Central / national / federal government Books

Book SynopsisWith a focus on the dynamics of actors, institutions, and the processes embedded in considerations of regional and cultural diversity, this book traces Canada’s sovereignty journey.Trade Review"Federalism in Canada is fresh and matter of fact, a constitutional travelogue." -- Holly Doan * Blacklock’s Reporter *"I highly recommend this book to all students of federalism interested in understanding how the Canadian federal system came to be and how it evolved over the past century and a half. It is a textbook example of a contribution that is perfectly balanced between advancing knowledge and making scholarly research accessible to the public." -- Félix Mathieu, University of Winnipeg * Canadian Journal of Political Science *"This book rightfully should take its place within this scholarly history of federalism as a useful and original contribution." -- James T. McHugh, University of Akron * Publius: The Journal of Federalism *Table of ContentsPrologue: Approaches to Canadian Federalism A Personal Account by Means of Acknowledgement Contested Concepts as the Underlying Dynamic and Central Theme Organization and Outline 1 An Introductory Understanding of Canadian Federalism Shared Sovereignty Power of the Courts Sunny Ways of Compromise Fiscal Imbalance Executive Dominance Imperfection 2 Confederation Coming Together Lately Relics of Empire Unitary Impositions Federal Accommodations Parliamentary Concessions “Indians” An Incomplete Contract 3 Judicial Interpretations Pith and Substance From Need to Necessity Beyond Provincial Concern Federalism Demands Nothing Less Law and Politics 4 From a Crisis of Capitalism to a Crisis of Federalism Dramatic Crisis and BNA Act Federalism at a Loss Prairie Populism Enlightened Reactionaries Rowell-Sirois Commission Reversal of Functions 5 Mostly Fiscal Relations Tax Sharing Cost Sharing Fiscal Equalization Under the Indian Act Fiscal Imbalance and the Spending Power 6 Difference, Dependency, and Displacement Quebec Nationalism Western Alienation Eastern Dependencies Indigenous Displacement Regionalism and Federalism 7 Patriation and the Constitution Act, 1982 The Long Road to Patriation Amendment Charter Aboriginal Rights Flexible Renewal 8 The Unfinished Business of Canadian Federalism Constitutional Politics Secession and Clarity Interstate Federalism and Intrastate Federalism Indigenous Land Rights and Self-Government Shifting Identities 9 Contested Concepts of Canadian Federalism A Plural Compact of Provinces or a Dual Compact of Nationalities? How Much Autonomy or Interdependence? Treaty Federalism Epilogue: Still a Federal Country Bibliography Index

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Book SynopsisThis volume explores the role of the Speaker and the Lord Chancellor in the Westminster Parliament before the advent of democracy, setting it beside the practice at Dublin and Edinburgh over the same period, and the more recent history of the role at London and Washington. First in-depth study since the mid-1960s of how Speakers and the Speakership have operated in Parliament in Britain Includes contribution by the former Speaker of the House of Commons, Baroness Boothroyd, describing her own tenure of the Speakership Covers practice at Westminster and at Dublin and Edinburgh, and a comparison of Speakers at Westminster and Washington during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries Composed of papers from a conference held at the House of Commons in April 2008 Trade Review“Both of these books contribute much to our under-standing of the history and current practice of the Speakership, and to the way in which well-documented parliamentary questions in the UK as well as across Europe can provide a ready source of scholarly investigation..” (Political Studies Review, 7 August 2013)Table of ContentsList of Contributors. Introduction (Paul Seaward, History of Parliament). 1. Speakers at War in the Late 14th and 15th Centuries (Anne Curry, University of Southampton). 2. The Tudor Speakers 1485–1601: Choosing, Status, Work (Alasdair Hawkyard, Royal Historical Society). 3. Chancellors, Presidents and Speakers: Presiding Officers in the Scottish Parliament before the Restoration (Alan R. MacDonald,University of Dundee). 4. Speakers in the 17th-Century Irish Parliament (Coleman A. Dennehy, St Patrick’s College, Maynooth). 5. The Reputation and Authority of the Speaker and the Speakership of the House of Commons, 1640–60 (Stephen K. Roberts,History of Parliament). 6. The Speaker in the Age of Party, 1672–1715 (Paul Seaward,History of Parliament). 7. The Speakership of the House of Lords, 1660–1832 (Ruth Paley, History of Parliament). 8. Thurlow, Eldon and Lyndhurst and the Management of the House of Lords (Richard W. Davis, Washington University). 9. ‘Nothing Could Exceed the Badness of His Character Even in This Bad Age’ (Sir William McKay,Council of the Law Society of Scotland). 10. The Role of the Speaker in the 20th Century (The Rt Hon. Baroness Boothroyd, MP). Index.

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Book SynopsisExamines the complicated political legacy of our first black presidentWritten during the presidency of Donald Trump, After Obama examines the impact President Barack Obama and his administration have continued to have upon African American politics. In this comprehensive volume, Todd C. Shaw, Robert A. Brown, and Joseph P. McCormick II bring together more than a dozen scholars to explore his complex legacy, including his successes, failures, and contradictions. Contributors focus on a wide range of topics, including how President Obama affected aspects of African American politics, how his public policies influenced the quality of Black citizenship and life, and what future administrations can learn from his experiences. They also examine the present-day significance of Donald Trump in relation to African American politics. A timely and thorough work, After Obama provides the first examination of the Obama administration in its entirety, and the lasting impact it has had on AfricanTrade ReviewIn After Obama: African American Politics in a Post-Obama Era, Professors Todd C. Shaw, Robert A. Brown, and Joseph P. McCormick II have assembled a broad array of essays from some of the top political scientists in the nation. This is a brilliant body of scholarship that examines several aspects of President Barack Obama’s administration such as the public’s and the media’s perceptions of him, his interactions with various actors in black communities, and his policies. It is a must read text for anyone with interests in American politics, the American presidency, American government, foreign policy, gender politics, immigration policies, and race relations. -- Sharon Wright Austin, author of The Caribbeanization of Black Politics: Race, Group Consciousness, and Political Participation in AmericaIn this new work, editors Shaw (Univ. of South Carolina), Brown (Spelman College), and McCormick II (emer., Pennsylvania State Univ., York) offer a nuanced, insightful analysis. The authors focus on constituencies in the first part and public policies in the second, which allows several noted scholars to explore the symbolic and substantive aspects of the first African American president. -- K. Anderson, Eastern Illinois University * Choice *

