking work that reshapes the field of international migration with rich, unusual ethnography, a convincing historical account, and a broader theoretical appeal to the study of nationalism, citizenship, and globalization." -- Contemporary Sociology"Invoking such concepts as 'the presentation of self' (Goffman) and 'weapons of the weak'(Scott), Kim provides a vivid analysis of migrants' involvement in document forgeries, sham marriages, and other forms of identity fraud, contributing an especially agentic portrayal of the politics of 'who is what.'" -- Han'guk Munhwa (Korean Culture)"Contested Embrace uniquely and thoroughly connects the structural changes in the nation-building process, changes in geopolitical orders, and political and economic shifts in East Asia to the micro-analysis of individuals' experiences and negotiations with top-down policies." -- Sociological Forum"Kim has meticulously utilized both historiographic and ethnographic approaches to dissect and analyze the discourse of belonging on the part of ethnic Koreans caught up in the violent and divisive historical developments in twentieth-century East Asia. Contested Embrace is a seminal work that integrates the historical, political, social, and economic experiences of diasporic Koreans in Japan and China vis-à-vis North and South Korea." -- Arnel E. Joven * Pacific Affairs *Table of ContentsContents and AbstractsIntroduction: Making, Unmaking, and Remaking Transborder Ties chapter abstractThis chapter begins with three ethnographic vignettes that reveal the common experiences of colonial-era ethnic Korean migrants and their descendants in Japan and northeast China: forcible separation from and neglect by their state of origin; shifting sense of loyalty and belonging to multiple states involved; efforts to maintain, rebuild, or take advantage of cross-border family ties; and complex dealings with various documentation practices in attempts to reclaim membership in their putative "homeland." The chapter situates the book in the literature on transborder membership politics and discusses its distinctive contributions. Building on a wide range of literature on official classification practices, modern identification techniques, the symbolic power of the state, and the control of cross-border migration, this chapter proposes a set of theoretical arguments about how states' registration and documentation practices contribute to the making, unmaking, and remaking of the "homeland state" and the "transborder nation." Chapter 1: Engaging Colonial Subjects on the Move: Colonial State, Migration, and Diasporic Nationhood chapter abstractChapter 1 analyzes the construction of the legal, bureaucratic, and semantic infrastructures of Korean nation-building, which emerged amidst the dramatic transformation of the regional interstate system and the massive intraregional migration in the beginning of the twentieth century. By comparatively examining the colonial state's engagement with Korean migrants in Japan and Manchuria, Chapter 1 shows how these infrastructures helped the colonial state claim migrants of peninsular origin uniformly as "its own"—if with varying degrees of success—despite differences among these migrants, their resistance to this compulsory incorporation, and the competing claims made by other states. The colonial state's transborder engagement contributed to the formation of the Korean nation as a legally codified, pervasively institutionalized, and enduringly documented community both inside and outside the colony, providing a critical institutional scaffolding for the diasporic imagination of Korean nationalism and laying the ground for transborder membership politics for decades to come. Chapter 2: "Who Owns the Nation?" Cold War Competition over Zainichi Koreans in Japan chapter abstractChapter 2 examines the prolonged and vehement competition between North and South Korea over the allegiance of colonial-era Korean migrants who remained in Japan in the context of decolonization and the Cold War. The divergent transborder nation-building strategies that the two postcolonial states employed to make their own docile citizens out of this opaque and recalcitrant population are identified. North Korea launched a successful repatriation campaign and heavily invested in Korean enclaves, presenting itself as a safe haven in which marginalized Koreans could find an escape. South Korea instead fashioned itself as a broker that could facilitate their integration into the Japanese mainstream, and a gatekeeper that could control their engagement with families and home communities in South Korea. The control of the bureaucratic persona of Koreans in Japan, buttressed by the consensual practices of other states, was critical for South Korea's eventual ascendancy