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Book SynopsisThis volume brings together today's leading scholars of judicial politics to explore the extent to which courts in Latin America protect individual rights and limit governments. It draws on examples from Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Mexico, Colombia, Costa Rica and Bolivia.Table of ContentsIntroduction: courts in Latin America Gretchen Helmke and Julio Ríos-Figueroa; 1. Institutions for constitutional justice in Latin America Julio Ríos-Figueroa; 2. Enforcing rights and exercising an accountability function: Costa Rica's Constitutional Chamber of the Supreme Court Bruce M. Wilson; 3. Strategic deference in the Colombian Constitutional Court, 1992–2006 Juan Carlos Rodríguez-Raga; 4. From quietism to incipient activism: the institutional and ideological roots of rights adjudication in Chile Lisa Hilbink and Javier Couso; 5. 'Faithful servants of the regime' - the Brazilian Constitutional Court's role under the 1988 Constitution Daniel M. Brinks; 6. Power broker, policymaker, or rights protector? The Brazilian Supremo Tribunal Federal in transition Diana Kapiszewski; 7. Legalist vs. interpretivist: the Supreme Court and the Democratic transition in Mexico Arianna Sánchez, Beatriz Magloni and Eric Magar; 8. A theory of the politically independent judiciary: a comparative study of the United States and Argentina Rebecca Bill Chávez, John A. Ferejohn and Barry R. Weingast; 9. Courts, power and rights in Argentina and Chile Druscilla Scribner; 10. Bolivia: the rise (and fall) of judicial review Andrea Castagnola and Aníbal Pérez-Liñán; 11. The puzzle of judicial politics in Latin America: a theory of litigation, judicial decisions and inter-branch crises Gretchen Helmke and Jeffrey K. Staton.

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Book SynopsisPopulism is a buzzword in discussions about politics around the world. Using a clear theoretical framework, a collection of eminent scholars analyze populist actors - from Haider in Austria to Chávez in Venezuela - to demonstrate how populism can be both a threat and a corrective to democracy.Trade Review'Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser's volume makes conceptual and empirical headway on what is difficult terrain. They sensibly define populism as a 'thin-centered' ideology, more akin to a political style that finds highly diverse empirical expressions in conjunction with varying specific circumstances and 'thick' beliefs about the correct social and political order. The editors have done a great job assembling a set of case studies with just the right variance to speak to the theoretical question they put front and center, namely the differential consequences of populism for democratic participation and contestation.' Herbert Kitschelt, George V. Allen Professor of International Relations, Duke University'Does populism do more damage to democracy by undermining pluralism and competition, or more good by boosting participation and inclusion? With its bold cross-regional comparisons, this interesting book establishes the conditions under which each effect prevails and thus provides a new and nuanced answer to this important question.' Kurt Weyland, University of Texas, Austin'This timely volume helps answer one of the most important questions in the study of populism, namely, how populism and democracy interrelate. Readers will be pleased not only with the book's answer, but with its empirical focus: it tests and refines its theories through case studies that cross several regions. Such an extraordinary comparative perspective not only offers powerful insights into the relationship between populist discourse, incumbency, and democratic consolidation but also demonstrates the carrying capacity of an ideational definition of populism. It shows just how far the study of populism has come in the past decade.' Kirk Hawkins, Brigham Young University'Populism in Europe and the Americas is a valuable contribution to the increasingly crowded field of populism studies … it is unique and ambitious in its aim to test empirically and systematically the effects of populism on democracy in multiple cases … The case studies are rich in insights and provide substantiation for the conclusion that populism can be a corrective as well as a threat to democracy.' Stijn van Kessel, Journal of Contemporary European StudiesTable of Contents1. Populism and (liberal) democracy: a framework for analysis Cas Mudde and Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser; 2. Populist parties in Belgium: a case of hegemonic liberal democracy? Sarah L. de Lange and Tjitske Akkerman; 3. Populism and democracy in Canada's Reform Party David Laycock; 4. The Czech Republicans, 1990–8: a populist outsider in a consolidating democracy Seán Hanley; 5. 'To hell with your corrupt institutions!': AMLO and populism in Mexico Kathleen Bruhn; 6. Populism in government: the case of Austria (2000–7) Franz Fallend; 7. Populism and democracy in Venezuela under Hugo Chávez Kenneth M. Roberts; 8. Populism and competitive authoritarianism: the case of Fujimori's Peru Steven Levitsky and James Loxton; 9. Populism, democracy, and nationalism in Slovakia Kevin Deegan-Krause; 10. Populism: corrective and threat to democracy Cas Mudde and Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser.

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Book SynopsisModern societies are regularly confronted with complex and critical episodes such as financial breakdowns, terrorism, natural disasters and cyber threats, which pose difficult challenges to governments. Featuring updated coverage and examples, this new edition describes the challenges of crisis management and offers an approach to understand and prepare for them.Table of ContentsIntroduction; 1. Managing crises: five strategic leadership tasks; 2. Sense making: grasping crises as they unfold; 3. Decision making and coordinating: shaping the crisis response; 4. Meaning making: constructing a crisis narrative; 5. To end a crisis: managing accountability; 6. Learning and changing: from the crisis to reform; 7. How to deal with crisis: lessons for prudent leadership.

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Book SynopsisWhy would national political parties that have been competitive for decades collapse overnight? Party Brands in Crisis offers an explanation that highlights the impact of elite actions on voter behavior. This study is aimed at scholars interested in voter partisanship, political behavior, Latin American politics, political parties, and elite polarization.Trade Review'Why do established parties sometimes dramatically collapse, often within a single electoral cycle? Lupu's persuasive answer is that such collapse occurs when parties switch positions, make unholy alliances with former adversaries, and converge on the policy positions of their opponents in order to attract floating voters and win the next election. When leaders thus 'dilute the party brand', parties hemorrhage partisans and are in turn left defenseless against the wrath of the electorate in hard times. Party Brands in Crisis challenges the way we think about partisanship and deserves to be read by students of political parties everywhere.' Frances Hagopian, Harvard University, Massachusetts'Why do long-lasting parties collapse? In answering this question Lupu demonstrates how, as the result of strategic decisions made by the party elite, party brands can become diluted and voter attachments to parties can become attenuated. This is a book every scholar of parties will want to read. It promises to help reshape the way we think and talk about party labels and partisan loyalty.' Allen Hicken, University of Michigan'Party Brands in Crisis may be the most important book on Latin American parties published in a generation. It offers a compelling theory - and an impressive array of evidence - to explain why many established parties have weakened or collapsed in Latin America over the last quarter century. In so doing, it highlights a crucial consequence of the region's programmatic convergence during the 1990s: parties that embraced the Washington Consensus diluted their brands and, consequently, ceased to stand for anything in the eyes of their supporters. Party Brands in Crisis is destined to become a classic work in the literature on political parties. It will be a must-read not only for scholars of Latin American politics but for anyone interested in political parties.' Steven Levitsky, Harvard University, Massachusetts'Lupu provides here a very significant contribution to the literature on political parties, and especially to our understanding of Latin American politics. He develops a novel and insightful theory about party brands and their erosion based on ideological convergence and negative performance. He tests the implications of his theory making an impressive use of multiple methodologies to explain party breakdown in Latin America. Moreover, the implications of his study go beyond the region as suggested by his exploration of the relationship between polarization and party brands. In sum, this book is most likely to generate a new research agenda for the study of political parties, which will have a long-lasting effect on the discipline.' M. Victoria Murillo, Columbia University, New YorkTable of Contents1. Why do parties break down?; 2. Brand dilution and party breakdown; 3. Explaining party breakdown across Latin America; 4. Argentina - Peronism survives, radicals collapse; 5. Venezuela - AD and COPEI break down; 6. Party brands and mass partisanship - experimental evidence; 7. Party brands and mass partisanship in comparative perspective; 8. Parties, partisanship, and democracy: conclusions.

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Book SynopsisInternational organisations (IOs) are considered fundamental in addressing global problems, but how effective are they? Conflict (war), human rights, global health, financial governance, international trade, regionalisation, development and the environment are all issues that international organisations have been created to address. This book looks at these eight key issue areas and guides the reader through an analysis of the successes and failures of international organisations in solving issues in global politics. With an introduction to international relations theory, it incorporates the best and most up-to-date scholarly research, and applies it to examples from around the world to show how to answer the question, ''Are IOs a help or a hindrance?'' This textbook is an essential resource for courses on global governance, international organisations and international relations. Including an expanded further reading list for each global issue, as well as a thorough bibliography of thTrade Review'How do international organizations (IOs) solve problems? In this theoretically driven book, Dr Susan Park examines how IOs tackle the complex global issues of the day. With a keen eye towards the politics that empower and constrain IOs, Park produces a pragmatic approach to understanding the dense ecosystem of IOs, how they should function, and - most importantly - how they actually perform in the real world.' Catherine Weaver, University of Texas, Austin'This is an outstanding book, well thought out, synthetic, clear, and documented, with a very enlightening personal vision of the two parallel processes of IO proliferation and emanation, which are rarely addressed in comparable works. Susan Park will help students to better understand a world more or less victim of scholars' benign neglect.' Yves Schemeil, Institut Universitaire de France, politique globale et comparée, Professeur émérite, Sciences Po GrenobleTable of ContentsFigure; List of boxes; Preface; Acknowledgements; List of abbreviations; 1. Introduction: IOs as problem solvers; 2. Using theory to evaluate IOs as problem solvers; 3. Minimising and halting conflict; 4. Protecting human rights; 5. Providing global health; 6. Providing financial governance; 7. Promoting international trade; 8. Creating regional IOs; 9. Furthering development; 10. Protecting the environment; 11. Conclusion: if global governance is the answer, what is the question?; Glossary; Bibliography; Index.