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Book SynopsisExamines the decisions of US presidents to appoint judges from diverse backgrounds to federal courtsIn Diversifying the Courts, Nancy Scherer addresses why presidents chooseor don't chooseto diversify the federal courts by race, ethnicity, and gender. She explores how and why the issue became a bitter partisan fight in the first place, tracking the controversial historyand politicsof court diversification. Drawing on polls, political experiments, surveys and one-on-one interviews, Scherer illuminates the complicated relationship between diversity and court legitimacy. She shows us how diverse representation can positively impact perceptions of the court among women and racial minorities, while having a negative impact on the perceptions among white people and men. Ultimately, Diversifying the Courts provides insight into the impact of gender, race, and ethnicity on the courts, illuminating some of the major challenges facing the American judicial system in the years that lie ahead.Trade Review"Diversifying the Courts systematically examines the link between racial and gender diversity and the legitimacy of the federal judiciary. Nancy Scherer shows us that increased diversity does not automatically yield greater legitimacy toward the federal bench among all members of the public, resulting in a backlash against the courts." -- Eric Waltenburg, author of Choosing Where to Fight: Organized Labor and the Modern Regulatory State, 1948-1987"This book shows us why efforts to diversify the federal bench over the past four decades have done little to increase the legitimacy of the courts. Scherer compellingly explores this diversity dilemma, offering important insights about the future of our courts." -- Michael Zilis, author of The Rights Paradox: How Group Attitudes Shape US Supreme Court Legitimacy"[Scherer] shares takeaways from conversations with sitting district court justices and the empirical results of surveys on support for the courts and specific judges’ decisions given varying conditions of diversity." * Trial *

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Book SynopsisExamines the decisions of US presidents to appoint judges from diverse backgrounds to federal courtsIn Diversifying the Courts, Nancy Scherer addresses why presidents chooseor don't chooseto diversify the federal courts by race, ethnicity, and gender. She explores how and why the issue became a bitter partisan fight in the first place, tracking the controversial historyand politicsof court diversification. Drawing on polls, political experiments, surveys and one-on-one interviews, Scherer illuminates the complicated relationship between diversity and court legitimacy. She shows us how diverse representation can positively impact perceptions of the court among women and racial minorities, while having a negative impact on the perceptions among white people and men. Ultimately, Diversifying the Courts provides insight into the impact of gender, race, and ethnicity on the courts, illuminating some of the major challenges facing the American judicial system in the years that lie ahead.Trade Review"Diversifying the Courts systematically examines the link between racial and gender diversity and the legitimacy of the federal judiciary. Nancy Scherer shows us that increased diversity does not automatically yield greater legitimacy toward the federal bench among all members of the public, resulting in a backlash against the courts." -- Eric Waltenburg, author of Choosing Where to Fight: Organized Labor and the Modern Regulatory State, 1948-1987"This book shows us why efforts to diversify the federal bench over the past four decades have done little to increase the legitimacy of the courts. Scherer compellingly explores this diversity dilemma, offering important insights about the future of our courts." -- Michael Zilis, author of The Rights Paradox: How Group Attitudes Shape US Supreme Court Legitimacy"[Scherer] shares takeaways from conversations with sitting district court justices and the empirical results of surveys on support for the courts and specific judges’ decisions given varying conditions of diversity." * Trial *

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Book SynopsisNearly a week after George Zimmerman was found not guilty of killing Trayvon Martin, President Obama walked into the press briefing room and shocked observers by saying that Trayvon could have been me. He talked personally and poignantly about his experiences and pointed to intra-racial violence as equally serious and precarious for black boys. He offered no sweeping policy changes or legislative agendas; he saw them as futile. Instead, he suggested that prejudice would be eliminated through collective efforts to help black males and for everyone to reflect on their own prejudices. Obama's presidency provides a unique opportunity to engage in a discussion about race and politics. In The Race Whisperer, Melanye Price analyzes the manner in which Barack Obama uses race strategically to engage with and win the loyalty of potential supporters. This book uses examples from Obama's campaigns and presidency to demonstrate his ability to authentically tap into notions of blackness and whiteneTrade Review"In this book, Melanye Price masterfully explores the many ways in which the first black president, Barack Obama, navigated the complexities of racenot only as a politician but also as a candidate. The books success lies in Prices ability to peel back the layers of racial significance within President Obamas rhetorical approaches[Prices] work is extremely impressive." * Critical Dialogues *"Price has written a wonderfully rich treatment of President Barack Obamas rhetoric and his usages of race. It is a highly critical, yet restrained analysis of his presidency. This book invites readers to think closely about how politicians, especially African American politicians, use race in American national politics. More importantly, it serves as guidebook for African American voters and how they might assess the use of race in political rhetoric and discourse." -- Randal Maurice Jelks,author of Benjamin Elijah Mays, Schoolmaster of The Movement: A Biography"With The Race Whisperer Melanye Price has helped decode one of the most enigmatic and complex dynamics of the Obama Presidency." -- W. Jelani Cobb,author of The Substance of Hope: Barack Obama and the Paradox of Progress"[Price's] analysis shines new light on the price paid for black silence. If Obama is the model for black politicians going forward, how can they deliver more than symbolic benefit to black voters?" * The Historian *

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Book SynopsisTrade ReviewThis book is excellent for collections on American politics, the Constitution, and the presidency. -- CHOICE * CHOICE *

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Book SynopsisA revealing look at the constitutional issues that confronted and shaped each presidency from Woodrow Wilson through Donald J. TrumpDrawing from the monumental publication The Presidents and the Constitution: A Living History in 2016, the nation's foremost experts in the American presidency and the US Constitution tell the intertwined stories of how the last eighteen American presidents have interfaced with the Constitution and thus defined the most powerful office in human history. This volume leads off with Woodrow Wilson, the president who led the nation through World War I, and ends with Donald J. Trump, who ushered the US into uncharted political and legal territory. In between, the country was confronted with international wars, the civil rights movement, 9/11, and the advent of the internet, all of which presented unique and pressing constitutional issues. The last one hundred years reveals the awesome powers of the American presidency in domestic and foreign affairs, illustraTrade Review"This book is excellent for collections on American politics, the Constitution, and the presidency." -- CHOICE * CHOICE *

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Book SynopsisA clear and comprehensive overview of presidential impeachment from a leading expert in the fieldAs a result of Donald Trump's presidency, impeachment was once again thrust into the spotlight of American political discussion. However, its history goes back to the very founding of the nation, when American colonists, remembering their grievances against their former king, entrenched the process in their new Constitution.The Law of Presidential Impeachment breaks down both the law and politics of this process, providing a comprehensive, nonpartisan, and up-to-date explanation of the Constitution's various mechanisms for holding presidents accountable for their misdeeds. Based on a lifetime of scholarly research, as well as unique experience as a witness and consultant in the impeachment trials of Bill Clinton and Donald Trump, Michael J. Gerhardt's new book takes the reader back to the basics of presidential impeachments. Rather than provide reasons for or ag