in this competition. Chapter 3: Beyond "Bamboo Curtain" and "Hermit Kingdom": Korean Chinese between Two Socialist Fatherlands chapter abstractThe successful incorporation of Koreans who remained in Manchuria into communist China led to their disownment by South Korea, yet this incorporation was not necessarily seen as incompatible with their special tie to North Korea. Chapter 3 examines how China, North Korea, and the Korean Chinese embraced or challenged varying interpretations of this transborder tie, and how they reconfigured the boundary and the meaning of the Korean nation. Beyond the realm of ethnic minority policies, it examines the changing management of several cross-border migration flows (both authorized and unauthorized) as a lens with which to explore the unfolding of this relationship. It shows how various forms of cross-border transactions profoundly shaped the war-making, state-making, and nation-making (or unmaking) processes in both countries, as well as the life trajectories of Korean Chinese who straddled their two fatherlands to navigate the turbulent socialist transition in both countries. Chapter 4: Reluctant Embrace and Struggles for Inclusion: Korean Chinese "Return" Migration to Post-Cold War South Korea chapter abstractPost Cold-War transborder membership politics gained momentum from the influx of Korean Chinese into South Korea. Chapter 4 highlight the protracted confusion, uncertainty, and indeterminacy that both state and non-state actors in South Korea experienced in trying to "properly" classify the long forgotten ethnonational kin, substantiate their belated claim to membership, and regulate their access to the affluent "homeland." It also reveals the porosity of the walls within which South Korea enclosed itself to exclude the Korean Chinese from transborder membership. On the one hand, Korean Chinese migrants struggled to redefine their collective identity in the legal, political, and public spheres by presenting themselves as an integral part of the Korean nation. But equally importantly, Korean Chinese migrants challenged the state's monopolistic truth claim about their individual identities by engaging in micropolitical struggles in bureaucratic settings, mobilizing alternative genres of identification and creating false paper identities for themselves. Conclusion: Ethnic Nationalism, Globalization, and the Future of Transborder Membership Politics chapter abstractThe conclusion recapitulates the book's five main theoretical arguments. It shows how each chapter highlights the fundamentally political, performative, and constitutive nature of transborder nation-building; examines the bureaucratic underpinning of transborder membership politics; reveals its historical nature; demonstrates the importance of the broader interstate system in determining the efficacy of the state's transborder claims-making; and offers a deeply agentic portrayal of transborder membership politics by attending not only to the macropolitics but also to the micropolitics of identity. It also demonstrates the values and the limitations of ethnic nationalism as an analytic category by identifying the historical genesis of the bureaucratic and semantic infrastructures of ethnic nationalism, its variable manifestations (or lack thereof) in different policy domains and repertoires of contention, and its persistence as well as metamorphosis over time. A discussion on the future of transborder membership politics in the contemporary phase of globalization follows.

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Book SynopsisMuhtars, the lowest level elected political position in Turkey, hold an ambiguously defined place within the administrative hierarchy. They are public officials, but local citizens do not always associate them with the central government. Street-Level Governing is the first book to investigate how muhtars carry out their role—not only what they are supposed to do, but how they actually operate—to provide an ethnographic study of the state as viewed from its margins. It starts from the premise that the seeming "margin" of state administration is not peripheral at all, but instructive as to how it functions. As Elise Massicard shows, muhtars exist at the intersection of everyday life and the exercise of power. Their position offers a personalized point of contact between citizens and state institutions, enabling close oversight of the citizenry, yet simultaneously projecting the sense of an accessible state to individuals. Challenging common theories of the state, Massicard outlines how the position of the muhtar throws into question an assumed dichotomy between domination and social resistance, and suggests that considerations of circumvention and accommodation are normal attributes of state-society functioning.Trade Review"Street-Level Governing is a brilliant and engaging study that overturns dyed-in-the-wool ideas about the nature of the state and modernity. With a sophisticated command of the literature leavened by on-the-ground observation, Elise Massicard makes an excellent contribution to a new global scholarship of informality in politics and politics as performance."