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Book SynopsisThe book discusses the role of constitutional courts in democracies experiencing internal armed conflicts. It argues that constitutional jurisprudence can be a lighthouse helping civilian governments and the armed forces navigate through those uncertain and troubled waters.Trade Review'Combining a sophisticated approach to institutional theory with compelling case studies of the effects of constitutional courts on civil-military relations in Latin America, Julio Ríos-Figueroa achieves the uncommon - he changes the way that we think about both civil-military relations and the role of constitutional courts in the twenty-first century. It is a powerful example of how theory and empirics should be combined in studies of law and courts.' Jack Knight, Duke University, North Carolina'As soon as I finished Constitutional Courts [as Mediators], I cited it in two papers, neither of which had anything to do with Latin America or the military. Ríos-Figueroa's arguments and findings are that universal - and that important to the study of law and legal institutions. On top of it all, Ríos-Figueroa is such a terrific, accessible writer that Constitutional Courts [as Mediators] should find an audience with social scientists and members of the legal community. No doubt, both would benefit from his insights.' Lee Epstein, Washington University, St Louis'In this book, Julio Ríos-Figueroa skilfully demonstrates that when constitutional courts are independent, accessible and powerful, they can act as creative judicial mediators, helping to resolve conflicts between militaries and civilian governments by reducing the uncertainty and misunderstanding that often surrounds their relations. In doing so, courts move the parties toward win-win agreements, even in the difficult context of internal security crises. This book bridges the subfields of judicial politics and civil-military relations in a novel and persuasive way, and I highly recommend it.' David Pion-Berlin, University of California, Riverside'This book answers a crucial question: how can constitutional courts contribute to the tricky task of maintaining civilian control of the military, especially in a context in which the military is increasingly being called upon to take on domestic policing functions? The answer offered will surprise those who imagine that these courts provide final, unappealable answers on crucial questions of constitutional and human rights law, although it fits quite neatly into a growing trend to see courts as simply one of several important interlocutors in many-sided conversations on the key issues of a polity. The argument that courts can, under the proper circumstances, serve a mediating function is supported with well-done and interesting case studies, and a careful analysis of jurisprudence from Mexico, Colombia and Peru. Don't miss this fascinating and important look at two of the most consequential political actors in Latin America today: constitutional courts and the military.' Daniel Brinks, University of Texas, Austin'Julio Ríos-Figueroa has written an extremely rich and original book on constitutional courts in Latin America and beyond. His theory of 'constitutional courts as mediators' is based on three main variables - the accessibility of courts, their independence and their powers of judicial review - that, combined, offer excellent tools for understanding the working of different courts. His book represents an outstanding exercise of comparative legal and political analysis.' Roberto Gargarella, Instituto Torcuato Di Tella, Buenos Aires'Conflict over of the scope of military authority is a fundamental problem of civil-military relations as well as a frequent source of regime instability. Drawing on insights from deliberative studies of constitutional courts, international mediation, and comparative judicial politics, Ríos-Figueroa argues that constitutional judges can powerfully improve this problem by helping the parties manage their many sources of uncertainty. Careful jurisprudence can ultimately ensure that the military is both a source of state strength and yet bound to a democratic rule of law. Doing this requires judicial institutions that ensure access, power and independence, as well as judges ready and capable of promoting dialogue and creative reform. Constitutional Courts [as Mediators] offers more than insightful academic exercise. It provides a template for positive change in a conflictual world.' Jeffrey K. Staton, Emory University, Atlanta'Ríos-Figueroa's Constitutional Courts as Mediators is, all in all, a sophisticated piece about judicial politics. It invites us to think beyond the traditional conflicts between courts and governments, bringing into the conversation a powerful - but constantly overlooked - actor in Latin American politics such as the armed forces. More important, it proves that the region is ripe for entering into the global academic dialogue by offering novel solutions to old problems.' Vicente F. Benítez-Rojas, International Journal of Constitutional LawTable of Contents1. Constitutional courts and the armed forces; 2. A theory of constitutional courts as mediators; 3. Constitutional jurisprudence on military autonomy in Colombia, 1958–2013; 4. Constitutional jurisprudence on military autonomy in Peru, 1979–2013; 5. Constitutional jurisprudence on military autonomy in Mexico, 1917–2013; 6. Judicial regulation of the use of force in Colombia, Peru, and Mexico; 7. Constitutional courts as mediators beyond Latin America; 8. Constitutional courts and democratic conflict-solving.

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Book SynopsisThis volume brings together essays on Athenian law by Edward Harris, who challenges much of the recent scholarship on this topic. Presenting a balanced analysis of the legal system in ancient Athens, Harris stresses the importance of substantive issues and their contribution to our understanding of different types of legal procedures.Trade Review"...this is a useful book. ...belongs in every university library, and especially on the reserve shelf for seminars on Greek Law and History. --Bryn Mawr Classical Review, 11/24/2006Table of ContentsPart I. Law and Constitutional History: 1. Solon and the spirit of the law in archaic and classical Greece; 2. Pericles' praise of Athenian democracy; 3. Antigone the lawyer, or the ambiguities of Nomos; 4. How often did the Athenian assembly meet?; 5. When did the Athenian assembly meet?; 6. Demosthenes and the Theoric fund; Part II. Law and Economy: 7. Law and economy; 8. When is a sale not a sale? The riddle of Athenian technology for real security revisited; 9. Apotimema: the terminology for real security in leases and dowry agreements; 10. The liability of business partners in Athenian law; 11. Did Solon abolish debt-bondage?; 12. Notes on a lead letter from the Athenian Agora; Part III. Law and Family: 13. Did the Athenians regard seduction as a crime worse than rape; 14. Did rape exist in classical Athens? Further reflections on sexual violence in ancient Greece; 15. Women and leading in classical Athens: a Horos re-examined; 16. The date of Apollodorus' speech against Timotheus and its implications for Athenian history and legal procedure; 17. A note on adoption and deme registration; Part IV. Aspects of Procedure: 18. In the act or red-handed? Furtum manifestum and Apagoge to the eleven; 19. How to kill in attic Greek: the semantic of the verb and its implication; 20. The penalties for frivolous prosecution in Athenian law; Part V. Envoi: Pheidippides the Legislator.

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Book SynopsisUsing comparative research to theorize about the politics of industrial policy in countries in the early stages of capitalist transformation that also experience the pressures of elections, this book provides four in-depth African country studies that illustrate the challenges to economic transformation and the politics of implementing industrial policies.Trade Review'This provocative book goes beyond the aggregate data on economic growth in Africa to argue that industrial policy is the key to sustainable development. By carefully analyzing national- and sectorial-level variations in industrial policies in Ghana, Mozambique, Tanzania, and Uganda, the authors expose the problems and prospects of accomplishing meaningful economic transformation. Their findings will stimulate exciting new debates regarding the contemporary political economy of Africa.' Anne Pitcher, University of Michigan'This is a landmark contribution to the study of African political economy that brings considerable conceptual sophistication and empirical depth to key debates in the field. At the same time, this outstanding study provides insights for broader discussions of industrialization and the developmental state that will make it necessary reading for scholars and students of comparative politics more generally.' Ricardo Soares de Oliveira, University of OxfordTable of Contents1. The puzzle of limited economic transformation in Africa; Part I. Rethinking the Political Economy of Development: 2. The case for economic transformation and industrial policy; 3. Assessing economic transformation in Africa; 4. Elaborated political settlements theory and clientelism in Africa; Part II. Evolution of Political Settlements: 5. Increased vulnerability and contestation in Mozambique and Tanzania; 6. Dispersed power and elite fragmentation in Ghana and Uganda; Part III. African Experiences with Industrial Policy: 7. Mozambique: between elite capture and pockets of efficiency; 8. Tanzania: intense contestation within a weak dominant party; 9. Ghana: competitive clientelism and weak capitalists; 10. Uganda: competing factions and conflicting elite interests; 11. Conclusions and perspectives.

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Book SynopsisThis book gives readers a better understanding of contemporary dictatorships and the policy implications of political struggles that occur in them. Its accessible, evidence-based insights into how dictatorships rise, survive, and fall will appeal to both experienced academic researchers and students of political science.Trade Review'How Dictatorships Work artfully combines the minutia of autocratic rule – as with the Turkmen dictator naming his dentist as his successor after successfully replacing his teeth with gold - with rigorous attention to general patterns based on an assiduously collected and award-winning dataset in order to illuminate the multifarious challenges faced by 'seizure groups' and their leaders that seek to consolidate rule and stave off oppositional conspiracies.' David D. Laitin, Stanford University, California'This book is a landmark contribution on the logics of autocratic rule. With insightful theorizing, novel empirical data and captivating historical detail, the authors offer answers to some of the most critical questions about autocratic rule: why some autocrats establish stable governments while others suffer continuous revolts? Why some create pseudo democratic institutions and others do not? Why some distribute benefits broadly while others concentrate these among a small group of regime loyalists? This book will set the agenda for the study of authoritarianism for years to come.' Beatriz Magaloni, Freeman Spogli Institute, Stanford University, California'How Dictatorships Work masterfully illustrates the paths autocrats take to power and the ways in which they keep it.' Anna Grzymala-Busse'The book is essential reading for anyone interested in authoritarian politics, democratization or comparative politics.' Albertus Schoeman, DemocratizationTable of Contents1. Introduction; Part I. Initiation: 2. Autocratic seizures of power; 3. What do we know about coups?; Part II. Elite Consolidation: 4. Power concentration: the effect of elite factionalism on personalization; 5. Dictatorial survival strategies in challenging conditions: factionalized armed supporters and party creation; Part III. Ruling Society: Implementation and Information Gathering: 6. Why parties and elections in dictatorships?; 7. Double-edged swords: specialized institutions for monitoring and coercion; Part IV. Dictatorial Survival and Breakdown: 8. Why dictatorships fall; 9. Conclusion and policy implications.

