Cold wars and proxy conflicts Books

Book SynopsisIn Every Home a Fortress, Thomas Bishop details the remarkable cultural history and personal stories behind an iconic figure of Cold War masculinity -- the fallout shelter father, who, with spade in hand and the canned goods he has amassed, sought to save his family from atomic warfare. Putting policy documents and presidential addresses into conversation with previously unmined personal letters, diaries, local media coverage, and antinuclear ephemera, Bishop demonstrates that the nuclear crisis years of 1957 to 1963 were not just pivotal for the history of international relations but were also a transitional moment in the social histories of the white middle class and American fatherhood. During this era, public concerns surrounding civil defense shaped private family conversations, and the fallout shelter emerged as a site at which ideas of nationhood, national security, and masculinity collided with the complex reality of trying to raise and protect a family in the nuclear age.Trade Review“Moving beyond the customary view of Cold War civil defense as a monumental failure to mobilize the public, Bishop provides an insightful, fascinating examination of fathers who took action to protect their families from the expected horror of nuclear war.”- David F. Krugler, author of This Is Only a Test: How Washington D.C. Prepared for Nuclear War ; “Bishop does yeoman’s work in bringing nuclear Cold War scholarship into the realm of masculinity and makes a key contribution.”- Robert A. Jacobs, author of The Dragon’s Tail: Americans Face the Atomic AgeTable of Contents Introduction Chapter One The Log Cabin of the Nuclear Age Chapter Two The Fallout Shelter Father on the New Frontier Chapter Three Fatherhood in the Target Zone Building a Fallout Shelter in Colorado Chapter Four Family Room of Tomorrow: Fallout Shelter Salesmen Chapter Five Fatherhood, Survival and Violence at the Shelter Doorway Conclusion Take to the Hills: Fatherhood and Survival in the Nuclear Age and Beyond

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Book SynopsisIn the moments before his weekly radio address hit the airwaves in 1984, Ronald Reagan made an off-the-record joke: 'I've signed legislation that will outlaw Russia forever. We begin bombing in five minutes.' As reports of the stunt leaked to the press, many Americans did not find themselves laughing along with the president. Long a fervent warrior against what he termed the 'Evil Empire,' by the mid-1980s, Reagan confronted growing domestic opposition to his revival of the Cold War. While numerous histories of the era have glorified the 'Decade of Greed,' historian Andrew Hunt instead explores the period's robust political and cultural dissent.We Begin Bombing in Five Minutes focuses on a striking array of protest movements that took up issues such as the nuclear arms race, U.S. intervention in Central America, and American investments in South Africa. Hunt's new history of the eighties investigates how film, television, and other facets of popular culture critiqued Washington's Cold War policies and reveals that activists and cultural rebels alike posed a more meaningful challenge to the Cold War's excesses than their predecessors in the McCarthy era.

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Book SynopsisDuring the Cold War, political tensions associated with the division of Germany came to influence the world of competitive sport. In the 1950s, West Germany and its NATO allies refused to recognize the communist East German state and barred its national teams from sporting competitions. The construction of the Berlin Wall in 1961 further exacerbated these pressures, with East German teams denied travel to several world championships. These tensions would only intensify in the run-up to the 1968 Olympics.In Bidding for the 1968 Olympic Games, Heather L. Dichter considers how NATO and its member states used sport as a diplomatic arena during the height of the Cold War, and how international sport responded to political interference. Drawing on archival materials from NATO, foreign ministries, domestic and international sport functionaries, and newspapers, Dichter examines controversies surrounding the 1968 Summer and Winter Olympic Games, particularly the bidding process between countries to host the events. As she demonstrates, during the Cold War sport and politics became so intertwined that they had the power to fundamentally transform each other.

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Book SynopsisDuring the Cold War, political tensions associated with the division of Germany came to influence the world of competitive sport. In the 1950s, West Germany and its NATO allies refused to recognize the communist East German state and barred its national teams from sporting competitions. The construction of the Berlin Wall in 1961 further exacerbated these pressures, with East German teams denied travel to several world championships. These tensions would only intensify in the run-up to the 1968 Olympics.In Bidding for the 1968 Olympic Games, Heather L. Dichter considers how NATO and its member states used sport as a diplomatic arena during the height of the Cold War, and how international sport responded to political interference. Drawing on archival materials from NATO, foreign ministries, domestic and international sport functionaries, and newspapers, Dichter examines controversies surrounding the 1968 Summer and Winter Olympic Games, particularly the bidding process between countries to host the events. As she demonstrates, during the Cold War sport and politics became so intertwined that they had the power to fundamentally transform each other.

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Book SynopsisDuring the Cold War, dancers and musicians from the United States and the USSR were drawn into the battle for hearts and minds, crossing the Iron Curtain to prove their artistic and ideological prowess. After the passage of the Lacy-Zarubin Agreement, direct cultural exchange between the two superpowers opened up, and the Moiseyev Dance Company arrived in the United States in 1958. The first Soviet cultural representatives to tour America, this folk-dance troupe’s repertoire included dances from territories controlled or influenced by the USSR, including Uzbekistan, Crimea, and Poland. Drawing on contemporary personal and published accounts, Victoria Hallinan explores why the dancers garnered overwhelming acclaim during their multicity tour and Ed Sullivan Show appearance. The “boy-meets-girl” love stories of the dances, and their idealized view of multiple Soviet cultures living together in harmony, presented a comforting image of post–World War II gender norms and race relations for audiences. Americans saw the dancers—their supposed enemies—as humans rather than agents of communist contagion.Trade ReviewIn this important book, Hallinan uses audience reception to analyze how Americans looked at the troupe, and she has done enormous archival research to track down letters from audience members to the Moiseyev company, dance reviews in major US magazines and newspapers, and contemporary accounts of the company found in newspapers." - Anthony Shay, author of The Igor Moiseyev Dance Company: Dancing Diplomats"The Moiseyev Dance Company Tours America is a significant contribution to the fields of dance, cultural diplomacy, and Cold War studies. It will appeal to scholars and readers in American studies, international relations, and other studies of the performing arts." - Anne Searcy, author of Ballet in the Cold War: A Soviet-American ExchangeTable of Contents List of Figures and Tables Acknowledgments Introduction Part One Chapter 1: Creation of the State Academic Folk Dance Ensemble of the USSR Chapter 2: Internal and External Propaganda Tool Part Two Chapter 3: Paving the Way for the 1958 Tour Chapter 4: Reception and the Cold War Narrative Chapter 5: Fascinating Human Beings Part Three Chapter 6: American Notions of Gender Chapter 7: American Notions of Race Conclusion Epilogue Appendix A: Text of the Lacy-Zarubin Agreement, January 27, 1958 Appendix B: Transcribed Table of 1958 Tickets Sales in Full Appendix C: Early American Tour Repertoires (1958, 1965, 1970) Appendix D: A Selection of Moiseyev Dances Notes Index

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Book SynopsisDuring the Cold War, dancers and musicians from the United States and the USSR were drawn into the battle for hearts and minds, crossing the Iron Curtain to prove their artistic and ideological prowess. After the passage of the Lacy-Zarubin Agreement, direct cultural exchange between the two superpowers opened up, and the Moiseyev Dance Company arrived in the United States in 1958. The first Soviet cultural representatives to tour America, this folk-dance troupe’s repertoire included dances from territories controlled or influenced by the USSR, including Uzbekistan, Crimea, and Poland. Drawing on contemporary personal and published accounts, Victoria Hallinan explores why the dancers garnered overwhelming acclaim during their multicity tour and Ed Sullivan Show appearance. The “boy-meets-girl” love stories of the dances, and their idealized view of multiple Soviet cultures living together in harmony, presented a comforting image of post–World War II gender norms and race relations for audiences. Americans saw the dancers—their supposed enemies—as humans rather than agents of communist contagion.Trade ReviewIn this important book, Hallinan uses audience reception to analyze how Americans looked at the troupe, and she has done enormous archival research to track down letters from audience members to the Moiseyev company, dance reviews in major US magazines and newspapers, and contemporary accounts of the company found in newspapers." - Anthony Shay, author of The Igor Moiseyev Dance Company: Dancing Diplomats"The Moiseyev Dance Company Tours America is a significant contribution to the fields of dance, cultural diplomacy, and Cold War studies. It will appeal to scholars and readers in American studies, international relations, and other studies of the performing arts." - Anne Searcy, author of Ballet in the Cold War: A Soviet-American Exchange

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Book SynopsisAn in-depth investigation of the Romanian secret police's file on Müller, winner of the 2009 Nobel Prize for Literature, re-creating a "file story" of her surveillance. "Herta Müller should share her Nobel with the Securitate." This comment by a former officer in the Romanian secret police, or Securitate, was in reaction to hearing that Müller, a German writer originally from Romania, had won the 2009 Nobel Prize for Literature. Communist Romania's infamous secret police was indeed a protagonist in Müller's work, though an undesired and dreaded one: most of her writings are deeply and explicitly anchored in Ceaușescu's Romania and her own traumatic experiences with the Securitate. Müller's file traces her surveillance from 1983 until after she emigrated to West Germany in 1987. She has written extensively in reaction to reading her file, but primarily addresses its gaps, begging the question what information the file does in fact contain. This book is an in-depth investigation of Müller's file, and engages with other related files, including that of her then-husband, the writer Richard Wagner. Valentina Glajar treats the files as primary sources in order to re-create the story of Müller's surveillance by the Securitate. In such an intrusive culture of surveillance, surviving the system often meant a certain degree of entanglement: for victims, collaborators, and implicated subjects alike. Veiled in secrecy for decades, these compelling and complex documents shed light on a boundary between victims and perpetrators as porous as the Iron Curtain itself.Table of ContentsPreface List of Terms and Abbreviations Introduction Chapter 1: The Filed Story of Niederungen Chapter 2: Contact Stories: The Author and the Officer Chapter 3: Conspiratorial Stories: The Securitate Sources MAYER, SORIN, and EVA Chapter 4: Captured Stories: Remote Audio Surveillance Chapter 5: Migrating Stories Epilogue Bibliography Appendix I: Müller's Surveillance Timeline (1974-1993) Appendix II: Author's Accreditation by CNSAS Index

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Book SynopsisIn The Warsaw Pact, 1969-1985, young Czech scholar Mat?j Bílý analyzes the internal tensions of the Soviet-led Cold War alliance as its careened toward its end. Starting with the peak of the alliance’s power under Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev, the book follows its ossification to its increasing haplessness under Brezhnev’s successors Yuri Andropov and Konstantin Chernenko. Rooted in detailed research in Czech, Polish, and German archives, this book presents much previously unknown information about the alliance’s mechanisms as it served as one of the Kremlin’s increasingly ineffective tools for managing the Eastern Bloc.Bílý’s findings prove that the Warsaw Pact never became an initiator of political processes within the Soviet sphere of interest and only reactively addressed military issues. The alliance's framework did not allow it to become an incubator or agent of any independent development in the Soviet sphere of influence. To the contrary, events within the Warsaw Pact reflected the overall dismal situation in the Eastern Bloc and the changing policy of the Kremlin toward its East European satellites. Because of the alliance’s lack of flexibility and cumbersome internal mechanisms, it was unable to react to the dynamic challenges of the 1980s and helplessly followed a path to its own end.