—Jenny White, Stockholm University, author of Turkish Kaleidoscope"Street-Level Governing is one of the most interesting and original recent books I have read on contemporary Turkey. Based on ethnographic fieldwork and deep knowledge of Turkish politics and society, Elise Massicard gives us a vivid and up-close account of the muhtarlık in the context of state-society relations in Turkey."—Reşat Kasaba, University of Washington, author of A Moveable Empire"Street-Level Governing is a commendable study that approaches contemporary Turkey from an original angle with both rigour and scholarship. It certainly deserves to be read and discussed."—Marc Juyient, Manara Magazine"Massicard's outstanding book on the neglected urban agency of muhtarlık crucially challenges major ideas on urban politics, stands as a methodological resource, and contributes to the literature on urban studies by speaking to scholars' broader interest in how local actors and their interrelations with complex urban outcomes have been reproduced."—Gülşah Aykaç, Urban Studies"Street-Level Governing, as implied by the title, rejects traditional notions about the Turkish state and its bureaucracy to build on Migdal's state-in-society framework and the rich ethnographic scholarship on Turkey it has recently engendered. However, whereas this new body of work focuses on the marginalized, studying the ever-present muhtar helps Massicard reveal how even mundane interactions shape the contours of the state."—Devrim Yavuz, Journal of the Ottoman and Turkish Studies Association"Moving beyond the clientelism-versus-governance divide and engaging critically with fields of the political sociology and the anthropology of state, Massicard's excellent book on the dynamics of urban politics in Turkey examines state-society interaction in everyday life and successfully demonstrates how they mutually transform, constitute, and produce each other on the ground."—Osman Savaşkan, Political Science QuarterlyTable of Contents1. An Incompletely Formed Institution 2. How the Muhtarlık Fuels the Production of Notables 3. The Muhtars' Changing Role 4. The Residents' Champion 5. Ambivalent Interface with the Official Order 6. Enacting Context-Dependent Roles 7. Working within and Modulating Institutional Constraints 8. The Muhtarlıks' Waning Autonomy Conclusion

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Book SynopsisA magisterial comparative study, Proud to Punish recenters our understanding of modern punishment through a sweeping analysis of the global phenomenon of "rough justice": the use of force to settle accounts and enforce legal and moral norms outside the formal framework of the law. While taking many forms, including vigilantism, lynch mobs, people's courts, and death squads, all seekers of rough justice thrive on the deliberate blurring of lines between law enforcers and troublemakers. Digital networks have provided a profitable arena for vigilantes, who use social media to build a following and publicize their work, as they debase the bodies of the accused for purposes of edification and entertainment. It is this unabashed pride to punish, and the new punitive celebrations that actualize, publicize, and commercialize it, that this book brings into focus. Recounted in lively prose, Proud to Punish is both a global map of rough justice today and an insight into the deeper nature of punishment as a social and political phenomenon.Trade Review"Proud to Punish offers a brilliant, compelling analysis of contemporary vigilantism and the politics of extrajudicial punishment. The authors offer innovative insights into crimefighting discourses, retributive violence, its public reception, and responses from law enforcement authorities; and vividly illustrate how these factors become implicated in local and global vigilante configurations."—Atreyee Sen, co-editor of Global Vigilantes: Perspectives on Violence and Justice"Gilles Favarel-Garrigues and Laurent Gayer lead us on a visceral journey across the globe to understand contemporary vigilantism. With a rare blend of theoretical sophistication and empirical grounding, Proud to Punish asks us to confront the fact that vigilantism is neither a relic of the past, nor a product of failed states, but rather a broadly embraced force of the present."—Harel Shapira, The University of Texas at Austin"Proud to Punish is a must-read for all interested in global vigilantism and lynching. Admirably capacious in ranging across space and time, the book offers significant insights on the rough justice impulse in a wide variety of contemporary and historical contexts."—Michael J. Pfeifer, author of The Roots of Rough Justice: Origins of American Lynching