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Book SynopsisPolitical Consumerism captures the creative ways in which consumers and citizens turn to the market as their arena for politics. This book theorizes, describes, analyzes, compares and evaluates how political consumers target corporations to solve globalized problems. It demonstrates the reconfiguration of civic engagement, political participation and citizenship.Trade Review"Political Consumerism is well-argued, well-researched, and presents a good deal of original information. Engaging with the political science literature on governance and participation, it offers arguments for expanding conventional political science theory and concepts to better accommodate this growing pattern of contemporary politics. The idea that consumers are an increasingly important and organized political force on the planet seems at once obvious and woefully underdeveloped academically, particularly in political science. Dietlind Stolle and Michele Micheletti go a long way toward remedying this situation. This is a fine book." W. Lance Bennett, Ruddick C. Lawrence Professor of Communication, and Professor of Political Science, University of Washington, Seattle"Political consumerism has become a growing form of social and political activism in recent decades, and Dietlind Stolle and Michele Micheletti have produced the authoritative study of the use and impact of political consumerism in politics today. This book should be the standard citation in the growing debate about political consumerism and other new forms of citizen action." Russell J. Dalton, University of California, IrvineTable of Contents1. Reconfiguring political responsibility; 2. Reconfiguring political participation; 3. Who are political consumers?; 4. Mapping political consumerism in Western democracies; 5. The organizational setting for political consumerism; 6. Discursive political consumerism; 7. Does political consumerism matter? Effectiveness and limits of political consumer action repertoires; 8. Political consumerism's scope and challenges.

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Book SynopsisTheda Skocpol shows how state structures, international forces, and class relations combine to explain the origins and accomplishments of social-revolutionary transformations. Believing that existing theories of revolution, both Marxist and non-Marxist, are inadequate to explain the actual historical patterns of revolutions, Skocpol urges the reader to adopt fresh perspectives.Trade Review'With lucidity and care, Skocpol has laid out a challenging comparison of three great revolutions … Here is a book worth studying, refuting, testing, elaborating, and emulating.' Charles Tilly'I am convinced that States and Social Revolutions will be considered a landmark in the study of the sources of revolution.' Lewis A. Coser, The New York Times Book ReviewTable of ContentsList of tables and maps; Preface; Introduction; 1. Explaining social revolutions: alternatives to existing theories; Part I. Causes of Social Revolutions in France, Russia and China: 2. Old-regime states in crisis; 3. Agrarian structures and peasant insurrections; Part II. Outcomes of Social Revolutions in France, Russia and China: 4. What changed and how: a focus on state building; 5. The birth of a 'modern state edifice' in France; 6. The emergence of a dictatorial party-state in Russia; 7. The rise of a mass-mobilizing party-state in China; Conclusion; Notes; Bibliography; Index.

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Book SynopsisA comparison of the political development of census questions about race, demonstrating how ideas and politics shape racial boundaries. The book is written for social scientists in political science, sociology and history, and for anyone interested in the politics of race and the nature of state power.Table of Contents1. Invitation; 2. Orientation; 3. Transnational biological racialism; 4. The death and resurrection of race; 5. The multicultural moment; 6. The multiracial moment; 7. The future of counting by race.

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Book SynopsisThis book has both empirical and theoretical goals. The primary empirical goal is to examine the evolution of industrial relations in Western Europe from the end of the 1970s up to the present. Its purpose is to evaluate the extent to which liberalization has taken hold of European industrial relations and institutions through five detailed, chapter-length studies, each focusing on a different country and including quantitative analysis. The book offers a comprehensive description and analysis of what has happened to the institutions that regulate the labor market, as well as the relations between employers, unions, and states in Western Europe since the collapse of the long postwar boom. The primary theoretical goal of this book is to provide a critical examination of some of the central claims of comparative political economy, particularly those involving the role and resilience of national institutions in regulating and managing capitalist political economies.Trade Review'This is an important book for all scholars and practitioners of industrial relations. It includes very detailed and insightful analyses of developments in industrial relations in a number of European countries (Britain, France, Germany, Italy and Sweden), but its ambition goes well beyond that.' Roberto Pedersini, TransferTable of ContentsIntroduction; 1. Arguing for neoliberal convergence; 2. Quantitative analysis of industrial relations change; 3. Constructing a liberal market economy: the collapse of collective regulation in Britain; 4. State-led liberalization and the transformation of worker representation in France; 5. Softening institutions: the liberalization of German industrial relations with Chiara Benassi; 6. 'Well dug old mole!' The rise and decline of concessionary corporatism in Italy; 7. The conversion of corporatism: re-engineering Swedish industrial relations for a neo-liberal era; 8. Actors, institutions and pathways: the liberalization of industrial relations in Western Europe; 9. From industrial relations liberalization to the instability of capitalist growth; Bibliography; Index.

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Book SynopsisWhy have seemingly similar African countries developed very different forms of democratic party systems? Despite virtually ubiquitous conditions that are assumed to be challenging to democracy - low levels of economic development, high ethnic heterogeneity, and weak state capacity - nearly two dozen African countries have maintained democratic competition since the early 1990s. Yet the forms of party system competition vary greatly: from highly stable, nationally organized, well-institutionalized party systems to incredibly volatile, particularistic parties in systems with low institutionalization. To explain their divergent development, Rachel Beatty Riedl points to earlier authoritarian strategies to consolidate support and maintain power. The initial stages of democratic opening provide an opportunity for authoritarian incumbents to attempt to shape the rules of the new multiparty system in their own interests, but their power to do so depends on the extent of local support built upTrade Review'This well-designed comparative study helps to explain the structure of political party competition in Africa's new democracies. The author shows how and why authoritarian precedents continue to shape institutional outcomes. Future analysts of party systems and democratic stability will have no choice but to take Riedl's important and challenging findings into account.' Michael Bratton, University Distinguished Professor of Political Science and African Studies, Michigan State University'The most thorough, wide-ranging and important study of African political parties to date. If students of democratization and African politics want to know about African parties and party systems - and Reidl convincingly argues that they should - this is the place to start.' Nic Cheeseman, African Studies Centre, University of Oxford'In this model work of comparative-historical analysis, Rachel Beatty Riedl unravels an important puzzle in contemporary African politics: why party competition is more stable in some African democracies than others. In so doing, she advances an argument with truly global resonance: how democracies work in the present depends on how dictatorships tried to accumulate power and rewire authority in the authoritarian past. Authoritarian Origins of Democratic Party Systems in Africa is a major achievement.' Dan Slater, University of Chicago'In this first-rate former dissertation, Riedl asserts that the nature of authoritarian regimes significantly influences the strength of ensuing democratic governments … An excellent bibliography and useful tables and figures add to Riedl's book's utility. Summing up: highly recommended.' C. E. Welch, Choice'Africa's fledgling democracies feature both stable, strong political parties, in countries such as Ghana, and fractious, weak, and unstable parties, in countries such as Benin. In this finely crafted book, Riedl argues convincingly that the main factor in determining the strength of parties in any given country in the region is the extent to which the authoritarian regime that dominated politics prior to the country's democratic transition was able to influence the terms of democratization. But the relationship is somewhat counter-intuitive: the greater the staying power of the old regime, the more likely it is that the opposition coalesced into a well-institutionalized, strong party. The book's best sections smartly observe and carefully compare the electoral politics of Benin, Ghana, Senegal, and Zambia. Riedl demonstrates that in contemporary Africa, single-party authoritarian rule might well have left a positive legacy.' Nicolas van de Walle, Foreign Affairs'Rachel Beatty Riedl's Authoritarian Origins of Democratic Party Systems in Africa represents one of the most important contributions to the study of African politics in recent memory. Meticulously researched and theoretically innovative, the book is essential reading for those seeking to comprehend the character and dynamics of political life in Africa's democratic societies.' Peter VonDoepp, Journal of Modern African Studies'There is much to commend about Riedl's work - recognized in awards by two sections of the American Political Science Association - including her careful situation of her research in the broader literatures on parties and regime change, her close examination of the nature of authoritarian strategies and transitions in her four disparate cases, and the logical and convincing unfolding of her argument.' Jeffrey Conroy-Krutz, African AffairsTable of Contents1. A theory of party system variation; 2. Variations in party system institutionalization in Africa; 3. Competing explanations: from colonial rule to new democratic institutions; 4. Modes of authoritarian power; 5. Authoritarian power and transition control; 6. The emergence and endurance of the multiparty system; 7. Africa and beyond: party systems in new democracies.