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Book SynopsisExamines the coded language of the Republican PartyIn The Wrongs of the Right, Matthew W. Hughey and Gregory S. Parks set postracial claims into relief against a background of pre- and post-election racial animus directed at President Obama, his administration, and African Americans. They show how the political Right deploys racial fears, coded language and implicit bias to express and build opposition to the Obama administration. Racial meanings are reservoirs rich in political currency, and the race card remains a potent resource for othering the first black president in a context rife with Nativism, xenophobia, white racial fatigue, and serious racial inequality.Trade ReviewA valuable contribution in understanding the implications and interplay of race and politics in contemporary America. The presidency of Americas first African-American president is historic, with deep implications, and has taken some turns which reflect, not always well, on America dealing with its enduring issues of race. . . . Powerful and well done. -- John Dombrink,University of California, IrvineCovers very timely and important issues regarding racial and electoral politics in America. . . . Commentators and pundits whose job it is to make sense of contemporary politics and interested citizens will all want a book like this. It is scholarly and rigorous but very readable for a lay audience. In my mind, all books should try to attain this balance. -- Melanye Price,Rutgers UniversityThis exhaustive assessment of the political Rights exploitation of entrenched racial bias in the U.S. is essential reading for students and scholars of the presidency. The Wrongs of the Right blends convincing data with real world examples, and is suitable for both undergraduate and graduate courses. -- Caroline Heldman,Occidental CollegeHughey and Parks attempt to demonstrate that in a supposedly 'post-racial' society, our politics are permeated in both conscious and unconscious ways by the message that only whiteness equates to authentic Americanism . . . [I]t is hard to argue with most of what the authors have to say. * Library Journal *The book provides a succinct summary of the historic ebb and flow of racism in US politics. The authors reveal the use of race as a political incendiary by the two primary parties and clearly illustrate the use of the four premises, previously mentioned, as they relate to the discourse surrounding President Obamas campaign, election, and tenure.Summing Up: Highly Recommended. * Choice *Table of ContentsAcknowledgmentsIntroduction1. The Grand Old Party and African Americans: A Brief Historical Overview2. Unsweet Tea and Labor Pains: The Tea Party, Birthers, and Obama3. A Fox in the Idiot Box: Right-Wing Talking Heads4. Political Party, Campaign Strategy, and Racial Messaging5. The Social Science of Political Ideology and Racial Attitudes6. Unconscious Race Bias and the Right: Its Meaning for Law in the Age of ObamaConclusionNotesIndexAbout the Authors

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Book SynopsisWINNER OF THE W.E.B. DUBOIS DISTINGUISHED BOOK AWARD, GIVEN BY THE NATIONAL CONFERENCE OF BLACK POLITICAL SCIENTISTSA wide-ranging Black feminist interrogation, reaching from the #MeToo movement to the legacy of gender-based violence against Black womenFrom Michelle Obama to Condoleezza Rice, Black women are uniquely scrutinized in the public eye. In Re-Imagining Black Women, Nikol G. Alexander-Floyd explores how Black womenand Blackness more broadlyare understood in our political imagination and often become the subjects of public controversy. Drawing on politics, popular culture, psychoanalysis, and more, Alexander-Floyd examines our conflicting ideas, opinions, and narratives about Black women, showing how they are equally revered and reviled as an embodiment of good and evil, cast either as victims or villains, citizens or outsiders. Ultimately, Alexander-Floyd showcases the complex experiences of Black women as political subjects. At a time of extreme racial tension, Re-Imagining Trade Review"Alexander-Floyd has written a provocative, hard-hitting analysis of Black political matters, ranging from Condolezza Rice, to Barack Obama to Bill Cosby to R. Kelly. Bold and controversial, Re-Imagining Black Women is a must-read for scholars attempting to navigate the complex political and cultural terrain of U.S. history over the past two decades." -- Beverly Guy-Sheftall, co-author of Gender Talk: The Struggle for Women's Equality in African American Communities"An insightful and necessary intervention into post-politics: its origins, its intersections, and its fictive construction by the state and popular media." -- Paula J. Giddings, author of Ida: A Sword Among Lions"Drawing on political science, women and gender studies, media studies, and psychoanalysis, the author critiques an array of subjects, from Condoleezza Rice to Barack Obama, the fictional Madea, and #MeToo. This would be excellent for a senior seminar or even graduate courses." * Choice *

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Book SynopsisNearly a week after George Zimmerman was found not guilty of killing Trayvon Martin, President Obama walked into the press briefing room and shocked observers by saying that Trayvon could have been me. He talked personally and poignantly about his experiences and pointed to intra-racial violence as equally serious and precarious for black boys. He offered no sweeping policy changes or legislative agendas; he saw them as futile. Instead, he suggested that prejudice would be eliminated through collective efforts to help black males and for everyone to reflect on their own prejudices. Obama's presidency provides a unique opportunity to engage in a discussion about race and politics. In The Race Whisperer, Melanye Price analyzes the manner in which Barack Obama uses race strategically to engage with and win the loyalty of potential supporters. This book uses examples from Obama's campaigns and presidency to demonstrate his ability to authentically tap into notions of blackness and whiteneTrade ReviewIn this book, Melanye Price masterfully explores the many ways in which the first black president, Barack Obama, navigated the complexities of racenot only as a politician but also as a candidate. The books success lies in Prices ability to peel back the layers of racial significance within President Obamas rhetorical approaches[Prices] work is extremely impressive. * Critical Dialogues *Price has written a wonderfully rich treatment of President Barack Obamas rhetoric and his usages of race. It is a highly critical, yet restrained analysis of his presidency. This book invites readers to think closely about how politicians, especially African American politicians, use race in American national politics. More importantly, it serves as guidebook for African American voters and how they might assess the use of race in political rhetoric and discourse. -- Randal Maurice Jelks,author of Benjamin Elijah Mays, Schoolmaster of The Movement: A BiographyWith The Race Whisperer Melanye Price has helped decode one of the most enigmatic and complex dynamics of the Obama Presidency. -- W. Jelani Cobb,author of The Substance of Hope: Barack Obama and the Paradox of Progress[Price's] analysis shines new light on the price paid for black silence. If Obama is the model for black politicians going forward, how can they deliver more than symbolic benefit to black voters? * The Historian *