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Book SynopsisEurasia remains a zone of confrontation between the United States and Russia. Over the last decade, this confrontation has reached the Middle East, and, extending through Central Asia to China and points further afield, it has acquires global dimensions.After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Eurasia and the territories on Russia’s periphery acquired increased geopolitical importance. After a decade of euphoria at what seemed to be new freedoms and another decade adjusting to new realities, the last ten years have witnessed a struggle between Putin’s Russia and America of Cold War proportions.Gradually, Moscow redefined its geopolitical priorities and reclaimed a sphere of influence over the newly independent countries of Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova and has projected power into Ukraine and the three Caucasian republics. This is now a battleground between Russia and the United States.Since the end of the Cold War, relations between Washington and Moscow fluctuated from open and amicable to cool and suspicious. Presently, they seem to be contradictory and difficult to grasp, though it is certain that Russia is doing everything to keep the “Near Abroad” under its control while harassing American interests globally wherever it can.As of 2019, Russia has just won a new battle in Syria that may reconfigure the geopolitical balance of the entire Middle East. What we need the most in this situation is honest and competent leaders capable of wrestling with politics as well as with ethical and moral issues that both influence and reflect international politics.

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Book SynopsisAlways at War is the story of Strategic Air Command (SAC) during the early decades of the Cold War. More than a simple history, it describes how an organization dominated by experienced World War II airmen developed a unique culture that thrives to this day.Strategic Air Command was created because of the Air Force's internal beliefs, but the organization evolved as it responded to the external environment created by the Cold War. In the aftermath of World War II and the creation of an independent air service, the Air Force formed SAC because of a belief in the military potential of strategic bombing centralized under one commander. As the Cold War intensified, so did SAC's mission.In order to prepare SAC's "warriors" to daily fight an enemy they did not see, as well as to handle the world's most dangerous arsenal, the command, led by General Curtis LeMay, emphasized security, personal responsibility, and competition among the command. Its resources, political influence, and manning grew as did its "culture" until reaching its peak during the Cuban Missile Crisis. SAC became synonymous with the Cold War and its culture forever changed the Air Force as well as those who served.Trade Review"This is perhaps an overdue and welcome book on the Strategic Air Command (SAC) through its formative years to apparent success in 1962 during the Cuba Missile crisis." — The Navy Magazine"The author of Always at War does a creditable job of explaining how SAC came into existence and its philosophy of always being prepared to go to war…. This book should appeal military historians, political scientists, sociologists, and business managers." — The Journal of America’s Military Past"“Deaile’s book makes a significant contribution to this growing subfield of Cold War military history. His use of organizational culture theory is illuminating without being overly dense. He clearly demonstrates the strong connections between the experience of World War II and choices made in the early Cold War, a link too often ignored. The historical and bureaucratic context during which SAC came into existence exerted powerful influences on the new command. As a well-written account of his important Air Force organization, Always at War is recommended for general readers interested in aviation history as well as specialist scholars.” — Air and Space Power Journal

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Book SynopsisWinning Armageddon provides definition to an all-too-long neglected figure of the Cold War General Curtis E. LeMay and tells the story of his advocacy for nuclear first strikes while leading Strategic Air Command--the Cold War Air Force's nuclear organization. This was despite a publicly proclaimed policy of deterrence. In telling this story Albertson builds for the reader a world that while not in the distant past has been forgotten by many; the lessons of that past however are as applicable today as they were 65 years ago. In weaving his story the author brings to life the challenges fears and responses of a Cold War United States that grappled with a problem to which it did not have a clean solution: nuclear war. It was this concern that LeMay sought to assuage through making his arguments for attacking first in a nuclear conflict--but only if and when it was clear that the enemy was preparing to launch their own surprise strike. This approach commonly referred to as preemption was designed to catch an attacker off-guard and prevent the destruction of one's own nation. In LeMay's case he made the argument that such attacks should initially be directed at an enemy's long-range air forces in an effort to deprive them of an ability to destroy American cities industry and its own military. In so doing LeMay hoped that rather than plunging the world into a fruitless nuclear exchange he could diffuse the conflict at its outset. It was a novel solution to a vexing problem.

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Book SynopsisAs U.S. strategy shifts (once again) to focus on great power competition, Strategy Shelved provides a valuable, analytic look back to the Cold War era by examining the rise and eventual fall of the U.S. Navy's naval strategy system from the post-World War II era to 1994. Steven T. Wills draws some important conclusions that have relevance to the ongoing strategic debates of today. His analysis focuses on the 1970s and 1980s as a period when U.S. Navy strategic thought was rebuilt after a period of stagnation during the Vietnam conflict and its high water mark in the form of the 1980s' maritime strategy and its attendant six hundred -ship navy force structure. He traces the collapse of this earlier system by identifying several contributing factors: the provisions of the Goldwater Nichols Act of 1986, the aftermath of the First Gulf War of 1991, the early 1990s revolution in military affairs, and the changes to the Chief of Naval Operations staff in 1992 following the end of the Cold War. All of these conditions served to undermine the existing naval strategy system. The Goldwater Nichols Act subordinated the Navy to joint control with disastrous effects on the long-serving cohort of uniformed naval strategists. The first Gulf War validated Army and Air Force warfare concepts developed in the Cold War but not those of the Navy's maritime strategy. The Navy executed its own revolution in military affairs during the Cold War through systems like AEGIS but did not get credit for those efforts. Finally, the changes in the Navy (OPNAV) staff in 1992 served to empower the budget arm of OPNAV at the expense of its strategists. These measures laid the groundwork for a thirty-year "strategy of means" where service budgets, a desire to preserve existing force structure, and lack of strategic vision hobbled not only the Navy, but also the Joint Force's ability to create meaningful strategy to counter a rising China and a revanchist Russian threat. Wills concludes his analysis with an assessment of the return of naval strategy documents in 2007 and 2015 and speculates on the potential for success of current Navy strategies including the latest tri-service maritime strategy. His research makes extensive use of primary sources, oral histories, and navy documents to tell the story of how the U.S. Navy created both successful strategies and how a dedicated group of naval officers were intimately involved in their creation. It also explains how the Navy's ability to create strategy, and even the process for training strategy writers, was seriously damaged in the post-Cold War era.Trade ReviewStrategy Shelved ​is a timely and highly relevant study that examines how the Navy developed an extraordinarily effective process to think about and develop strategy in the last two decades of the Cold War and why Navy leaders, unfortunately, failed to appreciate and leverage that process in confronting the challenges in the years following the end of the Cold War. Highly recommended." —Capt. Peter D. Haynes, U.S. Navy (Ret.), author of Toward a New Maritime Strategy: American Naval Thinking in the Post-Cold War Era"In ​Strategy Shelved,​ Steve Wills provides a critical examination of the navy staff's organization (OPNAV), leadership, and 'thinking' processes from the period of the development of the Maritime Strategy to the early 1990s. Wills examines how naval leaders in the 1980s were able to create a staff culture that fostered a bottom-up process of creative thinking but was effectively disassembled by the Goldwater-Nichols Defense Reorganization Act (1986), leading to a mentality of 'chasing the POM', vice thinking critically. Officials, analysts, and defense institutions the world over should read this account to discover one of those rare instances in time when a planning process succeeded in producing a coherent force structure." —Thomas-Durell Young, senior lecturer, Institute for Security Governance Naval Postgraduate School, Monterey, California"The end of the Cold War transformed the Navy in ways not yet fully understood. Navy veteran Steve Wills has done us all a great service by putting his historian's talents to work unearthing and chronicling the changes and their context, and analyzing their roots and effects." —Capt. Peter M. Swartz (Ret.), senior CNA strategy analyst and former Cold War U.S. Navy strategist"Steven Wills combines an advanced understanding of current and historic U.S. defense policy making, a flawless grasp of past legislative mistakes, and a superb appreciation of strategy itself to show the obstacles to U.S. naval strategic thought since the Cold War's end. The book is exceptionally timely as Chinese and Russian actions return the world to its traditional state of great power competition. Advanced strategic thought--and action--demand that the US respond accordingly. Dr. Wills' book ought to be required reading for anyone who wants to understand the turbulence in which naval strategy finds itself today." —Seth Cropsey, senior fellow & director, Center for American Seapower, Hudson Institute"Navies need strategy to guide what they buy, how they train, and how they will fight. Without it, bureaucratic inertia defaults to 'programs of record' to make choices better left to theorists. In Strategy Shelved, Steven Wills shows how the Cold War U.S. Navy successfully used strategy to guide its planning, then lost that ability after 1990. For historians, it opens up the world of an understudied set of thinkers, while serving as a cautionary tale to uniformed and civilian force planners." —Sarandis Papadopoulos, PhD., historian and co-author of Pentagon 9/11"There are two kinds of strategists, civilian policy wonks or uniformed leaders. The first have usually never been to sea or heard a shot fired in anger. The latter are often combat veterans and salty warriors of great experience but limited literary skills. Steve Wills is that very rare exception with years of command at sea but also a doctorate who writes clear and elegant prose. He has produced a compelling account of how and why good strategy won the Cold War, and bad strategy lost three successive wars in the mid-East. It is a must-read." —John Lehman, former Secretary of the Navy, author of Oceans Ventured and Winning the Cold War at Sea

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Book SynopsisIn November 1960, bolstered by anti-Communist ideologies, John F. Kennedy was elected president of the United States. Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev brandished nuclear diplomacy in an attempt to force the United States to abandon Berlin, setting the stage for a major nuclear confrontation over the fate of West Berlin. From Berkeley to Berlin explores how the United States had the wherewithal to stand up to Khrushchev's attempts to expand Soviet influence around the globe. The story begins when a South Dakotan, Ernest Lawrence, the grandson of Norwegian immigrants, created a laboratory on the Berkeley campus of the University of California. The "Rad Lab" attracted some of the finest talent in America to pursue careers in nuclear physics. When it was discovered that Nazi Germany had the means to build an atomic bomb, Lawrence threw all his energy into waking up the American government to act. Ten years later, when Joseph Stalin's Soviet Union became a nuclear power, Lawrence drove his students to take on the challenge to deter a Communist despot's military ambitions. Their journey was not easy: they had to overcome ridicule over three successive failures, which led to calls to see them, and their laboratory, shut down. At the Nobska Conference in 1956, the Rad Lab physicists took up the daunting challenge to provide the Navy with a warhead for Polaris. The success of the Polaris missile, which could be carried by submarines, was a critical step in establishing nuclear deterrent capability and helped Kennedy stare down Khrushchev during the Berlin Crisis of 1961. Six months after the height of the Berlin Crisis, Kennedy thought about how close the country had come to destruction, and he flew out to Berkeley to meet and thank a small group of Rad Lab physicists for helping the country avert a nuclear war.