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Book SynopsisDuring the first half of the twentieth century, movements seeking political equality emerged in France's overseas territories. Within twenty years, they were replaced by movements for national independence in the majority of French colonies, protectorates, and mandates. In this pathbreaking study of the decolonization era, Adria Lawrence asks why elites in French colonies shifted from demands for egalitarian and democratic reforms to calls for independent statehood, and why mass mobilization for independence emerged where and when it did. Lawrence shows that nationalist discourses became dominant as a consequence of the failure of the reform agenda. Where political rights were granted, colonial subjects opted for further integration and reform. Contrary to conventional accounts, nationalism was not the only or even the primary form of anti-colonialism. Lawrence shows further that mass nationalist protest occurred only when and where French authority was disrupted. Imperial crises were Trade Review"Political scientists interested in nationalism, imperialism, and contentious politics will find something in this book to inform their thinking. But Lawrence has something new to say to other audiences too. Historians who feel that political scientists enter the historical field only to fetch a few examples to prove their pet theories will find in Lawrence a political scientist who, when she delves into history, does so as a historian would and actively contributes to the historical understanding of nationalism in the Middle East." Nathan J. Brown, George Washington University"Adria Lawrence presents an important argument: the development of nationalism is not a natural, automatic response to subordination in an empire, but an interactive, contingent phenomenon. Her book is about actual politics – the give and take of claims and counterclaims, the opening and shutting of opportunities. She presents an analysis that students of nationalism, colonial situations, and political movements need to ponder." Frederick Cooper, New York University, author of Decolonization and African Society: The Labor Question in French and British Africa"Mainstream interpretations of how nationalist movements under French colonial rule emerged and mobilized for independence have long privileged the inherent link between colonialism and the impulse for national self-determination. In this innovative and deeply informed study, Lawrence highlights the contingent nature of the nationalist enterprise, in which the impulse for political equality and its subsequent denial by the colonial authorities serves to catalyze popular demand for independence framed in the language of nationalism. The author brings together an impressive array of original and secondary sources to substantiate her theoretical claims with particular focus on the Moroccan experience. Clearly written and devoid of jargon, Lawrence has produced a compelling reinterpretation of imperial rule and the politics of nationalism from which students and specialists alike will benefit." John P. Entelis, Fordham University"Some of the most rewarding books are those that expose a flaw in conventional wisdom. Adria Lawrence’s Imperial Rule and the Politics of Nationalism discredits the widely held view that nations naturally want to rule themselves. She shows that Moroccans might well have been satisfied by French rule had the French governed them more skillfully. This finding, which is based on impressive research, has huge policy implications concerning the world’s trouble spots." Timur Kuran, Duke UniversityTable of Contents1. Introduction: the politics of nationalism in the French empire; 2. Indigènes into Frenchmen? Seeking political equality in Morocco and Algeria; 3. Political equality and nationalist opposition in the French empire; 4. Empire disrupted: nationalist opposition accelerates; 5. Nationalist mobilization in colonial Morocco; 6. Conclusion.

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Book SynopsisThe Logic of Connective Action explains the rise of a personalized digitally networked politics in which diverse individuals address the common problems of our times such as economic fairness and climate change. Rich case studies from the United States, the United Kingdom and Germany illustrate a theoretical framework for understanding how large-scale connective action is coordinated. In many of these mobilizations, communication operates as an organizational process that may replace or supplement familiar forms of collective action based on organizational resource mobilization, leadership, and collective action framing. In some cases, connective action emerges from crowds that shun leaders, as when Occupy protesters created media networks to channel resources and create loose ties among dispersed physical groups. In other cases, conventional political organizations deploy personalized communication logics to enable large-scale engagement with a variety of political causes. The Logic oTrade Review'W. Lance Bennett and Alexandra Segerberg's The Logic of Connective Action is a welcome introduction to the topic and should, I hope, convince more sociologists that our theories of movements should consider social media as a distinctive resource, one that transforms the way people engage in activism rather than simply augmenting traditional communications … This book makes a strong case that social media and other forms of online activism should grab the attention of social movement scholars.' Brayden G. King, American Journal of Sociology'Playing off Olson's title, Bennett and Segerberg describe the emerging development of 'connective' action, in which the lower costs of social media and the ability to claim credit for one's substantive contribution to policy debates have fueled new modes for personal political involvement. Through the development of a sophisticated matrix of mobilization types and techniques and a set of widely divergent case studies of social movement in a variety of political settings, they show the potential for technology to motivate, inform, and engage previously uninvolved individuals in the policy process … Summing up: recommended.' S. E. Frantzich, Choice'Scholars interested in social movements or activism, political organizing, political communication, civic engagement, new information and communications technologies, and media studies would find the book particularly useful. This path-breaking work, along with others (Bimber, Flanagin, and Stohl, 2012, and Castells, 2012), will change how we think about organization and contentious action for years to come.' Hao Cao, International Journal of CommunicationTable of ContentsIntroduction; 1. The logic of connective action; 2. Personalized communication in protest networks; 3. Digital media and the organization of connective action; 4. How organizationally enabled networks engage publics; 5. Networks, power, and political outcomes; 6. Conclusion: when logics collide.

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Book SynopsisThis book bridges the gap between the fields of international relations, comparative politics and conflict processes. Using the cases of Chechnya, Afghanistan, Sudan and Turkey, among others, it explores the border-crossing features of civil war, providing a significant theoretical and empirical contribution to the study of the subject.Trade Review'Jeff Checkel has assembled an excellent group of authors with on-the-ground expertise on civil wars and sensibility to standards of social-science method and research design. [This] book should enjoy a wide readership of scholars of civil war and students taking courses on international relations, transnationalism, and civil conflict.' Matthew Evangelista, Cornell University'Featuring the workings of various causal mechanisms, this volume contributes invaluably to our understanding of dynamic processes at work during civil war.' Scott Gates, Director, Centre for the Study of Civil War, Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO)'With more than half of all post-1945 civil wars spilling across state borders, this new volume offers a welcome introduction into the often overlooked transnational dynamics of 'local' wars. Taken as a whole, these chapters also provide compelling evidence for the importance of qualitative process-tracing that moves beyond just-so stories to the much tougher challenge of rigorously testing the mechanisms that underpin our explanations of civil war dynamics.' Jason Lyall, Yale UniversityTable of ContentsPart I. Civil War: Mobilizing across Borders: 1. Transnational dynamics of civil war Jeffrey T. Checkel; Part II. Transnationalized Civil War: 2. Copying and learning from outsiders? Assessing diffusion from transnational insurgents in the Chechen wars Kristin M. Bakke; 3. Mechanisms of diaspora mobilization and the transnationalization of civil war Fiona B. Adamson; 4. Refugee militancy in exile and upon return in Afghanistan and Rwanda Kristian Berg Harpviken and Sarah Kenyon Lischer; 5. Rebels without a cause? Transnational diffusion and the Lord's Resistance Army, 1986–2011 Hans Peter Schmitz; 6. Transnational advocacy networks, rebel groups, and demobilization of child soldiers in Sudan Stephan Hamberg; 7. Conflict diffusion via social identities: entrepreneurship and adaptation Martin Austvoll Nome and Nils B. Weidmann; Part III. Theory, Mechanisms, and the Study of Civil War: 8. Causal mechanisms and typological theories in the study of civil conflict Andrew Bennett; 9. Transnational dynamics of civil war: where do we go from here? Elisabeth Jean Wood.

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Book SynopsisThis timely volume brings together leading scholars from across the social sciences, whose work presents empirical evidence that the obstacle of regulatory capture is more surmountable than previously thought. The unprecedented rigor they bring to the study of capture will appeal to scholars and students across the social sciences, and prove a valuable resource for policy makers.Trade Review“This collection deftly sharpens our thinking about the nature of regulatory capture. It compiles the most multidimensional treatment we have of capture and the American regulatory state.” – John Braithwaite, Australian National University“This is an enormously useful collection that goes beyond alleging and lamenting regulatory capture to provide diagnostic tools for evaluating purported instances of captured regulatory regimes and institutional techniques for avoiding their emergence and mitigating their effects.” – Jerry Mashaw, Yale University“’Regulatory capture’ is an often used, little understood term. It is quoted frequently by those who would like to question a regulation for any of a number of agendas without an effort to understand the science or reason behind it. Daniel Carpenter, David Moss, and the co-authors have written a long overdue analysis of the issue and what, when proven true, can be done about it. – Christine Todd Whitman, former governor of New Jersey and former administrator of the Environmental Protection AgencyTable of ContentsIntroduction Daniel Carpenter and David Moss; Part I. Failures of Capture Scholarship: 1. A revisionist history of regulatory capture William Novak; 2. The concept of regulatory capture: a short, inglorious history Richard Posner; 3. Detecting and measuring capture Daniel Carpenter; Part II. New Conceptions of Capture - Mechanisms and Outcomes: 4. Cultural capture and the financial crisis James Kwak; 5. Complexity, capacity, and capture Nolan McCarty; 6. Preventing economists' capture Luigi Zingales; 7. Corrosive capture? The dueling forces of autonomy and industry influence in FDA pharmaceutical regulation Daniel Carpenter; Part III. Misdiagnosing Capture and Case Studies of Regulatory Success: 8. Capturing history: the case of the Federal Radio Commission in 1927 David Moss and Jonathan Lackow; 9. Conditional forbearance as an alternative to capture: evidence from coal mine safety regulation Sanford Gordon and Catherine Hafer; 10. Captured by disaster? Reinterpreting regulatory behavior in the shadow of the Gulf oil spill Christopher Carrigan; 11. Reconsidering agency capture during regulatory policymaking Susan Webb Yackee; 12. Coalitions, autonomy, and regulatory bargains in public health law Mariano-Florentino Cuéllar; Part IV. The Possibility of Preventing Capture: 13. Preventing capture through consumer empowerment programs: some evidence from insurance regulation Daniel Schwarcz; 14. Courts and regulatory capture M. Elizabeth Magill; 15. Can executive review help prevent capture? Richard Revesz and Michael Livermore; Conclusion David Moss and Daniel Carpenter; Afterword Sheldon Whitehouse and Jim Leach.

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Book SynopsisJeff D. Colgan explores why some oil-exporting countries are aggressive, while others are not. Using evidence from key countries such as Iraq, Iran, Libya, Saudi Arabia and Venezuela, Petro-Aggression proposes a new theoretical framework to explain the importance of oil to international security.Trade Review'Jeff Colgan significantly expands our understanding of the relationship between oil and war, explaining the domestic politics of oil's role in enabling revolutionary leaders to pursue aggressive foreign policies. Petro-Aggression presents a clear theoretical argument, which it supports with a wealth of qualitative and quantitative data. Colgan has made a major contribution to the study of energy security.' Charles L. Glaser, George Washington University'There are hundreds of books on global security and oil. Yet it would be hard to find one as compelling and original as Petro-Aggression, which develops new insights into the foreign policies of countries that are both oil-rich and have revolutionary aims. Colgan's analysis breaks important new ground in the study of organized violence and natural resources.' Michael L. Ross, University of California, Los Angeles'In Petro-Aggression: When Oil Causes War, Jeff Colgan provides an indispensable starting point for researchers interested in the relationship between oil and international conflict … he offers a theoretical foundation for future research on a topic likely to grow in importance over the next several years - both within the field of international relations and out in the 'real world'.' Rosemary A. Kelanic, H-Diplo'… this book moves the research frontier forward and will set an agenda for future work - particularly since the author has posted the replication data on his American University website.' Nils Petter Gleditsch, Journal of Peace Research'Resource wars, including coverage of struggles over access to oil, have been the focus of many studies in recent years. This book, however, features a different angle: countries that produce significant amounts of oil that do not act aggressively to enhance their oil supplies, but instead instigate interstate wars … Recommended. Professional collections.' A. Klinghoffer, ChoiceTable of Contents1. Introduction; 2. A theory of oil, revolution, and conflict; 3. Evidence and research design; 4. Quantitative impact of oil and revolution on conflict; 5. Iraq; 6. Libya and the Arab Jamahiriyya; 7. Iran; 8. Venezuela and the Bolivarian revolution; 9. Saudi Arabia; 10. Does oil cause revolution?; 11. Conclusion and policy implications.