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Book SynopsisWINNER OF THE W.E.B. DUBOIS DISTINGUISHED BOOK AWARD, GIVEN BY THE NATIONAL CONFERENCE OF BLACK POLITICAL SCIENTISTSA wide-ranging Black feminist interrogation, reaching from the #MeToo movement to the legacy of gender-based violence against Black womenFrom Michelle Obama to Condoleezza Rice, Black women are uniquely scrutinized in the public eye. In Re-Imagining Black Women, Nikol G. Alexander-Floyd explores how Black womenand Blackness more broadlyare understood in our political imagination and often become the subjects of public controversy. Drawing on politics, popular culture, psychoanalysis, and more, Alexander-Floyd examines our conflicting ideas, opinions, and narratives about Black women, showing how they are equally revered and reviled as an embodiment of good and evil, cast either as victims or villains, citizens or outsiders. Ultimately, Alexander-Floyd showcases the complex experiences of Black women as political subjects. At a time of extreme racial tension, Re-Imagining Trade Review"Alexander-Floyd has written a provocative, hard-hitting analysis of Black political matters, ranging from Condolezza Rice, to Barack Obama to Bill Cosby to R. Kelly. Bold and controversial, Re-Imagining Black Women is a must-read for scholars attempting to navigate the complex political and cultural terrain of U.S. history over the past two decades." -- Beverly Guy-Sheftall, co-author of Gender Talk: The Struggle for Women's Equality in African American Communities"An insightful and necessary intervention into post-politics: its origins, its intersections, and its fictive construction by the state and popular media." -- Paula J. Giddings, author of Ida: A Sword Among Lions"Drawing on political science, women and gender studies, media studies, and psychoanalysis, the author critiques an array of subjects, from Condoleezza Rice to Barack Obama, the fictional Madea, and #MeToo. This would be excellent for a senior seminar or even graduate courses." * Choice *

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Book SynopsisSources of Knowledge and Entrepreneurial Behavior delves into the nature and importance of the relationship between sources of knowledge and entrepreneurial behavior, and should be of interest to both academics and policy-makers. David B. Audretsch and Albert N. Link use the Knowledge Spillover Theory of Entrepreneurship as the conceptual foundation for why individuals decide to become entrepreneurs. Then, using a database of more than 4,000 small and relatively new European companies from 10 different countries, called the AEGIS database, Audretsch and Link offer new insights about the relationship between knowledge sources and entrepreneurial behavior. In their analysis of the empirical evidence in support of the Knowledge Spillover Theory of Entrepreneurship, Audretsch and Link conclude that there is no singular source of knowledge driving entrepreneurship, but a plethora of knowledge sources, each associated with different dimensions of entrepreneurial actiTable of ContentsList of Figures and Tables Foreword 1 Introduction 2 The Knowledge Spillover Theory of Entrepreneurship 3 The AEGIS Database 4 The Experience Base of Firms 5 Sources of Knowledge 6 Sources of Knowledge and Entrepreneurial Behavior 7 Lessons Learned Notes References Index

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Book SynopsisThis book offers a comprehensive outline of the world's political systems and regimes, classifying all 195 sovereign countries.Table of ContentsList of Figures List of Tables Acknowledgments 1. Introducing Comparative Politics 2. Development and Political Development 3. State Effectiveness and Political Economy 4. Electoral Democracies, Liberal Democracies, and Autocracies 5. Factors Conducive to Democracy 6. Institutional Variations of Democracies 7. Electoral Systems, Party Systems, and Government Formation in Democracies 8. Varieties of Autocracies: Totalitarianism, Sultanism, and Authoritarianism 9. Democratic Transitions, Consolidations, and Breakdowns 10. The Historical Evolution of Democracy Glossary Recommended Sources for Further Research Bibliography Index

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Book SynopsisBold and unconventional, this book advocates for an institutional turn-about in the relationship between democracy and constitutionalism.Table of Contents1. Democracy and Constitutions: A Fresh Beginning 2. A Constitutionalist State of Mind: A Deeper Look 3. Constitutional Origins: Undemocratic Beginnings? 4. A Higher Justice: Some Fundamental Problems 5. Making Changes: Constitutional Updates 6. Striving for Democracy: An Endless Journey 7. Towards ‘Democratic’ Courts: A Salvage Operation 8. A Time for Change: Democratic Constitutions 9. Beyond Courts: Toward Democratic Institutions 10. Laughing and Remembering: Putting Democracy First

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Book SynopsisAs things stand, a commitment to weak democracy and strong constitutionalism ensures that a range of elite groups, actors, and institutions political, economic, intellectual, and legal hold considerable sway over constitutional matters, leaving less room for the participation of ordinary people. With the continued primacy of liberal constitutionalism, constitutional law has come to represent and facilitate the centrality of judicial power and authority. In Democracy and Constitutions, Allan C. Hutchinson warns against this deference to a legal elite on questions of constitutional meaning. For Hutchinson, an over-reliance on constitutional law, and a lack of attention to democratic politics, keeps people from influencing the moral and political character of society; it saps civic energies and relegates ordinary people to the sidelines. Engaging and provocative, Democracy and Constitutions charts a course away from the elitism of the present and toward a more deTable of Contents1. Democracy and Constitutions: A Fresh Beginning 2. A Constitutionalist State of Mind: A Deeper Look 3. Constitutional Origins: Undemocratic Beginnings? 4. A Higher Justice: Some Fundamental Problems 5. Making Changes: Constitutional Updates 6. Striving for Democracy: An Endless Journey 7. Towards ‘Democratic’ Courts: A Salvage Operation 8. A Time for Change: Democratic Constitutions 9. Beyond Courts: Toward Democratic Institutions 10. Laughing and Remembering: Putting Democracy First

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Book SynopsisFraming Borders is the first book-length ethnography looking at interactions between border officers and Indigenous cross-border travellers in North America.Trade Review"This is a thought-provoking study. Though most scholarly attention to borderlands dynamics focuses on the conflicts inherent in such crossings, Kalman’s work reveals the far more nuanced nature of these interactions, predicated on the ways in which the various actors frame themselves in these often banal contacts. Ultimately, he shows, the diverse nature of these interactions—ranging from tense confrontational hassles to joking camaraderie—reveals ‘just how far into everyday life settler colonialism penetrates’ (p. 201). Kalman’s exposure and analysis of these micro-level ripple effects of macro-level historical developments make this a valuable contribution to an evolving body of scholarship." -- M. R. Scherer, University of Nebraska-Omaha * CHOICE *"What if North America’s borders only exist in the context of the conversations we have with customs officers and port authorities? We rarely know when we have crossed the invisible line itself, but we do know when the conversation with the border services officer has ended and we are free to keep moving. That is, ‘crossing a border is often more a matter of which side of a conversation you find yourself on than which side of a line.’ This provocative insight is at the heart of anthropologist Ian Kalman’s excellent book Framing Borders." -- Sheila McManus, University of Lethbridge * Canadian Journal of History *Table of ContentsPrologue 1. Introduction 2. Welcome to Akwesasne 3. Doing History in Akwesasne 4. The Changing Face of the Cornwall/Akwesasne Border 5. Reporting-in to/from Akwesasne 6. Processing 7. Talking Borders Conclusion