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Book SynopsisA magisterial comparative study, Proud to Punish recenters our understanding of modern punishment through a sweeping analysis of the global phenomenon of "rough justice": the use of force to settle accounts and enforce legal and moral norms outside the formal framework of the law. While taking many forms, including vigilantism, lynch mobs, people's courts, and death squads, all seekers of rough justice thrive on the deliberate blurring of lines between law enforcers and troublemakers. Digital networks have provided a profitable arena for vigilantes, who use social media to build a following and publicize their work, as they debase the bodies of the accused for purposes of edification and entertainment. It is this unabashed pride to punish, and the new punitive celebrations that actualize, publicize, and commercialize it, that this book brings into focus. Recounted in lively prose, Proud to Punish is both a global map of rough justice today and an insight into the deeper nature of punishment as a social and political phenomenon.Trade Review"Proud to Punish offers a brilliant, compelling analysis of contemporary vigilantism and the politics of extrajudicial punishment. The authors offer innovative insights into crimefighting discourses, retributive violence, its public reception, and responses from law enforcement authorities; and vividly illustrate how these factors become implicated in local and global vigilante configurations."—Atreyee Sen, co-editor of Global Vigilantes: Perspectives on Violence and Justice"Gilles Favarel-Garrigues and Laurent Gayer lead us on a visceral journey across the globe to understand contemporary vigilantism. With a rare blend of theoretical sophistication and empirical grounding, Proud to Punish asks us to confront the fact that vigilantism is neither a relic of the past, nor a product of failed states, but rather a broadly embraced force of the present."—Harel Shapira, The University of Texas at Austin"Proud to Punish is a must-read for all interested in global vigilantism and lynching. Admirably capacious in ranging across space and time, the book offers significant insights on the rough justice impulse in a wide variety of contemporary and historical contexts."—Michael J. Pfeifer, author of The Roots of Rough Justice: Origins of American Lynching

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Book SynopsisA distinctive and original analysis of how the politics of the UK and the lives of British citizens have evolved in the first decades of the twenty-first century, this book provides an interdisciplinary critical examination of the roots, ideology and consequences of austerity politics, the Brexit vote and the rise of populist politics in Britain. Bringing together case studies and perspectives from an array of international researchers across the social sciences, it dissects the ways that the UK has become increasingly contested with profound differences of geography, generation, gender, ‘race’ and class, and considers agency as a key concept to understand the links between austerity and Brexit.Trade Review"A timely and important contribution to our understanding of the complex entanglements between Brexit, austerity and politics in contemporary Britain. It contextualises these issues in relation to ongoing contestations around the UK itself, drawing on a wide-range of perspectives.” Gerry Mooney, The Open University in ScotlandTable of ContentsIntroduction ~ Marius Guderjan, Hugh Mackay and Gesa Stedman; Part I: The Politics and Culture of Austerity: Impacts and Resistance; The Contracting State: Austerity and Public Services ~ Simon Griffiths; Breaking Britain's Working Class: the Left Out ~ Lisa Mckenzie; Political Activism and Agency under Austerity and Brexit ~ Tom Montgomery and Maria Grasso; Culture Matters: Cuts and Resistance ~ Ingrid von Rosenberg; Agents and Agency in the Face of Austerity and Brexit Uncertainty: the Case of Legal Aid ~ Steven Truxal; Part II: The Politcs and Discourse of Brexit; The Economy of Brexit: Performance, Interests and Agency ~ Carlo Morelli; Brexit Populism: Disenfranchisement and Agency ~ Marius Guderjan and Adrian Wilding; A Sovereign People? Political Fantasy and Governmental TIme in the Pursuit of Brexit ~ John Clarke; 'Not an International Health Service': Xenophobia, Brexit and the Restoration of National Sovereignty ~ Kirsten Forkert; 'Uni-Culti' Myths and Liberal Dreams: Brexit and Austerity from the Perspective of Migrants ~ Magdalena Nowicka; Part III: Austerity and Brexit in a Divided Union; From Brexit to the Break-Up of ... England? Thinking in and Beyond the Nation ~ Allan Cochrane; Understanding Brexit in Wales: Austerity, Elites and National Identity ~ Hugh Mackay; Scotland, Brexit and the Broken Promise of Democracy ~ Klaus Stolz; Brexit, Devolution and Northern Ireland's Political Parties: Differential Solutions, Special Status or Special Arrangements? ~ Derek Birrell and Paul Carmichael; More Than the Border? Looking at Brexit through Irish Eyes ~ Kevin Bean; Conclusion ~ Marius Guderjan, Hugh Mackay and Gesa Stedman;