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Book SynopsisThis volume brings together essays by many of the leading scholars of comparative constitutional design from many perspectives to collectively assess what we know - and do not know - about the design process as well as particular institutional choices concerning executive power, constitutional amendment processes and many other issues. Bringing together positive and normative analysis, this volume provides state of the art in a field of growing theoretical and practical importance.Trade Review'The combination of theoretical and empirical essays will further develop comparative constitutional design as an important perspective and project within comparative constitutional studies.' International Journal of Constitutional LawTable of Contents1. Introduction Tom Ginsburg; Part I. Design Processes: 2. Clearing and strengthening the channels of constitution-making Jon Elster; 3. What we know - and don't know - about design processes Justin Blount, Zachary Elkins and Tom Ginsburg; Part II. How Do We Get to Constitutional Design? Constraints and Conditions: 4. Democratization and countermajoritarian institutions: the role of power and constitutional design in self-enforcing democracy Susan Alberts, Chris Warshaw and Barry R. Weingast; 5. The origins of parliamentary responsibility Adam Przeworski, Tamar Asadurian and Anjali Thomas Bohlken; 6. The social foundations of China's living constitution Randall Peerenboom; 7. The political economy of constitutionalism in a post-secular world Ran Hirschl; Part III. Issues in Institutional Design: 8. Designing constitutional amendment rules, to scale Rosalind Dixon and Richard Holden; 9. Federalism: general welfare, interstate commerce, and economic analysis Robert D. Cooter and Neil Seigel; 10. Personal laws and equality: the case of India Martha Nussbaum; 11. Constitutional adjudication, Italian style John Ferejohn and Pasquale Pasquino; 12. Tyrannophobia Eric A. Posner and Adrian Vermuele; 13. Do executive term limits cause constitutional crises? Tom Ginsburg, Zachary Elkins and James Melton.

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Book SynopsisThis volume presents the first systematic comparative analysis of national traditions of local democracy across the developed world, as well as their origins and evolution. It reveals how inclusive local institutions that integrate national and local governance make democracy work better. Across most of the developed world, early forms of the national state entrenched the local power of elites. In Anglo-American and Swiss democracies, state formation imposed enduring tensions with local civic governance. In contrast, inclusive, integrative local institutions in Northern Europe enabled close links with central government around common local and national agendas, producing better governance and fuller democracy to the present day. Through comparative analysis, the authors demonstrate how institutions for local governance and the participation of civil society differ widely among developed democracies, and how local democracy relates to national democracy. The resulting insights fundamentTrade Review'This book restores local democracy to its rightful place at the center of our understanding of national politics. Through an illuminating, comparative historical analysis, the authors show that systematic variations in local political incorporation have laid down enduring differences in the character of multilevel democracy, with far-reaching consequences for policymaking and the quality of democracy. A must-read!' Christopher Ansell, University of California, Berkeley'Local governments are often overlooked in discussions on the formation of modern democracies. This insightful and carefully researched book shows why they should not be: local institutional incorporation in the nation state is historically meaningful for democracies.' Merilee S. Grindle, Harvard University, Massachusetts'Multilevel Democracy offers an original and fascinating account of institutional endurance and change. The authors' analyses challenges our understanding of state formation, political mobilization, and institutions. Perhaps most importantly, they show the role of local democracy and institutions in developing democratic states, and the significance of 'vertical circuits of power and influence' between institutions at different levels of the polity in shaping and sustaining democracy. If Acemoglu and Robinson, in their seminal work, showed the importance of good institutions for economic growth, Sellers, Lidström and Bae show a similar pattern for the development of democracy and governance. This book should be required readings for all students of democracy, institutions and governance.' Jon Pierre, Göteborgs Universitet, Sweden'A breakthrough book in comparative urban analysis! Following in the tradition of Tocqueville, the trio of Sellers, Lidstrom, and Bae provide a multi-national treatment of how state and civil society are interwoven with local-national relations. Resisting the temptation to retreat into vague abstractions about multiscalar politics, the authors use a much-needed comparative approach that grounds their work in examinations of cross-national experiences. During an era in which democratic advancement faces numerous obstacles, Multilevel Democracy offers lessons that can be applied in a time of great challenges. By emphasizing the important role of civil society, this book moves scholarship beyond a limited political-economy conception into a framework that is more accommodating to the vital part that civil society plays in shaping governance in today's world.' Clarence N. Stone, George Washington University, Washington DC'... Multilevel Democracy offers a significant contribution to the broad field of comparative political science and is a must-read for a wide range of political scientists ...' Arjan H. Schakel, Comparative Politics'… an impressive body of research literature and masses of quantitative data … it is probably primarily of interest for researchers of public administration, but the parts about 'civil society' will raise the interest of Voluntas readers. The authors describe interesting fits between governance infrastructures on the one hand and the political and civic organizations on the other. The book has a broad scope: a wide variety of sources and literature from public administration, political science, history, economy, and civil society studies. It is more about being careful with the heritage than about building democracy from scratch.' Paul Dekker, VoluntasTable of Contents1. Introduction: taking local institutions seriously; 2. Multilevel democracy and the modern state; 3. Multilevel democracies: a cross-sectional comparison; 4. Trajectories of local state formation; 5. The local state and the formation of civil society; 6. The policy state and local governance; 7. The quality of multilevel democracy; Postscript. Constructing multilevel democracy.

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Book SynopsisEnvironmental problems are firmly on the political agenda. The stark threat to the planet from climate change, biodiversity loss and pollution can no longer be ignored by governments, political parties, businesses or individuals. Responding to the considerable developments of the last decade, Neil Carter has updated his popular textbook thoroughly, while retaining the existing structure of previous editions. The Politics of the Environment continues to analyse the relationship between ''green ideas'' and other political doctrines, the development of green parties and public policymaking, and environmental issues at international, national and local levels. It provides students with a comprehensive comparative introduction to ideas, activism and policy. New to this edition are discussions on climate justice, climate legislation and recent environmental struggles, such as demonstrations against fracking. It employs a variety of global examples and includes pedagogical features such as boTrade Review'This update of Carter's excellent text is very welcome, as it provides a superb overview of environmental ideologies, parties and movements, and policy issues. Ideal for courses in environmental politics and policy.' Riley E. Dunlap, Regents Professor and Dresser Professor Emeritus, Oklahoma State University'The Politics of the Environment remains the authoritative textbook on environmental politics. This fully updated third edition includes the latest developments in theory and practice and provides students and scholars a comprehensive comparative introduction to environmental ideas, activism, politics and policy.' Arthur P. J. Mol, Rector Magnificus, Wageningen University and Research'I have used earlier editions of Carter's The Politics of the Environment to introduce students to environmental politics many times, and they have always appreciated its clarity, breadth and the concise way it helps them understand the often bewildering complexity of the subject. The new edition will serve students and teachers brilliantly with the same qualities, and do so incorporating many of the key dynamics that have occurred since the last edition.' Matthew Paterson, University of Manchester'Environmentalism in its many manifestations continues to evolve and expand its compass, and so too has this leading textbook. The third edition of The Politics of the Environment remains essential (and highly accessible) reading for anyone who wants to understand the changing ideas, movements, politics and policies associated with the civilizational challenge of our time.' Robyn Eckersley, University of MelbourneTable of ContentsList of figures; List of tables; List of boxes; Preface to third edition; Glossary; Abbreviations; 1. Introduction; Part I. Theory: Thinking About the Environment: 2. Environmental philosophy; 3. Green political thought; Part II. Parties and Movements: Getting From Here to There: 4. Green parties; 5. Party politics and the environment; 6. Environmental groups; Part III. Environmental Policy: Achieving a Sustainable Society: 7. The environment as a policy problem; 8. Sustainable development, ecological modernisation and green growth; 9. Global environmental politics; 10. Globalisation, trade and the environment; 11. Greening government; 12. Policy instruments and implementation; Conclusion; References; Index.