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Book SynopsisArming East Asia: Deterring China in the Early Cold War examines President Eisenhower’s mutual security program in East Asia and explains how that administration worked to contain China. This historical chronicle offers insights and perspectives regarding how to address Sino-American tensions and maintain a free and open Asia-Pacific. Eric Setzekorn argues that President Eisenhower expanded and solidified the U.S. presence in East Asia through use of military aid and military advisory efforts in sharp contrast to the use of U.S. military forces by Presidents Truman, Kennedy and Johnson. In South Korea, Taiwan, Japan, and Southeast Asia (particularly in Thailand and South Vietnam), the United States spent billions of dollars and significant time developing local military forces. By the end of Eisenhower’s two terms, a force of over 1.4 million Allied soldiers in East Asia had been trained, equipped, and often paid through American military assistance. Eisenhower’s mutual security policies were vital in building local allies, and by the end of the 1950s, East Asia was beginning a long period of growth that would make it the economic heart of the world within fifty years. American policies that created close ties and involvement in the affairs of allied nations also constrained allies, such as Chiang Kai-shek in Taiwan, and Syngman Rhee in South Korea, who often sought to take direct action against the PRC. The heavy role of American military advisors and experts “on the ground” in East Asia also profoundly shaped the character of these nations, all of which were emerging from war, by putting massive resources into the government administration and military forces of newly formed states. With an assertive China using its growing political and military power throughout East Asia, contemporary U.S. security challenges are similar to the situation faced in that earlier contentious era. Eisenhower’s policies from 1953 to 1961 clearly demonstrate an awareness of the possibilities for military, economic and political growth in East Asia, and the challenges of deterring Chinese (PRC) expansion during the early Cold War. The views expressed in this publication are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the Department of Defense or the U.S. government.Trade ReviewThis important book describes Eisenhower’s defense policies during his two presidential terms, especially his efforts in East Asia, focused on strengthening indigenous militaries rather than stationing U.S. troops in the region. This well-researched, carefully argued book is recommended to readers interested in U.S. national security problems and policies."—Bernard D. Cole is a retired Navy captain and Professor Emeritus of the National War College “Today’s policymakers should read Arming East Asia and apply its lessons to the problem of deterring China during this century. Eric Setzekorn’s deeply researched study of Eisenhower’s approach to building allies and their military power explains the enduring relevance of cost-efficient and sustainable deterrence strategies."—Robert Haddick, author of Fire on the Water, Second Edition: China, America, and the Future of the Pacific; Visiting Senior Fellow, Mitchell Institute for Aerospace Studies “Eric Setzekorn's Arming East Asia addresses a major gap in the history of the U.S. military in the Cold War and specifically advisory missions in the Far East. Although some studies have covered American advisors in South Korea and South Vietnam, none have the comprehensive reach of this book."—David Hogan, U.S. Army Center of Military History

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Book SynopsisRise of the Mavericks traces the beginnings and subsequent development of the U.S. Air Force Security Service. Established in 1948 as part of the emerging U.S. national security apparatus, this communications intelligence organization was meant to place the fledgling U.S. Air Force on a competitive footing with its Army and Navy counterparts.  As World War II ended and the Cold War began, Air Force leaders understood that an effective cryptologic capability would be crucial for maintaining and enhancing the Air Force as a strategic and decisive component of America’s national defense. Successfully deploying air-atomic strategy in the event of a future war would require reliable information on the capabilities, intentions—and potential targets—of an opposing force, in particular the Soviet Union. Communications intelligence would be a critical source of this information, and Air Force leaders were adamant that their service not remain dependent on other service structures for this capability. The Air Force Security Service rose to the occasion, quickly establishing itself as one of the preeminent communications intelligence agencies in the United States. Rise of the Mavericks fills the gap in the military and intelligence history literature and further complicates the literature surrounding the history of the NSA, which too often ignores or hastily addresses the contributions and role of the service COMINT agencies during the early Cold War period. The book explains how Air Force Security Service personnel were viewed as mavericks by other U.S. military and government organizations. The airmen lived up to this characterization by creating and developing an independent communications intelligence capability while persistently resisting the controlling efforts of the Armed Forces Security Agency and the National Security Agency. Trade ReviewPhilip Shackelford has crafted an insightful analysis of the U.S. Air Force Security Service. Rigorously researched and cogently argued, Rise of the Mavericks represents a vital contribution to the scholarship on the U.S. Air Force’s formative years and the role that its organic intelligence branch played in constructing U.S. Cold War national security."—Sebastian Lukasik, Associate Professor, Air Command and Staff College"Rise of the Mavericks is an extraordinarily well-researched book, and a pleasure to read. Shackelford helps to fill a glaring hole in our understanding of the history of Cold War signals intelligence. A must-read for all audiences interested in this fascinating subject."—>Dr. Vince Houghton, Intelligence historian and author of The Nuclear Spies: America's Atomic Intelligence Operation against Hitler and Stalin"Rise of the Mavericks is a thorough and overdue study on the U.S. Air Force Security Service (USAFSS), a secretive organization that performed important collection and analysis of communications intelligence after World War II. Shackleford not only fills an important gap in understanding the development of the U.S. national security state but also succeeds in humanizing the story of the transition the U.S. government made as it moved from the Second World War to the Cold War."—Dr. Sara Castro, Assistant Professor, Department of History, U.S. Air Force Academy and President, North American Society for Intelligence History

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Book SynopsisThis volume showcases new research on the global reach of Latin American revolutionary movements during the height of the Cold War, mapping out the region's little-known connections with Africa, Asia, and Europe. Toward a Global History of Latin America's Revolutionary Left offers insights into the effect of international collaboration on the identities, ideologies, strategies, and survival of organizers and groups.Featuring contributions from historians working in six different countries, this collection includes chapters on Cuba's hosting of the 1966 Tricontinental Conference that brought revolutionary movements together; Czechoslovakian intelligence's logistical support for revolutionaries; the Brazilian Left's search for recognition in Cuba and China; the central role played by European publishing houses in disseminating news from Latin America; Italian support for Brazilian guerrillainsurgents; Spanish ties with Nicaragua's revolution; and the solidarity of European networks with Guatemala's Guerrilla Army of the Poor.Through its expansive geographical perspectives, this volume positions Latin America as a significant force on the international stage of the 1960s and 70s. It sets a new research agenda that will guide future study on leftist movements, transnational networks, and Cold War history in the region.Table of Contents List of Illustrations List of Abbreviations Introduction: Globalizing Latin America's Revolutionary Left; Historiography, Approaches, and Context Tanya Harmer and Alberto Martín Álvarez Part I. Latin America's Revolutionary Left in the Age of the Tricontinental 1. Czechoslovakia and Latin America's Guerrilla Insurgencies: Secret Services, Training Networks, Mobility, and Transportation Michal Zourek 2. Revolutionary Diplomacy and the Third World: Historicizing the Tricontinental Conference from the Cuban Ministry of Foreign Affairs Blanca Mar León 3. The Brazilian Far Left, Cuba, and the Sino-Soviet Split, 1963: New International Evidence on a Discordant "Struggle for Ascendancy" James G. Hershberg Part II. Latin America's Revolutionary Left and Europe 4. The Italian Communist Party between "Old Comrades in Arms" and the Challenges of the New Armed Left Gerardo Leibner 5. The Influence of Latin America's Revolutionary Left in Europe: The Role of Left-Wing Editors Eduardo Rey Tristán 6. Solidarity and Diplomatic Work of the Guatemalan Revolutionary Movement in Europe: The Case of the Ejército Guerrillero de los Pobres (Guerrilla Army of the Poor) Arturo Taracena Arriola 7. Spanish Internationalists in the Sandinista Revolution: An Approach to the Ambrosio Mogorrón Committee (1986–1990) José Manuel Ágreda Portero Afterword: The Americas, North and South Van Gosse List of Contributors Index

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Book SynopsisCarew presents a lively and clear account of what has largely been an unknown dimension of the Cold War. In impressive detail, Carew maps the international programs of the American Federation of Labour–Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL–CIO) during the Cold War and its relations with labour organizations abroad, in addition to providing a summary of the labour situation of a dozen or more countries including Finland, France, Italy, Germany, Japan, Greece, and India. American Labour’s Cold War Abroad reveals how the Cold War compelled trade unionists to reflect on the role of unions in a free society. Yet there was to be no meeting of minds on this, and at the end of the 1960s the AFL–CIO broke with the mainstream of the international labour movement to pursue its own crusade against communism.