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Book SynopsisWhy do some governments try to limit immigrants’ access to social benefits and entitlements while others do not? Through an in-depth study of Sweden, Canada, and the Netherlands, Immigration and the Politics of Welfare Exclusion maps the politics of immigrants’ social rights in Western democracies. To achieve this goal, Edward A. Koning analyzes policy documents, public opinion surveys, data on welfare use, parliamentary debates, and interviews with politicians and key players in the three countries. Koning’s findings are three-fold. First, the politics of immigrant welfare exclusion have little to do with economic factors and are more about general opposition to immigration and multiculturalism. Second, proposals for exclusion are particularly likely to arise in a political climate that incentivizes politicians to appear tough on immigration. Finally, the success of anti-immigrant politicians in bringing about exclusionary reforms depends on the rTrade Review"Economic rationales do not support excluding immigrants from social benefits and services, argues Edward A. Koning in this compelling comparative study. Instead, politics and political logics explain why some countries go much further than others in reducing or eliminating immigrants’ access to social rights." -- Willem Maas, York University * Canadian Journal of Netherlandic Studies *Table of ContentsList of Abbreviations Introduction 1. Theorizing Immigrant-Excluding Welfare Reforms The Progressive’s Dilemma: Immigration versus the Welfare State? Immigrant-Excluding Welfare Reforms (and Their Alternatives) The Political Translation of Economic Facts Forces of Continuity: Institutionalizing Immigrants’ Social Rights Forces of Change: Contesting Immigrants’ Social Rights 2. The Limits of Economic Explanations Immigrant Welfare Use and Public Opinion Immigrant Welfare Use and Support for Welfare Exclusion in Three Countries 3. Sweden: Universalism, Even for Newcomers? A Story of Gradual Inclusion Framing Welfare Dependence as Utanförskap Anti-Migrant Politics in the Margins, but for How Long? 4. Canada: Stability in a Country of Immigrants Continuation of the Canadian Model of Immigration and Welfare Faulty Admission and ‘Bogus’ Claimants: Framing Immigrants’ Welfare Dependence Political Battles at the Margins of the Canadian Model 5. The Netherlands: The Sudden Surge of Selective Solidarity A Recent History of Immigrant-Excluding Welfare Reforms From Taboo to Cliché: Increasing Concerns about Immigrants’ Welfare Reliance Reaching the Boundaries of Exclusion Conclusions Appendix Tables List of Interviews Works Cited Endnotes

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Book SynopsisIn Stand on Guard, Stephanie Carvin sets out to explain the range of activities considered national security threats by Canadian security services today. As new forms of terrorism and extremism appear, especially online, we need a responsibly widened view of such threats and how they manifest in the contemporary world. Canadians should not be more fearful, Carvin explains, but a more sophisticated understanding among security services personnel and the general public is needed if we are to anticipate and ameliorate threats to national security.As a former security analyst tasked with providing threat assessments to high levels of government, Carvin writes with both authority and urgency. Her book presents an insider’s look at the issues facing the Canadian security and intelligence community. Timely and accessible, Stand on Guard will be required reading for scholars, practitioners, and any Canadian concerned about national security in the twenty-first ceTrade Review“Carvin’s book is more than a reminder that the world is not always a friendly place. It is also a plea. It asks that citizens — and, by extension, our elected officials and the security and intelligence services they oversee — take Canada’s national security more seriously than we have of late. ‘Canada finds itself in the most complex threat environment since the Second World War,’ Carvin writes. ‘Global leadership appears to be in flux, and the international order that defends the rules and norms under which Canada has prospered are no longer guaranteed.’ Her point isn’t to scare us but to remind us of our democratic responsibilities.” -- Dan Dunsky * Open Canada *Table of ContentsIntroduction 1. Violent Extremism – the Canadian Context 2. Violent Extremist Threats in Canada Today 3. Espionage 4. The Economy and National Security 5. Cyber Security 6. Clandestine Foreign Influence 7. Disinformation and Threats to Democratic Institutions Conclusion Appendix

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Book SynopsisThis book offers a comprehensive outline of the world's political systems and regimes, classifying all 195 sovereign countries.Table of ContentsList of Figures List of Tables Acknowledgments 1. Introducing Comparative Politics 2. Development and Political Development 3. State Effectiveness and Political Economy 4. Electoral Democracies, Liberal Democracies, and Autocracies 5. Factors Conducive to Democracy 6. Institutional Variations of Democracies 7. Electoral Systems, Party Systems, and Government Formation in Democracies 8. Varieties of Autocracies: Totalitarianism, Sultanism, and Authoritarianism 9. Democratic Transitions, Consolidations, and Breakdowns 10. The Historical Evolution of Democracy Glossary Recommended Sources for Further Research Bibliography Index

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Book SynopsisUsing a traditional historical-institutional approach, The Canadian Regime introduces students to the idea of the regime, which is a lens through which they can see how institutions interact with the basic principles of the political order. The authors explain how the Canadian liberal democratic regime was founded on the fundamental principles of liberty, equality, and consent and discuss the ways in which Canada’s institutions have developed and operate in accordance with these principles. The authors also examine how the regime has at times failed to follow these principles, particularly with respect to Canada’s Indigenous peoples in Canada, and how reforms to Canada’s governing institutions challenge historical assumptions concerning parliamentary government and federalism. Now in its seventh edition, The Canadian Regime continues to provide the most accessible introduction to Canadian politics, making Canada’s unique government anTable of ContentsPart One: Introduction 1. Canada's Regime Principles 2. The Constitution Part Two: A Constitution Similar in Principle to That of the United Kingdom 3. Responsible Government 4. The Crown and Its Servants 5. Parliament 6. Elections 7. Political Parties Part Three: A Constitution Similar in Principle to that of the United States 8. Federalism 9. The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms 10. The Judiciary Conclusion

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Book SynopsisA History of Political Thought analyses market society by surveying the ideas of its most perceptive, thought-provoking observers critics and defenders from ancient Greece to the present day.Table of ContentsList of Abbreviations Introduction 1. “The Less They Value Virtue”: Plato, Aristotle, and Aquinas on the Corrupting Influence of Moneymaking – Personal and Political 2. “The Felicity of This Life”: Machiavelli and Hobbes on the Possibility of Delightful Living 3. “The Desire of Having More”: Locke on Labor and the Right to Accumulate without Limit 4. “A Course Intended by Nature”: Smith and Kant on the Overwhelming Benefits of Commerce – Domestic and International 5. “Make Money Contemptible and, If Possible, Useless”: Rousseau on Modern Discontent 6. “The Reason Which Shines Through”: Hegel on the Ethical Dimensions of the Market 7. “Free, Conscious Activity”: Marx on Alienation and the Path to Human Emancipation 8. “A Dozen Wise Men”: Lenin on the Revolutionary Vanguard 9. “The Function of Industry”: Tawney on the Demands of Equality and the Need for Democracy 10. “Reflection, Brooding, Worry, Love, and Hatred”: Nietzsche on a Higher Concept of Culture 11. “The Nobler Exercise of the Faculties”: Keynes on the Art of Enjoyment 12. “A Narrow Field of Vision”: Hayek on the Limits of Knowledge 13. “The Curse of Money”: Rawls on Plutocracy and the Demands of Economic Justice 14. “An Endless Spiral”: Piketty on the Dynamics of Wealth and Income Inequality in the Twenty-First Century Afterword Notes Bibliography Index