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Book SynopsisAfter the Second World War, Turkey and Egypt were among the most dynamic actors in the Middle East. Their 1950s foreign policies presented a puzzle, however: Turkey''s Democrat Party pursued NATO membership and sponsored the pro-Western Baghdad Pact regionally, while Egypt''s Free Officers promoted neutralism and pan-Arab alliances. This book asks why: what explains this divergence in a shared historical space? Rethinking foreign policy as an important site for the realisation of nationalist commitments, Abou-El-Fadl finds the answer in the contrasting nation making projects pursued by the two leaderships, each politicised differently through experiences of war, imperialism and underdevelopment. Drawing on untapped Turkish and Arabic sources, and critically engaging with theories of postcolonial nationalism, she emphasises local actors'' agency in striving to secure national belonging, sovereignty and progress in the international field. Her analysis sheds light on the contemporary legTrade Review'Reem Abou-El-Fadl's fine comparative study of Egyptian and Turkish foreign policy in the early Cold War throws penetrating new light on how foreign policy can serve national development strategies in LDCs [Least Developed Countries]. Using an innovative theoretical framework that links theories of IR [International Relations] and nationalism, it also breaks new theoretical ground that can be usefully applied to other cases.' Raymond Hinnebusch, University of St. Andrews'This historically grounded, empirically rich and thoroughly comparative analysis of the interplay between foreign policy-making and national self-fashioning in Egypt and Turkey during the 1950s offers a challenging new perspective that scholars of international relations and comparative politics would do well to engage with.' Zachary Lockman, New York University'In this empirically rich and theoretically sophisticated study, Reem Abou-El-Fadl shows that the diametrically opposed positions Egypt and Turkey assumed vis-à-vis the west in the 1950s derived directly from their respective projects of nation making. El-Fadl's book is an essential reading for anyone who wants to understand the link between domestic and international politics in Global South, both in the twentieth and in the twenty-first century.' Resat Kasaba, University of WashingtonTable of ContentsList of figures; Acknowledgements; Introduction; 1. Empire and nationalism in Turkey and Egypt: 1839–1950; 2. The Democrats in opposition: imagining a 'Little America'; 3. The Free Officers in opposition: imagining revolution; 4. Turkey's accession to NATO, 1950–52: members of the 'free world'; 5. Neutralism and pan-Arabism in Egypt, 1952–54: securing sovereignty; 6. Turkey and the Baghdad Pact, 1955: 'freeing' the Middle East; 7. Egypt from the Baghdad Pact to Czech Arms, 1955: shielding sovereignty; 8. Turkey and the Syrian crisis, 1957: linking spheres; 9. Egypt from Suez to Syrian Union, 1956–58: sovereign action; Comparative conclusions; Bibliography; Index.

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Book SynopsisSovereignty is a foundational idea upon which regional organisation of nations is built, yet its demise has often been predicted. Regionalism, which commits states to common frameworks such as rules and norms, tests sovereignty as states relinquish some sovereign power to achieve other goals such as security, growth, or liberalisation. This book examines the practice of normative contestation over sovereignty in two regional organisations of Africa and Asia the AU and ASEAN. A structured comparison of three case studies from each organisation determines whether a norm challenging sovereignty was accepted, rejected, or qualified. Ng has carried out interviews about, and detailed analysis of, these six cases that occurred at formative moments of norm-setting and that each had very different outcomes. This study contributes to the understanding of norms contestation in the field of international relations and offers new insights on how the AU and ASEAN are constituted.Trade Review'This timely, meticulously-researched, persuasively-argued, and provocatively-theorized book navigates the complex world of norm contestation in the African Union (AU) and the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN). Ng insightfully theorized that three factors of diplomatic practice drive norm contestation between relatively equal actors in international organizations. This pioneering book will be a great read for scholars and practitioners of international relations, diplomacy, international organizations, African and Asian Studies.' Thomas Kwasi Tieku, Associate Professor, King's University College, Western UniversityTable of ContentsPart I. Normative Contestation in Regional Organisations; 1. Introduction; 2. Theoretical Framework; Part II. The African Union; 3. The 'United States of Africa' Proposal; 4. The Conference on Security, Stability, Development, and Cooperation in Africa; 5. The Pan-African Parliament; Part III: The Association of Southeast Asian Nations; Part III. The Association of Southeast Asian Nations; 6. Human Rights 'Protection' in the ASEAN Charter; 7. The ASEAN Human Rights Mechanism; 8. Extending the 'ASEAN Minus X' Formula; Part IV. Comparative Findings; 9. Assessing the Model; 10. Conclusion.

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Book SynopsisStanding out from all other books on direct democracy, Citizenship and Contemporary Direct Democracy connects the study of direct democracy to the broader field of comparative democratization and to an important strand in normative democratic theory. Analyzing the relationship between direct democracy and representative government, this book is organized around three main sections: the origins of contemporary direct democracy, its functioning, and the ways to improve the use of direct democracy and its abuse. David Altman argues that citizen-initiated mechanisms of direct democracy constitute an important and viable way to re-invigorate current representative regimes by strengthening democracies'' normative foundations - freedom and equity among citizens - which are particularly fragile in the context of unequal societies. Citizenship and Contemporary Direct Democracy demonstrates how citizen-initiated mechanisms of direct democracy empowers citizens, channels social demands, defuses vTrade Review'Citizenship and Contemporary Direct Democracy offers a comprehensive and rigorous analysis of the origins and effects of popular initiatives, referenda, and other forms of direct democracy. Altman makes a compelling case, and shows that the impact of popular initiatives extends well beyond the often attention-grabbing election outcomes. Those of us who care about the fate of liberal democracy should pay close attention.' Steven Levitsky, Harvard University, Massachusetts'Deftly combining historical case studies and broad cross-national statistical overviews, author David Altman challenges misperceptions about direct democracy and shows that it can augment representative democracy by cultivating consensus-building and increasing citizen engagement. Citizenship and Contemporary Direct Democracy combines depth and breadth to tackle an important issue of our time and should be read by anyone interested in improving the quality of democracy around the world today.' Pamela Paxton, Linda K. George and John Wilson Professor of Sociology, University of Texas, Austin'David Altman's new book on direct democracy blends theoretical insights with descriptive facility, presenting a thorough analysis of the remedial properties and potentials of direct democratic institutions within the institutional framework of representative democracy. I cannot think of another scholar as well qualified as David Altman to write a book of this kind, and I cannot recommend it highly enough.' Adrian Vatter, Chair of Swiss Politics, Institute of Political Science, University of Bern'This precisely theorized, empirically sophisticated, and normatively attentive book is required reading for anyone interested in how and whether mechanisms of direct democracy might deepen democracy within representative political systems. Timely and important for an era in which mechanisms of direct democracy are an increasingly popular response to disillusionment with representative democracy.' Mark E. Warren, Merilees Chair for the Study of Democracy, University of British Columbia'Altman's book is a tour de force: it is a study that combines statistical prowess with exceptional scholarship and an extraordinary knowledge of the literature in Spanish, German, Italian, and English. In addition to its impressive statistical analyses, the book cites interesting and often surprising research findings … does a superb job in empirically debunking many common myths about referendums … this is an impressive study.' Matt Qvortrup, Perspectives on Politics'… Citizenship and Contemporary Direct Democracy 'is not just a book about direct democracy; it is a book about democracy, its functioning, its institutions and its innovations'.' Luca Mencacci, DemocratizationTable of Contents1. Democratic innovations for representative governments; Part I. Origins: 2. Breaking through: the rebirth of direct democracy in the age of the national-state; 3. Catching on: waves of adoption of citizen-initiated mechanisms of direct democracy since World War I; Part II. Nature: 4. Status quo bias? Political change through direct democracy; 5. Left or right? Investigating potential ideological biases in contemporary direct democracy; Part III. Reform: 6. Why adopt direct democracy? Much more than a simple vote; 7. How can direct democracy be improved? Citizens' commissions and citizens' counterproposals; 8. Conclusions: a new democratic equilibrium; Appendices; References; Index.

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Book SynopsisGrowing public discontent with the performance and quality of many contemporary democracies makes them vulnerable to popular pressures to profoundly transform or replace their constitutions. However, there is little systematic academic discussion on the legal and political challenges that these events pose to democratic principles and practices. This book, a collaborative effort by legal scholars and political scientists, analyzes these challenges from an interdisciplinary and comparative perspective. It fills a theoretical vacuum by examining the possibility that constitutions might be replaced within a democratic regime, while exploring the conditions under which these processes are more compatible or less compatible with democratic principles. It also calls attention to the real-world political importance of the phenomenon, because recent episodes of constitutional redrafting in countries including Kenya, Poland, Venezuela and Hungary suggest that some aspects of these processes may be associated with either the improvement or the gradual erosion of democracy.Trade Review'This book is an excellent collection on the processes of constitutional creation in democratic regimes. Combining detailed empirical studies with theoretical approaches to challenging texts, this valuable work will undoubtedly enrich the field of comparative constitutionalism. A must-read for legal and political theorists interested in the topic.' Roberto Gargarella, Universidad Torcuato Di Tella, School of Law'Gabriel Negretto and his distinguished collaborators have produced a collection of incisive theoretical essays and carefully selected case studies. The result is a truly impressive volume on the conditions in which democratic outcomes emerge from constitutional processes.' Donald L. Horowitz, Duke University, and author of Constitutional Change and Democracy in Indonesia'By combining thoughtful theoretical discussion with comprehensive comparative investigation, this outstanding collection of essays offers an exceptional perspective on some of the most intriguing and timely questions in the growing field of comparative constitution making today: when, how, and why democratic constitutions are replaced, and what the consequences might be of such constitutional replacement for the stability and functioning of democracy. The book is essential reading for students and scholars in political science and comparative law, as well as for practitioners in fields of democracy and rule-of-law promotion.' Hanna Lerner, School of Political Science, Government, and International Affairs, Tel Aviv University'Constitutions are often written as though they are perpetual, but they seldom prove to be. Indeed, calls for constitutional replacement appear to be increasingly common - and not just when an old political order collapses but even within ongoing democratic regimes. How do democracies renew their constitutions and what are the effects on liberal democracy going forward? Gabriel Negretto, Latin America's foremost expert on constitutional design and reform, has assembled a team of legal and political experts and delivers a framework for understanding how democratic charters can adapt and thrive, as well as how constitutional change can foster democratic erosion.' John M. Carey, Wentworth Professor in the Social Sciences, Dartmouth College'… this book will be an important reference in relevant fields for years to come. It is a must-read for anyone interested in constitutional redrafting and general institutional reform.- not only scholars and post-graduate students, but also policy makers, advisors, and anyone with a need for a good compendium of theoretical and comparative reflections in the topic. The contributions in Negretto's excellently edited volume couldn't be timelier: this is a terrific book to have on hand to read during these times of change.' Raul A. Sanchez-Urribarri, Law and Politics Book ReviewTable of Contents1. Introduction: new constitutions in democratic regimes Gabriel L. Negretto; Part I. Conceptual, Normative, and Empirical Issues: 2. Constitution making through law Joel Colón-Ríos; 3. Expanding revision clauses in democratic constitutions William Partlett; 4. Courts and constitution making in democratic regimes: a contextual approach David Landau; 5. Replacing constitutions in democratic regimes: elite cooperation and citizen participation Gabriel L. Negretto; Part II. Case Studies: 6. The difference power diffusion makes: explaining divergent outcomes in Colombia (1990–1991) and Venezuela (1998–1999) Ana María Bejarano and Renata Segura; 7. Procedural rules and majoritarian politics in Poland (1993–1997) and Hungary (2010–2011) Gabriel L. Negretto and Solongo Wandan; 8. Thailand's democratic moment: the 1997 constitution Tom Ginsburg; 9. Political elites and the people: Kenya's decade-long constitution-making process Christina Murray; 10. The anatomy of constitution making: from Denmark in 1849 to Iceland in 2017 Thorvaldur Gylfason.