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Book SynopsisSober, accurate and all the more thrilling for it. The best thing on Blake that we are likely to get for a very long time.' JOHN LE CARRÉ On 3 May 1961, after a trial conducted largely in secret, a man named George Blake was sentenced to an unprecedented forty-two years in jail. At the time few details of his crimes were made known. By his own confession he was a Soviet spy, and rumours later circulated that his actions had endangered British agents, but the reasons for such a severe punishment were never revealed. To the public, Blake was simply the greatest traitor of the Cold War. Yet, as Roger Hermiston reveals in this thrilling new biography, his story touches not only the depths of treachery but also the heights of heroism. Drawing on hitherto unpublished records from his trial, new revelations about his dramatic jailbreak from Wormwood Scrubs, and original interviews with former spies, friends and the man himself, The Greatest Traitor sheds new light on this most complex of characters and presents a fascinating shadow history of the Cold War.Trade Review‘A gripping portrait of one of the Cold War’s most devastating double agents. A real page-turner.’'One of the most argued-over spy stories of the 20th century is brought thrillingly to life by Roger Hermiston, who avoids the trap of painting his anti-hero only in black and white. Blake was a traitor but also a diligent soldier; he received a 42-year sentence in a trial whose evidence could not be reported. His escape from prison - in a way that would be farcical in any other context - created a kind of legend. At every turn the gripping writing reminds you of a world of spies and betrayal that was so much a part of life in post-war Europe. It makes for a brilliant read: Roger is a brilliant researcher and writer of this painful, colourful chapter in our history; and writes in a way so objective and unslanted that the reader is challenged to decide what to make of his subject. Superb from start to finish.'‘Eastern Europe was riddled with spies throughout the 1950s, but no one on either side amassed such a wealth of information to pass on to the KGB as the double agent, Blake. For decades, Blake had run rings round Britain’s Secret Intelligence Service. How did he get away with it; and for so long? The Greatest Traitor and Britain’s mostly closely guarded criminal very nearly had to serve the longest prison sentence (42 years) ever awarded. George Blake’s audacious plan to escape to freedom behind the Iron Curtain by scaling the walls of Wormwood Scrubs came within an ace of discovery. His escape from Wormwood Scrubs in 1966 is thrillingly related by Roger Hermiston.'‘ A gripping portrait of one of the Cold War’ s most devastating double agents. A real page-turner.’ ‘ Eastern Europe was riddled with spies throughout the 1950s, but no one on either side amassed such a wealth of information to pass on to the KGB as the double agent, Blake. For decades, Blake had run rings round Britain’ s Secret Intelligence Service. How did he get away with it; and for so long? The Greatest Traitor and Britain’ s mostly closely guarded criminal very nearly had to serve the longest prison sentence (42 years) ever awarded. George Blake’ s audacious plan to escape to freedom behind the Iron Curtain by scaling the walls of Wormwood Scrubs came within an ace of discovery. His escape from Wormwood Scrubs in 1966 is thrillingly related by Roger Hermiston.' 'An enjoyable romp through the life of George Blake, MI6’ s deadliest traitor. Roger Hermiston has produced an enjoyable account of the life and works of a creepily amoral man who still betrays an astonishing ability to duck the consequences of his crimes.’ ‘ Hats off to Roger Hermiston for bringing to life the exploits of this Second World War resistance fighter turned Soviet agent. Hermiston spins a yarn of high adventure, of a life ennobled by wartime valour only to be laid low by the twisted belief in the means justifying the end, even if this meant betrayal of one’ s own country.’ ‘ The story of Blake’ s arrest, confession, sentencing, imprisonment and escape suggests that Roger Hermiston should be writing spy novels. It is gripping in its detail. Even more appealing is Hermiston’ s reluctance to sit in judgement on Blake. As he points out, Blake was not brought up in this country and genuinely saw parallels between his own religious beliefs and Communism. As Blake himself pointed out: “ The real spies are those who are not paid and do it for conviction” .’ 'Hermiston’ s account is unlikely to be bettered... He makes good use of hitherto undisclosed material and seeks not only to describe but to understand, surely the biographical holy grail.' ‘ Hermiston’ s book tells Blake’ s backstory in fascinating detail.’ 'One of the most argued-over spy stories of the 20th century is brought thrillingly to life by Roger Hermiston, who avoids the trap of painting his anti-hero only in black and white. Blake was a traitor but also a diligent soldier; he received a 42-year sentence in a trial whose evidence could not be reported. His escape from prison - in a way that would be farcical in any other context - created a kind of legend. At every turn the gripping writing reminds you of a world of spies and betrayal that was so much a part of life in post-war Europe. It makes for a brilliant read: Roger is a brilliant researcher and writer of this painful, colourful chapter in our history; and writes in a way so objective and unslanted that the reader is challenged to decide what to make of his subject. Superb from start to finish.' 'The bones of Blake’ s story are well known. Hermiston’ s account, however, adds well-researched details which bring it to life. The result is a book as riveting and tightly written as a John le Carré novel.' 'An excellent book that reads more like a spy thriller than a biography' ***** ‘ Hermiston offers a fascinating account of a life in which communism was the only constant. The jailbreak episode is a masterpiece of narrative tension.’ 'Thrillingly described'

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Book Synopsis The greatest threat to the Western alliance in the 1960s did not come from an enemy, but from an ally. France, led by its mercurial leader General Charles de Gaulle, launched a global and comprehensive challenge to the United State’s leadership of the Free World, tackling not only the political but also the military, economic, and monetary spheres. Successive American administrations fretted about de Gaulle, whom they viewed as an irresponsible nationalist at best and a threat to their presence in Europe at worst. Based on extensive international research, this book is an original analysis of France’s ambitious grand strategy during the 1960s and why it eventually failed. De Gaulle’s failed attempt to overcome the Cold War order reveals important insights about why the bipolar international system was able to survive for so long, and why the General’s legacy remains significant to current French foreign policy.Trade Review “…a well-written, vibrant presentation of how world events interacted with and impacted de Gaulle's grand design, creating a comprehensive understanding of the general in the Cold War. Highly recommended.” · Choice “While there is a lot of information for readers to take in, the subject is inherently complex, spanning different aspects of French foreign policy and the politics of other countries and institutions. In spite of this complexity, Martin displays a good grasp of the material.” · H-France Review “In the end, de Gaulle’s overall aim was to restore France’s status as a great power; but that ship had long sailed; probably as long ago as the 1920s. It was a valiant effort that Martin has documented well in a very readable book—but ultimately one that was doomed to failure.” · Journal of Contemporary European Studies “[The book] is extremely well researched, well written, and Martin accomplishes his stated objective: namely, to provide a more balanced account of de Gaulle that goes beyond views of him as either a visionary, or an irresponsible and anti-American nationalist…Martin’s analysis makes a unique contribution in that it examines the linkages between the General's economic, political and security policy in order to understand how the three came together to shape his overall policy toward the US.” · Erin Mahan, Chief Historian, Office of the Secretary of Defense “This is a very detailed, carefully argued and extensively researched study of de Gaulle’s ambition to restore France’s position as a global power during the last half of his presidency under the Fifth Republic by challenging the US claim to leadership of the Western, trans-Atlantic alliance during the Cold War.” · John Kim Munholland, University of Minnesota “Drawing on very impressive research in document collections and memoirs from France, Great Britain, and the United States, Martin narrates the development, implementation, and rapid decline of de Gaulle’s efforts to assert a new French role in the Cold War… In contrast to the English and French-language scholarship that treats de Gaulle as a strategic hero or an impetuous villain, this book re-examines this seminal figure as a Cold War politician. This is a compelling and very valuable portrait.” · Jeremi Suri, University of Texas at AustinTable of Contents List of Abbreviations Acknowledgements Introduction Part I: The Quest for Great Power Status, 1963-1965 Chapter 1. All (not so) Quiet on the Western Front Chapter 2. The Long Road to Moscow Chapter 3. A “Shining Light” for the World? Part II: The Rise and Fall of the Gaullist Design, 1966-1968 Chapter 4. 1966, Gaullist Zenith Chapter 5. Illusion of Independence Part 1, January-June 1967 Chapter 6. Illusion of Independence Part 2, July-December 1967 Chapter 7. The Fall, January-August 1968 Conclusion Bibliography Annexes Endnotes

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Book Synopsis Abandoning the usual Cold War–oriented narrative of postwar European protest and opposition movements, this volume offers an innovative, interdisciplinary, and comprehensive perspective on two decades of protest and social upheaval in postwar Europe. It examines the mutual influences and interactions among dissenters in Western Europe, the Warsaw Pact countries, and the nonaligned European countries, and shows how ideological and political developments in the East and West were interconnected through official state or party channels as well as a variety of private and clandestine contacts. Focusing on issues arising from the cross-cultural transfer of ideas, the adjustments to institutional and political frameworks, and the role of the media in staging protest, the volume examines the romanticized attitude of Western activists to violent liberation movements in the Third World and the idolization of imprisoned RAF members as martyrs among left-wing circles across Western Europe.Trade Review “The well-footnoted chapters are based on extensive research. There is an extensive bibliography and a 25-page chronology of events in 1968.” · Choice “This collection of thought-provoking essays on the protest movements in Europe in the 1960s and 1970s—from Britain, Germany, France and the Nordic countries in the west to Romania, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia in the east—shows the advantages of a multidisciplinary, transnational approach to the study of mass protest. At the end of the book is a handy chronology of important events and a comprehensive bibliography. The well-referenced Introduction provides useful background information on the political atmosphere in both Western and Eastern Europe in the period.” · European Legacy “This volume offers many new insights into the complex history of 1968 on both sides of the Iron Curtain, bringing awareness to developments in smaller countries such as Yugoslavia, Denmark, and Norway that are usually omitted in existing literature. These essays should assist scholars studying Europe in the postwar period to transcend reductionist national narratives. The seventh volume of the Protest, Culture, and Society series is another welcome contribution to a much-needed and more comprehensive view of historical and cultural change in Europe around the mystical year of 1968.” · Journal of Cold War Studies “A wonderful work of collaborative and comparative history, truly international in scope. The authors teach at universities in nine different European nations, plus the United States and Japan. (…) The book will be of immense value to a wide range of specialists and can also be profitably read by anyone who lived through and wants to understand better the excitement, pain, trauma, and occasional triumphs of 1968, looking backward to 1960 and ahead to 1980 to place that extraordinary year in perspective.“ · David L. Schalk, William R. Kenan, Jr. Professor of History, Emeritus Vassar College “This volume is a very good contribution to historical studies, and for the study of transnational protest movements. Its strength derives from the variety of cases presented and from its focus on sub- or nonstate actors in a good selection of European countries.” · Memory Studies “…[uses] a wide range of disciplines, including linguistic analysis of the transmission of protest language… The vast array of different approaches is at times dizzying, but contributes to a remarkable survey of the social reality of the period. These [essays] also confront one of the more unpleasant aspects of the movements of the era – their relationship to armed struggle… The scholars included here confront this history in all its messy and sometimes unpleasant detail. The result is a bold reappraisal of the sometimes naïve, sometimes dangerous, but always courageous confrontation of one generation with the world it was meant to inherit.” · Comparativ. Leipziger Beiträge zur Universalgeschichte “Too often the protests of the 1960s are narrowly confined to the events of one year – 1968 – or to the same familiar set of countries. This welcome book offers broader vistas that includes European countries, big and small, from both sides of the Iron Curtain. In doing so, the authors allow us to transcend worn national narratives and reflect more broadly on how a whole continent was changed by the promise of global change and revolution. This book is thus an important addition for anyone seriously studying Europe in the postwar period.” ·James C. Kennedy, Author of Building New Babylon: The Netherlands in the 1960s, Professor of Dutch History since the Middle Ages, University of AmsterdamTable of Contents List of Figures Introduction Martin Klimke, Jacco Pekelder and Joachim Scharloth PART I: POLITICS BETWEEN EAST AND WEST Chapter 1. ‘Out of Apathy’: Genealogies and Meanings of the British ‘New Left’ in a Transnational Context, 1956-1962 Holger Nehring Chapter 2. Early Voices of Dissent: Czechoslovakian Student Opposition at the Beginning of the 1960s Zdenek Nebrensky Chapter 3. National Ways to Socialism? - The Left and the Nation in Denmark and Sweden Thomas Jorgensen Chapter 4. The Parti communiste français in May 1968: The Impossible Revolution? Maud Bracke Chapter 5. 1968 in Yugoslavia – Student Revolt between East and West Boris Kanzleiter PART II: PROTEST WITHOUT BORDERS: RECONTEXTUALIZATION OF PROTEST CULTURES Chapter 6. “Johnson War Criminal!” - The Vietnam Movements in the Netherlands Rimko van der Maar Chapter 7. Shifting Boundaries: Transnational Identification and Disassociation in Protest Language Andreas Rothenhöfer Chapter 8. A Tale of Two Communes: The Private and the Political in late 1960s Berlin Timothy Brown Chapter 9. “Indiani Metropolitani” and “Stadtindianer”: Representing Autonomy in Italy and West-Germany Sebastian Hauman PART III: THE MEDIA-STAGING OF PROTEST Chapter 10. Mediatisation of Provo: From a Local Movement to a European Phenomenon Niek Pas Chapter 11. The Revolution Will Be Televised: The Global 1968 Revolts on Norwegian Television News Rolf Werenskjold Chapter 12. Performing Disapproval towards the Soviets: Nicolae Ceausescu’s Speech on 21 August 1968 in Romanian Media Corina Petrescu PART IV: DISCOURSES OF LIBERATION AND VIOLENCE Chapter 13. Guerrillas and Grassroots - Danish Solidarity with the 3rd World, 1960-79 Karen Steller Bjerregaard Chapter 14. Sympathizing Subcultures?: The Milieus of West German Terrorism Sebastian Gehrig Chapter 15. The RAF Solidarity Movement from a European Perspective Jacco Pekelder PART V: EPILOGUE Chapter 16. The European 1960/70s and the World: The Case of Régis Debray Ingrid Gilcher-Holtey PART VI: CHRONOLOGY: THE EUROPEAN 1968 Rolf Werenskjold Select Bibliography