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Book SynopsisA distinctive and original analysis of how the politics of the UK and the lives of British citizens have evolved in the first decades of the twenty-first century, this book provides an interdisciplinary critical examination of the roots, ideology and consequences of austerity politics, the Brexit vote and the rise of populist politics in Britain. Bringing together case studies and perspectives from an array of international researchers across the social sciences, it dissects the ways that the UK has become increasingly contested with profound differences of geography, generation, gender, ‘race’ and class, and considers agency as a key concept to understand the links between austerity and Brexit.Trade Review"A timely and important contribution to our understanding of the complex entanglements between Brexit, austerity and politics in contemporary Britain. It contextualises these issues in relation to ongoing contestations around the UK itself, drawing on a wide-range of perspectives.” Gerry Mooney, The Open University in ScotlandTable of ContentsIntroduction ~ Marius Guderjan, Hugh Mackay and Gesa Stedman; Part I: The Politics and Culture of Austerity: Impacts and Resistance; The Contracting State: Austerity and Public Services ~ Simon Griffiths; Breaking Britain's Working Class: the Left Out ~ Lisa Mckenzie; Political Activism and Agency under Austerity and Brexit ~ Tom Montgomery and Maria Grasso; Culture Matters: Cuts and Resistance ~ Ingrid von Rosenberg; Agents and Agency in the Face of Austerity and Brexit Uncertainty: the Case of Legal Aid ~ Steven Truxal; Part II: The Politcs and Discourse of Brexit; The Economy of Brexit: Performance, Interests and Agency ~ Carlo Morelli; Brexit Populism: Disenfranchisement and Agency ~ Marius Guderjan and Adrian Wilding; A Sovereign People? Political Fantasy and Governmental TIme in the Pursuit of Brexit ~ John Clarke; 'Not an International Health Service': Xenophobia, Brexit and the Restoration of National Sovereignty ~ Kirsten Forkert; 'Uni-Culti' Myths and Liberal Dreams: Brexit and Austerity from the Perspective of Migrants ~ Magdalena Nowicka; Part III: Austerity and Brexit in a Divided Union; From Brexit to the Break-Up of ... England? Thinking in and Beyond the Nation ~ Allan Cochrane; Understanding Brexit in Wales: Austerity, Elites and National Identity ~ Hugh Mackay; Scotland, Brexit and the Broken Promise of Democracy ~ Klaus Stolz; Brexit, Devolution and Northern Ireland's Political Parties: Differential Solutions, Special Status or Special Arrangements? ~ Derek Birrell and Paul Carmichael; More Than the Border? Looking at Brexit through Irish Eyes ~ Kevin Bean; Conclusion ~ Marius Guderjan, Hugh Mackay and Gesa Stedman;

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Book SynopsisThis is the first of a major two-volume work which provides an authoritative account of devolution in the UK since the initial settlement under New Labour in 1997. This first volume meets the need for a comprehensive, UK-wide analysis of the formative years of devolution from the years 1997 to 2007, offering a rigorous and theoretically innovative re-examination of the period that traces territorial politics from initial settlements in Scotland and Wales and the Good Friday agreement in Northern Ireland to early maturity. Bradbury reviews the trajectory and influencing factors of devolution and its subsequent impacts, using a novel framework to set a significant new agenda for thinking and research on devolution.Table of ContentsIntroduction Historical Contexts and Organising Perspectives Analysing Territorial Politics and Constitutional Policy Territorial Politics and Devolution in Scotland Territorial Politics and Devolution in Wales Territorial Politics and Devolution in Northern Ireland Politics and Devolution in Scotland and Wales, 1999– 2007 Politics and Devolution in Northern Ireland, 1998– 2007 Territorial Politics, Regionalism and England Territorial Politics, the Central State and Devolution Conclusion

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