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Book SynopsisFraming Borders addresses a fundamental disjuncture between scholastic portrayals of settler colonialism and what actually takes place in Akwesasne Territory, the largest Indigenous cross-border community in Canada. Whereas most existing portrayals of Indigenous nationalism emphasize border crossing as a site of conflict between officers and Indigenous nationalists, in this book Ian Kalman observes a much more diverse range of interactions, from conflict to banality to joking and camaraderie. Framing Borders explores how border crossing represents a conversation where different actors frame themselves, the law, and the space that they occupy in diverse ways. Written in accessible, lively prose, Kalman addresses what goes on when border officers and Akwesasne residents meet, and what these exchanges tell us about the relationship between Indigenous actors and public servants in Canada. This book provides an ethnographic examination of the experiences of thTrade Review"This is a thought-provoking study. Though most scholarly attention to borderlands dynamics focuses on the conflicts inherent in such crossings, Kalman’s work reveals the far more nuanced nature of these interactions, predicated on the ways in which the various actors frame themselves in these often banal contacts. Ultimately, he shows, the diverse nature of these interactions—ranging from tense confrontational hassles to joking camaraderie—reveals ‘just how far into everyday life settler colonialism penetrates’ (p. 201). Kalman’s exposure and analysis of these micro-level ripple effects of macro-level historical developments make this a valuable contribution to an evolving body of scholarship." -- M. R. Scherer, University of Nebraska-Omaha * CHOICE *"What if North America’s borders only exist in the context of the conversations we have with customs officers and port authorities? We rarely know when we have crossed the invisible line itself, but we do know when the conversation with the border services officer has ended and we are free to keep moving. That is, ‘crossing a border is often more a matter of which side of a conversation you find yourself on than which side of a line.’ This provocative insight is at the heart of anthropologist Ian Kalman’s excellent book Framing Borders." -- Sheila McManus, University of Lethbridge * Canadian Journal of History *Table of ContentsPrologue 1. Introduction 2. Welcome to Akwesasne 3. Doing History in Akwesasne 4. The Changing Face of the Cornwall/Akwesasne Border 5. Reporting-in to/from Akwesasne 6. Processing 7. Talking Borders Conclusion

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Book SynopsisThere are many different ways to do political science research. This book takes a core question that motivates research in political science what is democracy? and presents, in a single volume, original research demonstrating a variety of approaches to studying it. The approaches and related methods covered by the chapters in this book include normative political theory, positivist quantitative analysis, behaviouralism, critical theory, post-structuralism, historical institutionalism, process tracing, case studies, and literature reviews. Readers are confronted with the different assumptions that researchers make when entering the research process and can compare and contrast the many different ways that a single question can be studied . This book will be enlightening for students of democracy as well as those interested in research design and methodological approaches.Table of Contents1. Approaching the Study of Democracy Cameron D. Anderson, Western University and Laura B. Stephenson, Western University Part I – Democracy in Theory: Normative Approaches 2. Democracy: What and Why Charles Jones, Western University 3. Is Majority Rule Democratic? Richard Vernon, Western University Part II – Analyzing Democracy: Positivist Approaches 4. Evaluating a Democracy: Are Citizens Engaged? Cameron D. Anderson, Western University and Laura B. Stephenson, Western University 5. Conceptualizing and Measuring Democracy David Armstrong, Western University 6. A Democratic Continuum? Bruce Morrison, Western University 7. Membership Rules for Democratic Communities: Canada and the United States Andrew Sancton, Western University and Christopher Alcantara, Western University 8. Representation and the Practice of Politics Rob Leone, Western University and Josh Morgan, City Councilor, London, Ontario 9. The Democratic Dimensions of Specialized Governments Joseph Lyons, Western University Part III – Interpreting Democracy: Critical and Post-modern Approaches 10. Hatred of Democracy Dan Bousfield, Western University 11. Rethinking Democracy Nandita Biswas Mellamphy, Western University

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Book SynopsisThere are many different ways to do political science research. This book takes a core question that motivates research in political science what is democracy? and presents, in a single volume, original research demonstrating a variety of approaches to studying it. The approaches and related methods covered by the chapters in this book include normative political theory, positivist quantitative analysis, behaviouralism, critical theory, post-structuralism, historical institutionalism, process tracing, case studies, and literature reviews. Readers are confronted with the different assumptions that researchers make when entering the research process and can compare and contrast the many different ways that a single question can be studied . This book will be enlightening for students of democracy as well as those interested in research design and methodological approaches.Table of Contents1. Approaching the Study of Democracy Cameron D. Anderson, Western University and Laura B. Stephenson, Western University Part I – Democracy in Theory: Normative Approaches 2. Democracy: What and Why Charles Jones, Western University 3. Is Majority Rule Democratic? Richard Vernon, Western University Part II – Analyzing Democracy: Positivist Approaches 4. Evaluating a Democracy: Are Citizens Engaged? Cameron D. Anderson, Western University and Laura B. Stephenson, Western University 5. Conceptualizing and Measuring Democracy David Armstrong, Western University 6. A Democratic Continuum? Bruce Morrison, Western University 7. Membership Rules for Democratic Communities: Canada and the United States Andrew Sancton, Western University and Christopher Alcantara, Western University 8. Representation and the Practice of Politics Rob Leone, Western University and Josh Morgan, City Councilor, London, Ontario 9. The Democratic Dimensions of Specialized Governments Joseph Lyons, Western University Part III – Interpreting Democracy: Critical and Post-modern Approaches 10. Hatred of Democracy Dan Bousfield, Western University 11. Rethinking Democracy Nandita Biswas Mellamphy, Western University