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Book Synopsis The Allied agreement after the Second World War did not only partition Germany, it divided the nation along the fault-lines of a new bipolar world order. This inner border made Germany a unique place to experience the Cold War, and the “German question” in this post-1945 variant remained inextricably entwined with the vicissitudes of the Cold War until its end. This volume explores how social and cultural practices in both German states between 1949 and 1989 were shaped by the existence of this inner border, putting them on opposing sides of the ideological divide between the Western and Eastern blocs, as well as stabilizing relations between them. This volume’s interdisciplinary approach addresses important intersections between history, politics, and culture, offering an important new appraisal of the German experiences of the Cold War.Trade Review “[A] timely and important contribution to the current scholarship on the Cold War and the critical reassessment of Cold War history within an interdisciplinary, comparative, and transnational framework…The editors are to be commended for promoting a comparative perspective in the individual essays themselves and through the thoughtful selection of topics from East and West German perspectives.” · Sabine Hake, University of Texas, AustinTable of Contents Acknowledgements List of Abbreviations Introduction Tobias Hochscherf, Christoph Laucht and Andrew Plowman Chapter 1. Divided, but not Disconnected: Germany as a Border Region of the Cold War Thomas Lindenberger Chapter 2. Fighting the First World War in the Cold War: East and West German Historiography on the Origins of the First World War, 1949-61 Matthew Stibbe Chapter 3. Divided Memory of the Holocaust during the Cold War Bill Niven Chapter 4. Commemorating Luther: Contested Memories and the Cold War Jon Berndt Olsen Chapter 5. The Third World Origins of the Consensual Turn: West German Labor Internationalism and the Cold War Quinn Slobodian Chapter 6. The German Question and Polish-East German Relations, 1945-1962 Sheldon Anderson Chapter 7. From Bulwark of Peace to Cosmopolitan Cocktails: Marketing West Berlin as a Cold War Showcase from the 1960s to the 1970s Michelle A. Standley Chapter 8. Projections of History: East German Film-Makers and the Berlin Wall Séan Allan Chapter 9. Defending the Border? Satirical Treatments of the Bundeswehr after the 1960s Andrew Plowman Chapter 10. East versus West: Olympic Sport as a German Cold War Phenomenon Christopher Young Chapter 11. Glimpses through the Iron Curtain: German Feature Film Import into the G.D.R. Rosemary Stott Chapter 12. Visual Representation, the Male Hero, and the Transfer of Images in the Cold War Inge Marszolek Chapter 13. Re-enacting the First Battle of the Cold War: Post-Wall German Television Confronts the Berlin Airlift in Die Luftbrücke – Nur der Himmel war frei Tobias Hochscherf and Christoph Laucht Chapter 14. Unusual Censor Readings: G.D.R. Science Fiction and the Ministry of Culture Patrick Major Chapter 15. Funerals in Berlin: The Geopolitical and Cultural Spaces of the Cold War James Chapman Select Bibliography Notes on Contributors Index

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Book Synopsis The long path to the Berlin Wall began in 1945, when Josef Stalin instructed the Communist Party to take power in the Soviet occupation zone while the three Western allies secured their areas of influence. When Germany was split into separate states in 1949, Berlin remained divided into four sectors, with West Berlin surrounded by the GDR but lingering as a captivating showcase for Western values and goods. Following a failed Soviet attempt to expel the allies from West Berlin with a blockade in 1948–49, a second crisis ensued from 1958–61, during which the Soviet Union demanded once and for all the withdrawal of the Western powers and the transition of West Berlin to a “Free City.” Ultimately Nikita Khrushchev decided to close the border in hopes of halting the overwhelming exodus of East Germans into the West. Tracing this path from a German perspective, Manfred Wilke draws on recently published conversations between Khrushchev and Walter Ulbricht, head of the East German state, in order to reconstruct the coordination process between these two leaders and the events that led to building the Berlin Wall.Trade Review “...constitutes a superlative model of combining biography with the study of nationalism. The latter constitutes the most novel contribution of this well-researched, straightforward historical depiction of Kohl’s ideology and its impact upon the continuing development of German national identity... Recommended” · ChoiceTable of Contents Foreword List of Abbreviations Map of Germany, 1949–89 Map of Berlin, 1949–89 Introduction PART I: THE POLARIZATION OF POSTWAR EUROPE Chapter 1. The Allied War Conferences and Europe’s Postwar Order The United States of America and the Anti-Hitler Coalition’s Goals for Peace: The Atlantic Charter of 1941 The Soviet Precedent in 1944 Poland and Churchill’s Warning about the Iron Curtain in 1945 Yalta: Controlling Germany without Dismembering It Germany’s Forced Reorientation Liberation and Occupation Rule The Question of Guilt Emerging from Catastrophe: Konrad Adenauer, Kurt Schumacher, and Walter Ulbricht Potsdam 1945 Chapter 2. New Borders for Germany Poland’s Borders and the Separation of Austria and the Eastern Provinces The Demarcation Lines of the Occupation Zones Reparations Borders Berlin: The Four-Sector City Interzonal Trade: An Economic Safety Pin Holding Together the Divided Country The Interzonal Pass: First Efforts to Control Travel to and from the East The Inter-German Emigration Movement, 1945–1989/90 Chapter 3. Two German States Conflicts over the German Party System and the Democratic Elections of 1946 The Establishment of Communist Party Rule in the Soviet Zone Moscow Plans, 1944 The Soviet Military Administration and the Establishment of a Communist Party Dictatorship The German Economic Commission: Preparations to Found the New State The “Party of Power”: Party Cleansing and the Stalinization of the SED The Founding of the GDR The Federal Republic of Germany: The West German State Preliminary Decisions at the Conference of Foreign Ministers, Paris, 1946 The Bizone: A Decision to Rebuild Germany Fundamental Decisions for the West German State Currency Reform and the Social Market Economy A Constituent Assembly for West Germany The Marshall Plan The European Coal and Steel Community The Founding of the Federal Republic and the German Basic Law Chapter 4. Western Integration and the Establishment of Socialism: Competing Systems in a Divided Germany The Federal Republic: Western Integration and the Reclamation of German Sovereignty The Federal Republic’s Alignment to the West and Stalin’s Peace Note of 1952 The GDR in 1952: “Building the Foundations of Socialism” Cementing the Zonal Border and Sealing Off West Berlin from Its Surrounding Area Building Socialism in the GDR and Relations to the Federal Republic Chapter 6. The End of the Postwar Period: The Geneva Summit and the Transition to “Peaceful Coexistence” in Germany The Geneva Summit of 1955 The Beginning of Diplomatic Relations between the Federal Republic and the Soviet Union, and the “Hallstein Doctrine” Peaceful Coexistence in a Divided Germany: The Two-State Doctrine, Plans for a Confederation, and the Rapacki Plan Sputnik and the End of America’s “Massive Retaliation” Strategy Nuclear Missiles for the Bundeswehr? The Founding of the European Economic Community PART II: THE FIGHT FOR BERLIN Chapter 6. The First Berlin Crisis, 1948–49 Berlin’s Historical Significance for the Division of Germany Pivotal Conflicts over Berlin’s Political Order after the End of the War Berlin as a Soviet Lever to Shift the Zones of Influence in Germany The Conflict over Berlin’s Currency Reform, the Blockade, and the Airlift The Division of the City The Ring around Berlin: A New Border Crisis Management as Super-Power Diplomacy Chapter 7. Stalin’s Death and the First Existential Crisis of the GDR: 17 June 1953 A “New Course” for the SED The SED State’s Crisis of Legitimacy: 17 June 1953 The Soviet Union Guarantees the Existence of the SED State Western Initiatives toward New Negotiations on Germany Recognition and Stabilization of the GDR Chapter 8. A Prelude to the Second Berlin Crisis: The SED Party Congress The Fifth Party Congress of the SED, 1958 The Question of a Peace Treaty with Germany Khrushchev Demands a Peace Agreement and a Solution to the “Westberlin Problem” SED Propaganda and the West Berlin Elections of 1958 Chapter 9. The Soviet Union’s 1958 Berlin Ultimatum A Bolt of Lightning: Khrushchev’s Speech on 10 November 1958 Khrushchev’s Motives The Berlin Ultimatum Multiple Reactions from the West Chapter 10. Negotiations over a Peace Treaty and the “Free City of Westberlin” Moscow Drafts Ulbricht’s Plans: Full Sovereignty and a Solution to the “Westberlin Problem” The Transfer of Soviet Rights in Berlin to the Government of the GDR The “Free City of Westberlin”: The Statute by the SED The Geneva Conference of Foreign Ministers, 1959 Chapter 11. The Second Berlin Crisis and a Shift in the Cold War The International Character of the Second Berlin Crisis The Soviet–Chinese Schism and the Position of the SED Khrushchev’s Trip to the United States in 1959 The Summit that Khrushchev Cut Short: Paris 1960 Chapter 12. Crisis in the GDR, Changes to the Border Regime, and Interzonal Trade A Supply Crisis and the Exodus Movement from the GDR Border Controls and Special Permits to Enter East Berlin The Conflict over Interzonal Trade Negotiations on Interzonal Trade Chapter 13. Ulbricht: Resolve the “Westberlin Question” Now! The Status Quo in Berlin before Khrushchev’s Summit with President Kennedy Ulbricht Pushes for a Solution to the “Westberlin Question,” 1961 Khrushchev’s Timeframe in March 1961 Chapter 14. The Vienna Summit, 1961: The Second Soviet Ultimatum Moscow’s Expectations before the Summit Kennedy: Balancing Détente and an Assertion of the Western Positions Confrontation at the Summit: Khrushchev’s “Vienna Ultimatum” The Outcome: A Policy of Force The SED’s Reaction to Khrushchev’s “Vienna Ultimatum” Chapter 15. The Decision to Close the Sector Border in Berlin “No One Has the Intention of Building a Wall” Ulbricht Demands Closing the Sector Border in Berlin Secrecy and Conspiratorial Communication Kennedy’s Three Essentials and Khrushchev’s Response Chapter 16. The Construction of the Berlin Wall, 1961: Germany’s Division Gains a Symbol “They Will Feel Your Power!”: Khrushchev and Ulbricht on the Wall’s Construction West Germany Is Superior: The GDR’s Economic Crisis Legitimizing the Border Closure through the Warsaw Pact The Operation to Close the Border: Planning and Troop Deployment 13 August 1961: The Division of Berlin The SED Mobilizes its Party against “Desertion of the Republic” The Decision by the Council of Ministers on 12 August Barbed Wire through Berlin Regulations at the Border The Border Regime: The Wall and the Command to Shoot PART III: THE END OF THE SECOND BERLIN CRISIS Chapter 17. Negotiations, but No War! 13 August and the Berlin Crisis: Berlin–Bonn–Washington Khrushchev and the German Question after the Construction of the Wall Conflicting Positions among the Western Powers, and Kennedy’s Decision to Negotiate Chapter 18. A Wall in Berlin but No Peace Treaty with the GDR The Retraction of Khrushchev’s Ultimatum Military Exercises for an Unwanted War over Berlin Ulbricht Demands a Peace Treaty The Confrontation of Tanks at Checkpoint Charlie in October 1961 Khrushchev Approves Strengthening the Border Exploratory Discussions on a Berlin Settlement Khrushchev’s Change of Course: Negotiations, but No Agreement Chapter 19. Repercussions for Germany and a Shift in Trouble Spots Ulbricht and the New Situation Adenauer’s Conflict with Kennedy over the Transit Routes to West Berlin Germany Policy, or the Importance of Holding On From the Berlin Crisis to the Cuban Missile Crisis Conclusion: Who Was Responsible for the Berlin Wall? Bibliography List of Persons About the Author