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Book SynopsisLatin American states took dramatic steps toward greater inclusion during the late twentieth and early twenty-first Centuries. Bringing together an accomplished group of scholars, this volume examines this shift by introducing three dimensions of inclusion: official recognition of historically excluded groups, access to policymaking, and resource redistribution. Tracing the movement along these dimensions since the 1990s, the editors argue that the endurance of democratic politics, combined with longstanding social inequalities, create the impetus for inclusionary reforms. Diverse chapters explore how factors such as the role of partisanship and electoral clientelism, constitutional design, state capacity, social protest, populism, commodity rents, international diffusion, and historical legacies encouraged or inhibited inclusionary reform during the late 1990s and early 2000s. Featuring original empirical evidence and a strong theoretical framework, the book considers cross-national variation, delves into the surprising paradoxes of inclusion, and identifies the obstacles hindering further fundamental change.Trade Review'This remarkable volume on Latin America's recent inclusionary turn brings together a set of terrifically talented and innovative scholars trained by David Collier and Ruth Berins Collier at UC Berkeley over the past several decades. The wide-ranging nature of the chapters is fitting because the breadth of this inclusionary turn, which included informal venders, evangelicals, and indigenous groups, is one of its most distinctive features relative to the earlier incorporation of labor unions. By showcasing the kind of insightful work the Colliers pioneered along with the kind of substantively important questions they trained their students to ask and answer, the volume serves as a superb tribute to their lasting impact on the field.' Kent Eaton, Professor and Chair of Politics, UC Santa Cruz'Building upon the extraordinary legacy of Ruth Berins Collier and David Collier, this volume constitutes a tour de force through Latin America's inclusionary policies of the early 21st century. It is a must read for anyone interested in contemporary Latin America, particularly as we move into the political uncertainties of the 2020s.' Tulia G. Falleti, Class of 1965 Endowed Term Professor of Political Science, University of Pennsylvania'In the last 30 years, democratization in Latin America has opened opportunities for the mobilization of a broad array of popular sector groups seeking an end to the region's historic legacy of social and economic exclusion. This excellent volume provides a comprehensive analysis of this 'inclusionary turn,' and of the political contradictions that have limited its social impact. With contributions from leading scholars in the field, it offers an essential overview of the changing politics of the 21st century.' Robert R. Kaufman, Professor of Political Science, RutgersTable of ContentsIntroduction; 1. Inequality, Democracy, and the Inclusionary Turn in Latin America Diana Kapiszewski, Steven R. Levitsky and Deborah J. Yashar; Part I. Extending Social Policy and Participation: 2. Including Outsiders in Latin America Candelaria Garay; 3. Diffusion Dynamics: Shaping Social Policy in Latin America's Inclusionary Turn Wendy Hunter; 4. Inclusion without Power? Limits of Participatory Institutions Benjamin Goldfrank; 5. Brazil's Participatory Infrastructure: Opportunities and Limitations for Inclusion Lindsay Mayka and Jessica Rich; Part II. Inclusion and Partisan Representation: 6. Changing Patterns of Ideology and Partisanship in Latin America Grigore Pop-Eleches; 7. Brokering Inclusion: Intermediaries, Clientelism, and Constraints on Latin America's Left Turn Thad Dunning and Lucas M. Novaes; 8. States of Discontent: State Crises, Party System Change, and Inclusion in South America Samuel Handlin; Part III. New Party-Society Linkages: 9. The Politics of Popular Coalitions: Unions and Territorial Social Movements in Post-Neoliberal Latin America (2000-2015) Sebastián Etchemendy; 10. After Corporatism: Party Linkages with Popular-Sector Organizations in Neoliberal Latin America Brian Palmer-Rubin; 11. Expanding the Public Square: Evangelicals and Electoral Politics in Latin America Taylor C. Boas; Part IV. Inclusion, Populism, and Democracy: 12. Pathways to Inclusion in Latin America Maxwell A. Cameron; 13. Inclusionary Turn, Rentier Populism, and Emerging Legacies: the Propagation Effects of the Commodity Boom Sebastián Mazzuca; 14. Strong Citizens, Strong Presidents: The Constitutional Architecture of the Inclusionary Turn in Latin America Zachary Elkins; 15. Shaping the People: Populism and the Politics of Identity Formation in South America Jason Seawright and Rodrigo Barrenechea; Conclusion: 16. The Inclusionary Turn and its Political Limitations Kenneth M. Roberts.

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Book SynopsisThe governments of China and the United States - despite profound differences in history, culture, economic structure, and political ideology - both engage the private sector in the pursuit of public value. This book employs the term collaborative governance to describe relationships where neither the public nor private party is fully in control, arguing that such shared discretion is needed to deliver value to citizens. This concept is exemplified across a wide range of policy arenas, such as constructing high speed rail, hosting the Olympics, building human capital, and managing the healthcare system. This book will help decision-makers apply the principles of collaborative governance to effectively serve the public, and will enable China and the United States to learn from each other''s experiences. It will empower public decision-makers to more wisely engage the private sector. The book''s overarching conclusion is that transparency is the key to the legitimate growth of collaborative governance.Trade Review'It has become increasingly clear over the last few years that in tackling a country’s problems, what matters most is the quality of government rather than the quantity. This book provides a key to understanding how to achieve that quality-public-private collaboration, done right. Delving deep into two very different societies, the US and China, the authors provide lessons that illuminate and should inform scholars and policymakers alike.' Fareed Zakaria'This important book addresses how the two most important countries, the U.S. and China, address what may be their most important question: How can their public and private sectors cooperate most effectively with each other to create value. This is the rare book that is both analytic and a pleasure to read. It makes a lasting impression. It deserves a very wide readership among all those concerned about the future of the global economy.' Lawrence H Summers, President Emeritus, Harvard University'Eggleston, Donahue, and Zeckhauser offer an authoritative and intriguing account of why and how collaborative governance, a key modern instrument that engages public and private actors for comparative advantages in coping with complex public affairs, has been widely and deeply practiced in two vastly different countries, China and the US. An essential reading with profound academic inspirations and rich empirical inquiries.' Yijia Jing, Fudan University'In an age obsessed with the governance differences between China and America, this rich volume reveals the common challenges and choices they confront. U.S. and Chinese leaders are driven to 'collaborative governance' strategies to meet growing demands for public services – housing, health care, transportation, and education. Both systems seek an optimal mix of public and private sector discretion that generates more productivity, information, resources, and legitimacy. Rigorously comparative, the authors suggest the conditions under which various mixes of public-private discretion are preferable, emphasizing the critical roles of transparency and experimentation. This volume will have a long shelf life.' David M Lampton, Johns Hopkins University'The authors provide a refreshing lens to compare governance and the provision of public goods in the U.S. and China. Despite differences in political structures, economic organization and ideologies, privately delivered services account for around 30 percent of all government service spending. Surprisingly similar, yet profoundly different in ways, both countries rely heavily on the private sector to pursue public goals. This book provides the reader with a refreshing way of comparing government’s role and performance in delivering public goods and offers a clear, concise framework for thinking about collaborative governance.' Tony Saich, Harvard Kennedy SchoolTable of ContentsPart I. The Framework: 1. Private Roles for Public Goals in China and the United States; 2. Concepts and Context; Part II. Policy Realms: 3. Building the Railroads that Build the Nation; 4. Real Estate's Intricate Tangle of Public and Private; 5. A Game Like No Other: Delivering the Olympics; 6. The Truest Wealth of Nations: Creating Human Capital; 7. Show Me Where It Hurts: State and Market in Health Care; Part III. The Path Forward: 8. The Transparency Imperative; Index.