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Book SynopsisGendered Citizenship explores how the original ERA conflict served as the vehicle through which Americans not only forged new conceptions of citizenship, but also renewed the justification for sex-specific treatment.Trade Review"Gendered Citizenship sheds important light on the mid-twentieth-century ERA conflict, exposing some of its forgotten dimensions."—Katherine Turk, American Historical Review"The great contribution made by Rebecca DeWolf in Gendered Citizenship: The Original Conflict over the Equal Rights Amendment, 1920–1963 lies in the granular detail she provides about the way the amendment evolved in the early 1920s and why it took the shape it did."—Glenna Matthews, California History"This book's substantial strength lies in its detailed and lucid accounting of the myriad actors, organizations, institutions, laws, and court rulings that shaped the ERA's fortunes in the period from 1920 to 1963, an era given less attention by historians. DeWolf's prodigious research reveals both the complexity and the extent of activism surrounding the Era and situates its trajectory solidly within wider historical contexts."—Lynne Curry, Journal of American History"DeWolf's well-researched history emphasizes the ongoing significance of the conflict a century ago for politics today and will be of interest for graduate students and scholars of the subject, as well as educated readers with a passion for legal and political history."—Nancy Elizabeth Baker, Southwestern Historical Quarterly"Gendered Citizenship is a must-read for history lovers, policy wonks, women's rights activists, and anyone else interested in how the U.S. government can support gender equality."—Rebecca Brenner Graham, Society for U.S. Intellectual History"Although this book is on the ERA, it does go into other laws that affected women, especially their employment opportunities. Read it as a general review of public policy on women, especially at the federal level up to 1963. Then imagine how different things would have been if the ERA had been ratified several decades ago."—Jo Freeman, seniorwomen.com“Like the sun peeking through the clouds, Rebecca DeWolf’s groundbreaking book clears the fog that has long surrounded the Equal Rights Amendment. . . . Anyone who wants to understand why the ERA is not yet law would be well advised to read this book.”—Johanna Neuman, author of Gilded Suffragists: The New York Socialites Who Fought for Women’s Right to Vote“By tracing the origins of the ERA from the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment to 1963, DeWolf offers a deep legal and judicial review of the debate around what constitutes equality under the law and the very nature of citizenship.”—Page Harrington, former executive director of the National Woman’s Party at the Belmont-Paul Women’s Equality National Monument“Rebecca DeWolf has brought us a meticulously researched and vividly detailed account of the original ERA conflict that provides readers with rich context to trace how the arguments against gender equality of nearly a century ago continue to shape our cultural attitudes about the role and duties of women in the domestic sphere today.”—Betsy Fischer Martin, executive director of the Women and Politics Institute at American University“Rebecca DeWolf has given us a book we desperately need—perhaps now more than ever. In Gendered Citizenship DeWolf peels back the layers of conflict surrounding the Equal Rights Amendment . . . to the core question regarding the true scope of American citizenship that arose in the wake of the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment securing women’s suffrage in 1920.”—Angie Maxwell, author of The Long Southern Strategy: How Chasing White Voters in the South Changed American PoliticsTable of ContentsAcknowledgments List of Abbreviations Introduction: The Equal Rights Amendment and American Citizenship 1. The Radical Nineteenth Amendment: Masculine Citizenship and Women’s Status 2. “The Right to Differ”: The Power of Protectionism, 1920–1932 3. “To Be Regarded as Persons”: Emancipationism on the Move, 1933–1937 4. “We Women Want to Be Persons Now”: The Rise of Emancipationism, 1938–1945 5. “Motherhood Cannot Be Amended”: The Return of Protectionism in the Postwar Era 6. “Socially Desirable Concepts”: The Triumph of Protectionism, 1947–1963 Epilogue: The Legacy of Protectionism Notes Bibliography Index

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Book SynopsisGendered Citizenship explores how the original ERA conflict served as the vehicle through which Americans not only forged new conceptions of citizenship, but also renewed the justification for sex-specific treatment.Trade Review"Gendered Citizenship sheds important light on the mid-twentieth-century ERA conflict, exposing some of its forgotten dimensions."—Katherine Turk, American Historical Review"The great contribution made by Rebecca DeWolf in Gendered Citizenship: The Original Conflict over the Equal Rights Amendment, 1920–1963 lies in the granular detail she provides about the way the amendment evolved in the early 1920s and why it took the shape it did."—Glenna Matthews, California History"This book's substantial strength lies in its detailed and lucid accounting of the myriad actors, organizations, institutions, laws, and court rulings that shaped the ERA's fortunes in the period from 1920 to 1963, an era given less attention by historians. DeWolf's prodigious research reveals both the complexity and the extent of activism surrounding the Era and situates its trajectory solidly within wider historical contexts."—Lynne Curry, Journal of American History"DeWolf's well-researched history emphasizes the ongoing significance of the conflict a century ago for politics today and will be of interest for graduate students and scholars of the subject, as well as educated readers with a passion for legal and political history."—Nancy Elizabeth Baker, Southwestern Historical Quarterly"Gendered Citizenship is a must-read for history lovers, policy wonks, women's rights activists, and anyone else interested in how the U.S. government can support gender equality."—Rebecca Brenner Graham, Society for U.S. Intellectual History"Although this book is on the ERA, it does go into other laws that affected women, especially their employment opportunities. Read it as a general review of public policy on women, especially at the federal level up to 1963. Then imagine how different things would have been if the ERA had been ratified several decades ago."—Jo Freeman, seniorwomen.com“Like the sun peeking through the clouds, Rebecca DeWolf’s groundbreaking book clears the fog that has long surrounded the Equal Rights Amendment. . . . Anyone who wants to understand why the ERA is not yet law would be well advised to read this book.”—Johanna Neuman, author of Gilded Suffragists: The New York Socialites Who Fought for Women’s Right to Vote“By tracing the origins of the ERA from the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment to 1963, DeWolf offers a deep legal and judicial review of the debate around what constitutes equality under the law and the very nature of citizenship.”—Page Harrington, former executive director of the National Woman’s Party at the Belmont-Paul Women’s Equality National Monument“Rebecca DeWolf has brought us a meticulously researched and vividly detailed account of the original ERA conflict that provides readers with rich context to trace how the arguments against gender equality of nearly a century ago continue to shape our cultural attitudes about the role and duties of women in the domestic sphere today.”—Betsy Fischer Martin, executive director of the Women and Politics Institute at American University“Rebecca DeWolf has given us a book we desperately need—perhaps now more than ever. In Gendered Citizenship DeWolf peels back the layers of conflict surrounding the Equal Rights Amendment . . . to the core question regarding the true scope of American citizenship that arose in the wake of the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment securing women’s suffrage in 1920.”—Angie Maxwell, author of The Long Southern Strategy: How Chasing White Voters in the South Changed American PoliticsTable of ContentsAcknowledgments List of Abbreviations Introduction: The Equal Rights Amendment and American Citizenship 1. The Radical Nineteenth Amendment: Masculine Citizenship and Women’s Status 2. “The Right to Differ”: The Power of Protectionism, 1920–1932 3. “To Be Regarded as Persons”: Emancipationism on the Move, 1933–1937 4. “We Women Want to Be Persons Now”: The Rise of Emancipationism, 1938–1945 5. “Motherhood Cannot Be Amended”: The Return of Protectionism in the Postwar Era 6. “Socially Desirable Concepts”: The Triumph of Protectionism, 1947–1963 Epilogue: The Legacy of Protectionism Notes Bibliography Index