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Book Synopsis Exploring the visions of the end of the Cold War that have been put forth since its inception until its actual ending, this volume brings to the fore the reflections, programmes, and strategies that were intended to call into question the bipolar system and replace it with alternative approaches or concepts. These visions were associated not only with prominent individuals, organized groups and civil societies, but were also connected to specific historical processes or events. They ranged from actual, thoroughly conceived programmes, to more blurred, utopian aspirations — or simply the belief that the Cold War had already, in effect, come to an end. Such visions reveal much about the contexts in which they were developed and shed light on crucial moments and phases of the Cold War.Trade Review “[This] superb collection…[is] a unique and valuable contribution to the voluminous literature on the Cold War… Essential.” · Choice “This is an excellent collection of twenty-one essays divided into seven sections on perceptions of how the Cold War would end in Europe. Though the essays were presented at a conference previously held at the Sorbonne, the superb editing and organization make this compendium far more than a collection of proceedings… a welcome addition to the literature on the Cold War. Its content speaks for itself. Students and scholars alike should find it useful, and it should be mandatory reading in courses dealing with the Cold War.” · The European Legacy “ [This volume] is a fascinating book which crosses the boundaries of diplomatic and intellectual history in provocative and thoughtful ways...The individual chapters are all exemplary studies in the history of ideas and the book is a thoroughly enjoyable, eye-opening read..." · Contemporary European History “This edited collection does an excellent job of overcoming [an] historiographical lacuna. What is initially striking is just how comprehensive ...[and] just how pioneering and impressive a collection this is…[marked] by the masterly scholarship, outstanding multi-archival research and accessible chapters that serve to make up this edited book [that] deserves to sit on the bookshelves of academics and students alike” · European History Quarterly “These essays give some interesting insight into the minds of their subjects but more importantly achieve the book’s objective of understanding more of the essence of the Cold War and its driving forces… Unlike many such volumes, this book is not merely a collection of different ideas held together loosely by a theme, but a carefully selected group of arguments structured using a combined chronological and thematic approach.” · European Review of History—Revue européenne d’histoire “This collection succeeds in adding a new aspect to the numerous analyses of the end of the Cold War…This excellent volume brings together, for the first time, a rich and multi-layered panorama of ideas of an alternative world order.” · H-Net “The book’s value lies in its multinational and archive-based perspective on individuals and groups who offered ideas on how to end the Cold War. Readers thus receive a panoramic view of the conflict. The book also points the way for future research on the “visions” of other countries, individuals, and institutions not covered here.” · H-France “As this pioneering [volume] clearly and convincingly highlights, perceptions were important, as they influenced foreign policy objectives, international relations and personal chemistry between leaders, strategies for anti-Communist movements and civil society as well as the memory of the Cold War and historical assessments of its leading figures. That the work is able to achieve this through a daunting format that balances 21 separate entries by distinguished scholars in the fields of history, political science and international relations is itself remarkable. The editors must be applauded for organizing the contributions…into a cohesive, chronologically structured work that traces visions of the Cold War from “George Kennan’s Course” to President Ronald Reagan’s American exceptionalism in succinct chapters.” · Reviews & Critical Commentary (Council for European Studies) “This is an excellent collection of articles on an extremely interesting subject. The multinational and multi-archival nature of the selections is very impressive, and it attests to the health and vitality of international relations research in today’s academy. This is the type of book that should be examined by both policymakers and scholars, since it raises so many good and provocative questions about one of the most important events of our time, namely the end of the Cold War.” · Thomas A. Schwartz, Vanderbilt University “This is an outstanding, well integrated volume that is not only excellent as a history of the Cold War, but focuses on an issue hitherto unexplored in the discussions on the Cold War. [It] is a very good read by some outstanding scholars." · Michael Cox, London School of Economics "The editors have brought together an intriguing collection of essays. They explore visions of how the Cold War would end; the twist is that all of these visions were articulated before the actual end. The resulting essays shed light not only on the hopes and nightmares of participants, but also on the nature of the Cold War itself." · Mary Elise Sarotte, University of Southern CaliforniaTable of Contents PART I: CRYSTALLIZING THE COLD WAR Chapter 1. George Kennan's Course, 1947-49: A Gaullist before de Gaulle John L. Harper Chapter 2. The Bilderberg Group and the end of the Cold War: The Disengagement Debates of the 1950s Thomas W. Gijswijt PART II: STALIN'S DEATH AND AFTER: A MISSED OPPORTUNITY? Chapter 3. Moscow's Campaign Against the Cold War, 1945-1955 Geoffrey Roberts Chapter 4. Stalin's Death and Anglo-American Visions of Ending the Cold War, 1953 Jaclyn Stanke Chapter 5. Soviet Intellectuals after Stalin's Death and Their Visions of the Cold War's End Vladislav Zubok PART III: ALTERNATIVE VISIONS OF THE 1960S Chapter 6. Towards a New Concert of Europe: De Gaulle's Vision of a Post-Cold War Europe Garret Martin Chapter 7. Franz Josef Stauß and the End of the Cold War Ronald J. Granieri PART IV: A HELSINKI VISION? Chapter 8. A Very British Vision of Détente: The United Kingdom's Foreign Policy During the Helsinki Process, 1969-1975 Martin D. Brown Chapter 9. The EC Nine's Vision and Attempts At Ending the Cold War Angela Romano PART V: VISIONS AND DISSENT IN THE 1970S Chapter 10. 'The Transformation of the Other Side': Willy Brandt's Ostpolitik and the Liberal Peace Concept Gottfried Niedhart Chapter 11. Neither in One Bloc, Nor in the Other: Berlinguer's Vision of the End of the Cold War Laura Fasanaro Chapter 12. Overcoming Bloc Division from Below: Jiří Hájek and the CSCE Appeal of Charter 77 Christian Domnitz PART VI: VISION OR STATUS QUO IN THE 1970S Chapter 13. Henry Kissinger: Vision or Status Quo? Jussi Hanhimäki Chapter 14. Valéry Giscard d'Estaing and his Vision of the End of the Cold War Georges-Henri Soutou PART VII: EVOLUTIONARY VISIONS AND UNEXPECTED RESULTS IN THE 1980S Chapter 15. Ending the Cold War, Unintentionally Gregory F. Domber Chapter 16. Common Security as a Way to Overcome the (Second) Cold War? Willy Brandt's Strategy for Peace in the 1980s Bernd Rother Chapter 17. Which Socialism after the Cold War? Gorbachev's Vision and its Impact on the French Left Marie-Pierre Rey Chapter 18. Thatcher's Double Track Road to the End of the Cold War: The Irreconcilability of Liberalisation and Preservation Ilaria Poggiolini Chapter 19. Mitterand's Vision and the End of the Cold War Fréderic Bozo Chapter 20. Visions of Ending the Cold War: Triumphalism and US Soviet Policy in the 1980s Beth A. Fischer Chapter 21. The Power of Imagination: How Reagan's SDI Inadvertently Contributed to the End of the Cold War Marilena Gala Bibliography