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Book SynopsisQualitative comparative methods and specifically controlled qualitative comparisons are central to the study of politics. They are not the only kind of comparison, though, that can help us better understand political processes and outcomes. Yet there are few guides for how to conduct non-controlled comparative research. This volume brings together chapters from more than a dozen leading methods scholars from across the discipline of political science, including positivist and interpretivist scholars, qualitative methodologists, mixed-methods researchers, ethnographers, historians, and statisticians. Their work revolutionizes qualitative research design by diversifying the repertoire of comparative methods available to students of politics, offering readers clear suggestions for what kinds of comparisons might be possible, why they are useful, and how to execute them. By systematically thinking through how we engage in qualitative comparisons and the kinds of insights those comparisonTrade Review'What a refreshing read this volume is. At a time when dominant ways of doing things are suddenly in question, this is a sophisticated wake-up call to the field of political science to study the world differently. The many rich contributions and Simmons' and Smith's masterful elucidation of them remind us that our purpose is to understand the world, not perpetuate the ways in which it is understood. Bravo to the editors and contributors for opening our eyes.' Katherine Cramer, University of Wisconsin-Madison'The world gives us almost as many ways to compare and reasons to compare as places to compare. Rethinking Comparison embraces and even expands the existing pluralism of comparative approaches in political science. Erica Simmons and Nicholas Rush Smith assemble a brilliant and eclectic cast of characters to think anew about all the things we can do – including some things we should consider doing very differently – when we compare.' Dan Slater, University of Michigan'This path-breaking volume shows scholars how to think and work 'outside the box' of Mill's logic of controlled comparison of nation-states, regions and organizations toward generative comparison of political processes, practices, meanings, and concepts. In chapter after chapter, the authors develop new conceptions of comparison that yield fundamental insights – new questions, concepts, categories, ways of viewing the world – not available under narrow conceptions of the comparative method.' Elisabeth Jean Wood, Yale UniversityTable of Contents1. Rethinking comparison: an introduction Erica S. Simmons and Nicholas Rush Smith; Part I. Rethinking the Building Blocks of Comparison: 2. Beyond mill: why cross-case qualitative causal inference is weak, and why we should still compare Jason Seawright; 3. Two ways to compare Frederic Charles Schaffer; 4. Unbound comparison Nick Cheesman; 5. On casing a study versus studying a case Joe Soss; 6. From cases to sites: studying global processes in comparative politics Thea Riofrancos; Part II. Developing New Approaches to Comparison Through Research: 7. Comparing complex cases using archival research Jonathan Obert; 8. Composing comparisons: studying configurations of relations in social network research Sarah E. Parkinson; 9. Against methodological nationalism: seeing comparisons as encompassing through the Arab uprisings Jillian Schwedler; 10. Comparative analysis for theory development Mala Htun and Francesca R. Jensenius; 11. Problems and possibilities of comparison across regime types: examples involving China Benjamin L. Read; 12. Comparisons with an ethnographic sensibility: studies of protest and vigilantism Erica S. Simmons and Nicholas Rush Smith; Epilogue: 13. Theory and imagination in comparative politics: an interview with Lisa Wedeen Erica S. Simmons and Nicholas Rush Smith with Lisa Wedeen.

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Book SynopsisThis Element proposes that nationalism can be broken down productively into parts based on three key questions: 1. Does a nation exist? 2. How do national narratives vary? 3. When do national narratives matter?Table of Contents1. Why another nationalism book?; 2. What we already know about nationalism; 3. Does a nation exist? Elite and popular fragmentation; 4. How do national narratives vary? Ascriptiveness and thickness; 5. When do national narratives matter? Salience of national identities; 6. Nationalism across social science disciplines; 7. Conclusion; References.

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Book SynopsisBrancati explores the causes and consequences of democracy protests between 1989 and 2011. She highlights the role of economic crises in triggering protests, and analyses government and opposition responses to these protests. The book will interest students and researchers of politics, international relations, development, conflict and peace studies, and economics.Trade Review'Studies of democratization are finally turning back to the effect of economic and social forces in generating protest and displacing authoritarian regimes. Dawn Brancati's excellent book brings compelling new data to bear, explaining when democracy protests arise, succeed - and also fail. Beyond its immediate contribution, the book helps set a new and fresh agenda for the study of regime change.' Stephan Haggard, Krause Distinguished Professor, University of California, San Diego'Dawn Brancati's monograph appears at a time when elite theories of democracy have come into fashion again. Democracy Protests fundamentally challenges such theories, and does so very persuasively using a massive amount of thoroughly researched evidence … The findings question prominent approaches that consider democratization a top-down process in which the mass-factor plays a negligible role.' Christian Welzel, Chair in Political Culture Research, Leuphana University, Germany'Are protests a force for democratizing change? Brancati advances our understanding of this important topic by bringing together new empirical findings that convincingly show how the magnitude of economic crises condition the relationship between protest and democracy. Citizen unrest is likely to follow any form of economic crises, but this book helps us understand when and why such unrest will lead to significant political change.' Susan D. Hyde, Yale University, Connecticut'Brancati assembles a database of the 310 'democracy protests' that occurred from 1989 to 2011, combines this with other information about the nations of the world to perform a number of quantitative analyses, and comes up with some interesting findings: that such protests are often effective, particularly if they are large; that such protests are not actually made more likely by the prevalence of Twitter and Facebook; and that economic inequality makes it more likely, not less, for protests to succeed. … her conclusions are convincing, and will be useful to all students of democratization.' J. C. Berg, CHOICETable of Contents1. Introduction; 2. Characteristics of democracy protests; 3. Relating economic crises to democracy; 4. Analyzing the rise of democracy protests; 5. Analyzing elections as trigger events; 6. Historical trends in government responses; 7. Analyzing political accommodation; 8. Historical trends in democratization; 9. Analyzing democratization; 10. Conclusion; Bibliography.

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Book SynopsisThe Political Logic of Poverty Relief places electoral politics and institutional design at the core of poverty alleviation. The authors develop a theory with applications to Mexico about how elections shape social programs aimed at aiding the poor. They also assess whether voters reward politicians for targeted poverty alleviation programs.Table of ContentsIntroduction; Part I: 1. Poverty relief in Latin America; 2. Poverty relief in Mexico - a geographic approach; 3. Political machines and vote buying; 4. Clientelism and the political manipulation of Pronasol; Part II: The consequences of clientelism and entitlements; 5. Improving communities - transfers and basic public services; 6. Saving lives - social programs and infant mortality rates; 7. Electoral pay-offs of antipoverty programs; Conclusion - the future of social protection.

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Book SynopsisHow does the selection of judges influence the work they do in important constitutional courts? Does mixed judicial selection, which allows more players to choose judges, result in a court that is more independent and one that can check powerful executives and legislators? Existing literature on constitutional courts tends to focus on how judicial behaviour is motivated by judges'' political preferences. Lydia Brashear Tiede argues for a new approach, showing that, under mixed selection, institutions choose different types of judges who represent different approaches to constitutional adjudication and thus have different propensities for striking down laws. Using empirical evidence from the constitutional courts of Chile and Colombia, this book develops a framework for understanding the factors, external and internal to courts, which lead individual judges, as well as the courts in which they work, to veto a law.Table of Contents1. Introduction; 2. The implications of mixed judicial selection on decision-making; 3. Mixed judicial selection: prevalence and variation; 4. The Chilean Constitutional Tribunal in political context; 5. The Colombian Constitutional Court in political context; 6. Determinants of legal invalidation by constitutional judges; 7. Determinants of legal invalidation by constitutional courts; 8. Weak judicial vetoes and contentious politics; 9. Conclusion: Judicial selection and decision-making.

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Book SynopsisBased on a detailed examination of minority language policy in different jurisdictions in Western Europe, this book offers policy recommendations on how to integrate new speakers into established minority language communities. It is essential reading for students and researchers in sociolinguistics, public policy and language policy and planning.Table of Contents1. The emergence of the new speaker phenomenon; 2. Popinjays, pragmatism and policy: a new speaker triptych; 3. Wales: normalised expectations; 4. Scotland: cautious consideration; 5. Ireland: tempered acceptance; 6. The Basque autonomous community and Navarre: enthusiastic endorsement; 7. Catalonia and Galicia: unalloyed support?; 8. The policy community and recommendations on new speakers; 9. Conclusion: contemporary challenges; Appendices.

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Electoral autocracies regimes that adopt democratic institutions but subvert them to rule as dictatorships have become the most widespread, resilient and malignant non-democracies today. They have consistently ruled over a third of the countries in the world, including geopolitically significant states like Russia, Turkey, Venezuela, Egypt, Indonesia, Nigeria and Pakistan. Challenging conventional wisdom, Popular Dictators shows that the success of electoral authoritarianism is not due to these regimes'' superior capacity to repress, bribe, brainwash and manipulate their societies into submission, but is actually a product of their genuine popular appeal in countries experiencing deep political, economic and security crises. Promising efficient, strong-armed rule tempered by popular accountability, elected strongmen attract mass support in societies traumatized by turmoil, dysfunction and injustice, allowing them to rule through the ballot box. Popular Dictators argues that this cris

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Book SynopsisAn in-depth and over-time analysis of public opinion about party competence on issues in the US, UK, Canada, Australia and Germany, revealing how issue ownership, government performance and generalised competence shape public opinion and how their causes and consequences should shape our understanding of parties, voting and elections.Trade Review'The Politics of Competence provides a compelling analysis of party competence – its causes, electoral consequences and political significance. This landmark study draws together disparate theories, assembles a prodigious amount of data and uses advanced statistical techniques to provide a fascinating account of the shifting relationship between parties and their electorates. Sophisticated, yet also accessible to the general reader, this book instantly becomes the gold standard in studies of party competence.' John Bartle, University of Essex'Central to theories of how voters evaluate parties are ideas that one party is better able than another to handle a given issue. But how do voters develop these evaluations? And what is the role of actual performance of a party in government? In this theoretically ambitious, empirically rich and truly comparative book, Green and Jennings break new ground. They show that parties regularly gain and lose 'ownership' on particular issues, that partisanship strongly affects perceptions of performance, that governments inexorably lose support and reputations for competence, and that they develop a new theoretical perspective towards how voters evaluate parties. Rich with data, comparative in approach and equally theoretical as empirical, this book sets a new standard in the fields of issue ownership on a par with previous works by Donald Stokes, John Petrocik and William Riker.' Frank R. Baumgartner, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill and co-author of The Politics of Information (2015)Table of Contents1. Introduction; 2. Conceptual problems, and solutions; 3. Three concepts of issue competence; 4. Explaining issue ownership change; 5. Performance of governments, and oppositions; 6. Generic competence and costs of governing; 7. Combined effects of ownership, performance and generic competence; 8. Conclusion; Appendices; Bibliography.

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