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Book Synopsis The Cold War was not only about the imperial ambitions of the super powers, their military strategies, and antagonistic ideologies. It was also about conflicting worldviews and their correlates in the daily life of the societies involved. The term “Cold War Culture” is often used in a broad sense to describe media influences, social practices, and symbolic representations as they shape, and are shaped by, international relations. Yet, it remains in question whether — or to what extent — the Cold War Culture model can be applied to European societies, both in the East and the West. While every European country had to adapt to the constraints imposed by the Cold War, individual development was affected by specific conditions as detailed in these chapters. This volume offers an important contribution to the international debate on this issue of the Cold War impact on everyday life by providing a better understanding of its history and legacy in Eastern and Western Europe.Trade Review “Overall, then, this is an important contribution to European Cold War history which will hopefully find its way onto reading lists for courses on post-1945 European history.” · War in History “Cold War Cultures is an ambitious collection of essays by an interdisciplinary group of American and European scholars – including historians, sociologists, and cultural theorists… [that] makes a compelling case for why individual countries in Europe should be included in the historiography of the conflict.” · Canadian-American Slavic Studies “…this is a book for researchers, but I believe those who are interested in European culture from the 1950s to 1980s would appreciate these scholarly pieces as vivid explanations of its background. The editors have done a great job in combining such varied topics into a single volume.” · European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire “The collection is… invaluable in informing English-language readers how Czechs, Romanians, Russians, Swedes, Austrians, Italians, Slovenes, and (more than any other nationality) Germans experienced the travail of a divided continent.” · Journal of Cold War Studies “This is a very interesting edited collection of essays that makes a valuable and indeed a pathbreaking contribution to the study of an important emerging area… [It] offers a very original take on the [existing] literature in that it seeks to broaden the debate to ask questions about European Cold War Cultures, as opposed to the North American ones that have dominated the literature hitherto.” · Mark Pittaway, Open University, UKTable of Contents List of Illustrations European Cold War Culture(s)? An Introduction Annette Vowinckel, Marcus M. Payk, Thomas Lindenberger Part I: Mediating the Cold War: Radio, Film, Television, and Literature Chapter 1. East European Cold War Culture(s)? Alterities, Commonalities, and Reflections Marsha Siefert Chapter 2.“We Started the Cold War”: A Hidden Message behind Stalin’s Attack on Anna Akhmatova Olga Yurievna Voronina Chapter 3. Radio Reform in the 1980s: RIAS and DT-64 Respond to Private Radio Edward Larkey Chapter 4. The Enemy Within. (De-)Dramatizing the Cold War in U.S. and West German Spy TV of the 1960s Marcus M. Payk Chapter 5. Cold War Television: Olga Korbut and the Munich Olympics of 1972 Annette Vowinckel Part II: Constructing Identities: Representations of the “Self” Chapter 6. Catholic Piety in the Early Cold War Years or: How the Virgin Mary Protected the West from Communism Monique Scheer Chapter 7. The Road to Socialism Paved With Good Intentions. Automobile Culture in the Soviet Union, the GDR and Romania During Détente. Luminita Gatejel Chapter 8. Advertising, Emotions, and “Hidden Persuaders”: The Making of Cold-War Consumer Culture in Britain from the 1940s to the 1960s Stefan Schwarzkopf Chapter 9. Survivalism in the Welfare Cocoon: The Culture of Civil Defense in Cold War Sweden Marie Cronqvist Part III: Crossing the Border: Interactions with the “Other” Chapter 10. The Peace and the War Camps. The Dichotomous Cold War Culture in Czechoslovakia: 1948-1960 Roman Krakovsky Chapter 11. Artistic Style, Canonization, and Identity Politics in Cold War Germany, 1947-1960 Joes Segal Chapter 12. What Does Democracy Look Like? (And Why Would Anyone Want to Buy It?): Third World Demands and West German Responses at 1960s World Youth Festivals Quinn Slobodian Chapter 13. Drawing the East-West Border: Narratives of Modernity and Identity in the Julian Region (1947-1954) Sabina Mihelj Part IV: The Legacies of the Cold War: Remembrance and Historiography Chapter 14. A fifties revival? Cold War culture in re-unified Germany Andrew Beattie Chapter 15. The Mikson Case: War Crimes Memory, Estonian Identity. Reconstructions and the Transnational Politics of Justice Valur Ingimundarson Chapter 16. The First Cold War Memorial in Berlin. A Short Inquiry into Europe, the Cold War, and Memory Cultures Petra Henzler Notes on Contributors Bibliography Index

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Book Synopsis During the Cold War, Britain had an astonishing number of contacts and connections with one of the Soviet Bloc’s most hard-line regimes: the German Democratic Republic. The left wing of the British Labour Party and the Trade Unions often had closer ties with communist East Germany than the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB). There were strong connections between the East German and British churches, women’s movements, and peace movements; influential conservative politicians and the Communist leadership in the GDR had working relationships; and lucrative contracts existed between business leaders in Britain and their counterparts in East Germany. Based on their extensive knowledge of the documentary sources, the authors provide the first comprehensive study of Anglo-East German relations in this surprisingly under-researched field. They examine the complex motivations underlying different political groups’ engagement with the GDR, and offer new and interesting insights into British political culture during the Cold War.Trade Review “Readers will especially enjoy the information on individual British academics and journalists, who helped shape the field of East German studies both in the UK and U.S. Individuals such as David Childs, who took part in peace rallies, and Neil Ascherson, who was a foreign correspondent in Germany, stand out.” · German Politics & Society "Berger and LaPorte perform a great service by disentangling the strands of the informal relations between the two countries, as well as clarifying how these connections intersected with official government policies.This book should remain the industry standard on this topic for some time. Berger and LaPorte have based their work on exhaustive research in British and German archives, conducted dozens of interviews, and culled relevant articles from nearly forty periodicals. Furthermore, they have consulted the most recent secondary literature on this subject in both English and German. What is more, the writing is clear and straightforward. Finally, the stories contained in this volume hold a reader's interest. For those interested in the Cold War in Germany, this book is a necessary and worthwhile read." · H-German “Although the 1970s and 1980s have been under-researched, Stefan Berger and Norman LaPorte succeed in covering diplomatic and political relations between East Germany and Great Britain from the foundation of the German Democratic Republic (GDR) to the fall of the Berlin Wall. The authors conducted research in more than thirty archives and interviewed several relevant politicians for background information. Their well-researched and balanced book sets the standard for further studies of the GDR’s relations with other Western states.” · American Historical Review “Berger’s and LaPorte’s book is the first comprehensive overview of relations between Britain and the GDR. Going beyond the realm of diplomacy, it provides readers with detailed insights into a vast range of social and cultural contacts…it provides a wealth of new insights into the many contacts in the second half of the 1970s and in the 1980s… [and] convincingly demonstrate that relations between Britain and the GDR were not merely a footnote in twentieth-century European history.” · Bulletin of the German Historical Institute London “In Friendly Enemies: Britain and the GDR, 1949-1990, Stefan Berger and Norman LaPorte trace meticulously, and perhaps definitively, this intricate relationship…Berger and LaPorte analyse these critical friends in fascinating depth…Their final chapter is impressive in its coverage, and illuminating in its comparison of attitudes to the GDR in Britain with those in other countries.” · Socialist History "this fascinating new study by Stefan Berger and Norman LaPorte provides the first definitive account of relations between Britain and the German Democratic Republic (GDR) at the diplomatic, political, cultural and economic levels…this an excellent study, offering both rich empirical material and far-sighted judgments on the GDR and the British Left (broadly defined) during the Cold War period. It successfully demonstrates why we should be interested in a relationship which, paradoxically, few on either side were interested in at the time" · German History "This study’s scope and the research on which it is based are truly impressive. Throughout the book’s four chronological chapters and its lengthy conclusion, the authors convincingly demonstrate that the SED's efforts met with the most success in the left wing of the Labour Party and the trade unions…. Let us hope that Berger andLaPorte's important study will encourage international historians to devote more attention to the interactions that developed below the governmental level between countries on either side of the Iron Curtain" · German Studies ReviewTable of Contents List of tables List of Abbreviations Preface Introduction: Britain and the other Germany Chapter 1. negotiating the Emergence of two Germanys. British–GDR relations in the Context of the Evolution of the Post-war Political order, 1945–1955 Chapter 2. From sovereignty to recognition, 1955–1973 Chapter 3. Normalisation of relations and new Beginnings, 1973–1979 Chapter 4. From the second Cold War to the Collapse of the GDR, 1979–1990 Conclusion: Britain and the GDR 1949–1990 Bibliography Index

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Book Synopsis In keeping with the tenets of socialist internationalism, the political culture of the German Democratic Republic strongly emphasized solidarity with the non-white world: children sent telegrams to Angela Davis in prison, workers made contributions from their wages to relief efforts in Vietnam and Angola, and the deaths of Patrice Lumumba, Ho Chi Minh, and Martin Luther King, Jr. inspired public memorials. Despite their prominence, however, scholars have rarely examined such displays in detail. Through a series of illuminating historical investigations, this volume deploys archival research, ethnography, and a variety of other interdisciplinary tools to explore the rhetoric and reality of East German internationalism.Trade Review “This volume is exemplary in a number of ways…The engaging topics and fine-grained analysis of the interactions of situated individuals and groups in and beyond the GDR make the essays ideal for use in upper-level undergraduate and graduate seminars.” • German Studies Review “The chapters in the edited volume provide nuanced cases of East German idealism and the limitations of its practice, which belied a variety of racial prejudices and tensions… the interdisciplinary and extended geographic scope of this edited volume successfully furthers a number of interrelated fields relating to the role of the GDR and the socialist world in the Cold War, race and their continuing legacies.” • Journal of Contemporary History “This is an important volume, providing a number of helpful interventions to a growing field. It ought to be commended for its unorthodox inclusion of primary sources, as well as its broad interdisciplinary approach, which reflects the multi-faceted nature of the topic it approaches.” • Slavonic and East European Review “This is far and away the most creative book available in English on East German foreign relations. Quinn Slobodian has pulled together fresh contributions from many of the leading experts on the GDR’s interaction with the Global South.” • William Glenn Gray, Purdue University “Comrades of Color is an important and original contribution to debates about the entangled histories of the Second and Third Worlds during the Cold War. Thought-provoking and carefully curated, the essays in this exciting collection will be indispensable for research and teaching on the history of socialist internationalism.” • Celia Donert, University of LiverpoolTable of Contents List of Figures Introduction Quinn Slobodian Chapter 1. Socialist Chromatism: Race, Racism and the Racial Rainbow in East Germany Quinn Slobodian PART I: AID ANDERS? Chapter 2. Through a Glass Darkly: East German Assistance to North Korea and Alternative Narratives of the Cold War Young Sun Hong Chapter 3. Between Fighters and Beggars: Socialist Philanthropy and the Imagery of Solidarity in East Germany Gregory Witkowski Chapter 4. Socialist Modernization in Vietnam: The East German Approach, 1976-1989 Bernd Schaefer PART II: AMBIVALENT SOLIDARITIES William “Bloke” Modisane to Margaret Legum, 1966 Chapter 5. Bloke Modisane in East Germany Simon Stevens Chapter 6. African Students and the Politics of Race and Gender in the German Democratic Republic, 1957-1990 Sara Pugach Chapter 7. Ambivalence and Desire in the East German ‘Free Angela Davis’ Campaign Katrina Hagen Chapter 8. True to the Politics of Frelimo? Teaching Socialism at the Schule der Freundschaft, 1981-1990 Jason Verber PART III: SOCIALIST MIRRORS “The black facade of the universities of German revisionism,” The Red Flag of the University of Foreign Trade, 1968 Chapter 9. The Uses of Disorientation: Socialist Cosmopolitanism in an Unfinished DEFA-China Documentary Quinn Slobodian Chapter 10. Imposed Dialogues: Jörg Foth and Tran Vu's GDR-Vietnamese Co-Production Dschungelzeit (1988) Evan Torner and Victoria Rizo Lenshyn PART IV: INTERNATIONALIST REMAINS Chapter 11. Affective Solidarities and East German Reconstruction of Postwar Vietnam Christina Schwenkel Chapter 12. La Idea de Carlos Marx: Tracing Germany through a Long Cuban Imaginary Jennifer Ruth Hosek and Victor Fowler Calzada

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Book Synopsis Cold War history has emphasized the division of Europe into two warring camps with separate ideologies and little in common. This volume presents an alternative perspective by suggesting that there were transnational networks bridging the gap and connecting like-minded people on both sides of the divide. Long before the fall of the Berlin Wall, there were institutions, organizations, and individuals who brought people from the East and the West together, joined by shared professions, ideas, and sometimes even through marriage. The volume aims at proving that the post-WWII histories of Western and Eastern Europe were entangled by looking at cases involving France, Denmark, Poland, Romania, Switzerland, and others.Trade Review “Nearly 30 years after the dissolution of the USSR (signaling the close of the Cold War), it is somewhat surprising that a team of academics could provide such a timely work, spanning 11 European countries… [The] diverse perspectives from various disciplines and fields (connected through the study of history) across the European nations is one of the largest strengths of this volume. Highly recommended.” • Choice “The volume’s concise introduction and chapters, none of which exceeds twenty pages (including footnotes), are well suited to seminar discussions along the lines drawn [in the volume], one through the Iron Curtain, and another toward, through, and around the institutions above it.” • Slavic Review “The value of this volume is based in the abundance of empirical insights into the manifold attempts to overcome the ideological divisions and the receptiveness of the involved actors…This volume is a welcome and important contribution, offering much material and inspiration for further case studies and comparative overviews.” • Forschungen zur Baltischen Geschichte “Beyond the Divide introduces new themes to the field of the Cold War culture by giving voice to themes that have not been widely discussed in Cold War historiography. Not only the geographical coverage but also topics from politics to science, from friendship societies to media, from television to popular culture create a picture of active exchanges that took place in spite of the division and restriction caused by the Cold War…It is a volume that is worth reading.” • European History Quarterly “Where did the power of the Cold War begin and what were its limits in terms of defining social reality? Mikkonen’s and Koivu­nen’s fresh and innovative anthology succeeds in pushing this important question once more to the top of the research agenda.” • Neue Politische Literatur “It is rare that edited volumes cover the European continent so broadly in terms of geography. Furthermore, many of the chapters focus on individual actions and impact, which adds a certain personal depth to the larger story of exchanges, cooperation, and cultural relations across the Iron Curtain.” • Rósa Magnúsdóttir, Aarhus University “The overall message is that time has come to overcome traditional Cold War narratives and to look at European societies in detail. I think this volume will have an impact both on Cold War research and on teaching European history.” • Annette Vowinckel, Zentrum für Zeithistorische Forschung PotsdamTable of Contents List of Illustrations Introduction: Beyond the Divide PART I: POLITICAL PROCESSES AND TRANSNATIONAL NETWORKS Chapter 1. Opening Up Political Space: Informal Diplomacy, East-West Exchanges, and the Helsinki Process Giles Scott-Smith Chapter 2. Challenging Old Cold War Stereotypes: The Case of Danish-Polish Youth Exchange and the European Détente, 1965–75 Marianne Rostgaard Chapter 3. Transmitting the “Freedom Virus”: France, the USSR, and Cultural Aspects of European Security Cooperation Nicolas Badalassi Chapter 4. Cultural Diplomacy of Switzerland and the Challenge of Peaceful Coexistence, 1956–75 Matthieu Gillabert PART II: INTERPLAY IN THE ACADEMIC CONTEXTS Chapter 5. Expert Groups Closing the Divide: Estonian-Finnish Computing Cooperation since the 1960s Sampsa Kaataja Chapter 6. French-Romanian Academic Exchanges in the 1960s Beatrice Scutaru Chapter 7. Hungary Opens toward the West: Political Preconditions for Finnish-Hungarian Cooperation in Research and Development in the 1960s and 1970s Anssi Halmesvirta Chapter 8. “Discrete” Intermediaries: Transnational Activities of the Fondation pour une entraide intellectuelle européenne Ioana Popa PART III: LIMITATIONS FOR TRANSNATIONAL NETWORKS Chapter 9. The Image of “Real France”: Instrumentalization of French Culture in the Early Communist Czechoslovakia Václav Šmidrkal Chapter 10. Dealing with “Friends”: Soviet Friendship Societies in Western Europe as a Challenge for Western Diplomacy Sonja Grossmann Chapter 11. The Soviet Union Encounters Anglia: Britain’s Russian Magazine as a Medium for Cross-Border Communication Sarah Davies PART IV: ALONG THE BORDERLINES Chapter 12. Transnational Television in Europe: Cold War Competition and Cooperation Lars Lundgren Chapter 13. Transnational Spaces between Poland and Finland: the Grassroots Dismantling of the Iron Curtain and Their Political Entanglements Anna Matyska Chapter 14. A Filter for Western Cultural Products: The Influence of Italian Popular Culture on Yugoslavia, 1955–65 Francesca Rolandi Notes on Contributors Bibliography Index

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Book Synopsis In many ways what is identified today as “cultural globalization” in Eastern Europe has its roots in the Cold War phenomena of samizdat (“do-it-yourself” underground publishing) and tamizdat (publishing abroad). This volume offers a new understanding of how information flowed between East and West during the Cold War, as well as the much broader circulation of cultural products instigated and sustained by these practices. By expanding the definitions of samizdat and tamizdat from explicitly political print publications to include other forms and genres, this volume investigates the wider cultural sphere of alternative and semi-official texts, broadcast media, reproductions of visual art and music, and, in the post-1989 period, new media. The underground circulation of uncensored texts in the Cold War era serves as a useful foundation for comparison when looking at current examples of censorship, independent media, and the use of new media in countries like China, Iran, and the former Yugoslavia. Trade Review “The volume displays in exemplary fashion the entire spectrum of this dissident world; it would be great to see such well structured edited volumes like this one more often.” • Archiv für Sozialgeschichte “[The editors] present a wide-ranging array of case studies of unofficial and oppositional media across the socialist bloc, which enrich the growing literature on samizdat while providing one of the first detailed accounts of tamizdat. Many chapters reconstruct the complex networks via which these media circulated to East European domestic audiences and, more important, to the transnational community that could offer theoretical and practical support for dissent outside the host countries. They evoke an almost infinite variety in the type and scale of such media circulation.” • Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History “These case studies will be invaluable to researchers seeking innovative approaches to the study of dissent, or those teaching courses on the subject who want to add something new and thought provoking to their syllabi.” • Russian Journal of Communication "The volume is enlightening and innovative in many respects and deserves attention beyond the circles of regional specialists. Challenging received notions about the self-enclosed nature of communication and culture in Communistruled Central and Eastern Europe, contributions to the volume highlight the importance of transnational information flows within the region and across the Cold War divide." • European Journal of Communication “Samizdat, Tamizdat, and Beyond offers a long-awaited rethinking of dissent at the grassroots level. Looking primarily but not exclusively to the Eastern Bloc, this volume skillfully stretches our understanding of samizdat to incorporate visual art, music, video, and the web. The editors bring together seemingly disparate samizdat ‘texts’ by placing them within the larger context of transnationalism, gender, and mass media. In so doing, they remind us that dissent is, first and foremost, a creative human endeavor, one that not only has a history but also a future.” • Paulina Bren, Vassar College “The information and insights contained in this volume fill the gap in our knowledge about the vitality, diversity, and ongoing relevance of samizdat/tamizdat and alternative media not only in the post-Communist states represented here, but in emerging democracies in other regions of the world, e.g. the Middle East and Asia.” • Michael Long, Baylor UniversityTable of Contents List of Illustrations Foreword Acknowledgements Introduction Section I: Producing and Circulating Samizdat/Tamizdat Before 1989 Chapter 1. Ardis Facsimile and Reprint Editions: Giving Back Russian Literature Ann Komaromi Chapter 2. The Baltic Connection: Transnational Networks of Resistance after 1976 Fredrik Lars Stöcker Chapter 3. Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty as the ‘Echo Chamber’ of Tamizdat Friederike Kind-Kovács Chapter 4. Contact Beyond Borders and Historical Problems: Kultura, Russian Emigration and the Polish Opposition Karolina Ziolo-Puzuk Section II: Diffusing Non-Conformist Ideas Through Samizdat/Tamizdat Before 1989 Chapter 5. “Free Conversations in an Occupied Country:” Cultural Transfer, Social Networking and Political Dissent in Romanian Tamizdat Cristina Petrescu Chapter 6. The Danger of Over-Interpreting Dissident Writing in the West: Communist Terror in Czechoslovakia, 1948-1968 Muriel Blaive Chapter 7. Renaissance or Reconstruction? Intellectual Transfer of Civil Society Discourses Between Eastern and Western Europe Agnes Arndt Section III: Transforming Modes and Practices of Alternative Culture Chapter 8. The Bards of Magnitizdat: An Aesthetic Political History of Russian Underground Recordings Brian A. Horne Chapter 9. Writing about apparently non-existent art: the tamizdat journal A-Ja and Russian unofficial arts in the 1970s-1980s Valentina Parisi Chapter 10. “Video Knows No Borders”: Samizdat Television and the Unofficial Public Sphere in “Normalized” Czechoslovakia Alice Lovejoy Section IV: Moving From Samizdat/Tamizdat To Alternative Media Today Chapter 11. Postprintium? Digital literary samizdat on the Russian Internet Henrike Schmidt Chapter 12. Independent Media, Transnational Borders, and Networks of Resistance: Collaborative Art Radio between Belgrade (Radio B92) and Vienna (ORF) Daniel Gilfillan Chapter 13. “From Wallpapers to Blogs”: Samizdat and Internet in China Martin Hala Chapter 14. Reflections on the Revolutions in Europe: Lessons for the Middle East and the Arab Spring Barbara J. Falk Afterword Jacques Rupnik Selected Bibliography Notes on Contributors

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Book Synopsis"Nuclear Bunkers" tells the previously undisclosed story of the secret defence structures built by the West during the Cold War years. The book describes in fascinating detail a vast umbrella of radar stations that spanned the North American continent and the north Atlantic from the Aleutian islands through Canada to the North Yorkshire moors, all centred upon an enormous secret control centre buried hundreds of feet below Cheyenne Mountain in Colorado. This is complemented in the United Kingdom with a chain of secret radars codenamed 'Rotor' built in the early 1950's, and eight huge, inland sector control centres, built over 100' underground at enormous cost. The book reveals the various bunkers built for the U.S Administration, including the Raven Rock alternate war headquarters (the Pentagon's wartime hideout), the Greenbrier bunker for the Senate and House of Representatives, and the Mount Weather central government headquarters amongst others. Developments in Canada, including the Ottawa 'Diefenbunker' and the regional government bunkers are also studied. In the UK there were the London bunkers and the Regional War rooms built in the 1950's to protect against the Soviet threat, and their replacement in 1958 by much more hardened, underground Regional Seats of Government in the provinces, and the unique Central Government War Headquarters at Corsham. Also included in the UK coverage is the UK Warning and Monitoring Organisation with its underground bunkers and observation posts, as well as the little known bunkers built by the various local authorities and by the public utilities. Finally the book examines the provision, (or more accurately, lack of provision), of shelter space for the general population, comparing the situation in the USA and the UK with some other European countries and with the Soviet Union.

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