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Book SynopsisAmerican Catholic places the rise of the United States'' political conservatism in the context of ferment within the Roman Catholic Church. How did Roman Catholics shift from being perceived as un-American to emerging as the most vocal defenders of the United States as the standard bearer in world history for political liberty and economic prosperity? D. G. Hart charts the development of the complex relationship between Roman Catholicism and American conservatism, and shows how these two seemingly antagonistic ideological groups became intertwined in advancing a certain brand of domestic and international politics. Contrary to the standard narrative, Roman Catholics were some of the most assertive political conservatives directly after World War II, and their brand of politics became one of the most influential means by which Roman Catholicism came to terms with American secular society. It did so precisely as bishops determined the church needed to update its teachingTrade ReviewHart observes that Catholic conservatism got its voice in the 1960s: William F. Buckley, Brent Bozell, and then later Michael Novak, John Neuhaus, and finally George Weigel made Catholicism truly American. * Choice *Hart's study is a thoughtful, well-researched account of the growing influence of Catholicism within American conservatism. A valuable addition to the literature. * Journal of Church and State *The story American Catholic tells has many layers and draws together two intellectual traditions—Catholic political theology and movement conservatism—that may be unfamiliar to many readers.[H]his writing style is lucid and engaging, and his argument is worthy of serious engagement. * Modern Reformation *American Catholic takes readers on a thrilling ride, full of twists and turns; it traces gradual slides into fresh conservative paradigms followed by abrupt reversals. In tracing this trajectory, D. G. Hart has provided an important intellectual history. This book is a highly readable text that moves the reader efficiently and effectively through a complex, multilayered narrative. * Church History *In American Catholic, D. G. Hart, a prolific historian of American Protestantism at Hillsdale College, offers a penetrating look at the evolution of Catholic political thought in the United States. [T]his book is a richly informed and well-written intellectual history. * Journal of American History *Table of ContentsIntroduction: How Americanism Won 1. Belonging to an Ancient Church in a Modern Republic 2. Public Duty, Private Faith 3. Americanism for the Global Church 4. Liberal Catholics, American Conservatives 5. The Extremities of Defending Liberty 6. The Limits of Americanism 7. Americanism Revived 8. Americanism Redux Conclusion: Freedom and Roman Catholicism in Postconciliar America

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Book SynopsisIn the spring of 1789, within weeks of the establishment of the new federal government based on the U.S. Constitution, the Senate and House of Representatives fell into dispute regarding how to address the president. Congress, the press, and individuals debated more than thirty titles, many of which had royal associations and some of which were clearly monarchical. For Fear of an Elective King is Kathleen Bartoloni-Tuazon's rich account of the title controversy and its meanings. The short, intense legislative phase and the prolonged, equally intense public phase animated and shaped the new nation's broadening political community. Rather than simply reflecting an obsession with etiquette, the question challenged Americans to find an acceptable balance between power and the people's sovereignty while assuring the country's place in the Atlantic world. Bartoloni-Tuazon argues that the resolution of the controversy in favor of the modest title of President established the importaTrade ReviewThis book is tremendously rich in its historical account of the title controversy and in showing the dynamics of that controversy in a new and interesting way. The author reveals that a controversy that had previously seemed like nothing more than an odd 'sideshow' is actually illustrative of a fundamental shift inthe republican character of the country. She also demonstrates that the controversy played a decisive role in republicanizing the Constitution and, by doing so, making the Constitution stronger. -- Benjamin A. Kleinerman * American Historical Review *[T]his is a first-rate scholarly work. The text supports the fact that the author has diligently researched the use of titles within the US during this period. Her research is also responsible for her deep knowledge of the national debate over a presidential title. Helpful to scholars and advanced students will be the 56 pages of notes and the 16-page bibliography. A mandatory acquisition for four-year institutions and major public libraries. Summing Up: Essential. Most public and academic levels/libraries. -- J. J. Fox, Jr. * CHOICE *Bartoloni-Tuazon's well-crafted book investigates popular conceptions of the presidency. It examines the controversy surrounding John Adams’s attempt to grant Washington an official title at the opening of the first session of Congress. In this, Bartoloni-Tuazon understands the Senate’s attempt to grant the president the title 'His Highness the President of the United States of America' as a key problem of post-Revolutionary political culture and not as a frivolous diversion that distracted from the real problems of governing the new republic. -- Andrew J. B. Fagal * Reviews in American History *Kathleen Bartoloni-Tuazon has written a small but ambitious work on the presidential title debate that occupied the new Congress in May 1789. She offers a meticulously researched and well-written study of the controversy. -- Sandra Moats * Journal of American History *This delightfully well-written and meticulously researched book is by far the fullest and finest study of the legislative debate over a presidential title, and it is the only study of the public debate over the controversy. -- Stuart Leibiger * Journal of the Early Republic *This is an outstanding work of historical writing. All of Bartoloni-Tuazon's assertions are strongly backed up with historical evidence. The book is thoroughly researched (with fifty-five pages of notes), and includes a very useful bibliography. In sum, this book is a balanced and thorough examination of an important episode in American history. The title controversy decided that America—at least until the twentieth century—would have a presidency of moderation with a lack of pageantry. -- Benjamin Huggins * Journal of the American Revolution *Throughout, Bartoloni-Tuazon's deployment of well-chosen quotations render sthe dispute, in all its iterations, freshly vivid.... Bartoloni-Tuazon absolutely demonstrates the importance of the titles controversy to the early development of the US presidency and to our understanding of contemporary American political sensibilities. She also, not always the case with deeply researched work, tells a thoroughly good story. -- Finn Pollard * American Studies *Table of ContentsIntroduction: The Title Controversy and the Early PresidencyChapter 1. "An Improper Distinction of Rank": The Persistence of TitlesChapter 2. The Third Body of Washington: Sovereignties in ConfusionChapter 3. Protecting the Presidency: A Republican DilemmaChapter 4. Debating a "Doubtful Power": The Legislative Battle EngagedChapter 5. "Strange Contradictions": The People Confront Status DistinctionChapter 6. A "Dangerous Vice": Leaders under ScrutinyConclusion: The Path to American Democratic LeadershipAppendix A: Senate Resolution on a Presidential TitleNotes Bibliography Index

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Book SynopsisStranger Citizens examines how foreign migrants who resided in the United States gave shape to citizenship in the decades after American independence in 1783. During this formative time, lawmakers attempted to shape citizenship and the place of immigrants in the new nation, while granting the national government new powers such as deportation. John McNelis O''Keefe argues that despite the challenges of public and official hostility that they faced in the late 1700s and early 1800s, migrant groups worked through lobbying, engagement with government officials, and public protest to create forms of citizenship that worked for them. This push was made not only by white men immigrating from Europe; immigrants of color were able to secure footholds of rights and citizenship, while migrant women asserted legal independence, challenging traditional notions of women''s subordination.Stranger Citizens emphasizes the making of citizenship from tTrade ReviewStranger Citizens offers a unique perspective on the issue of citizenship, arguing that migrant groups were actively and politically engaged in defining citizenship in a way that worked for their survival and success. Recent events have brought the idea of citizenship back into the mainstream. The immigrants who were actively pursuing their rights in the new United States during the period of the Early Republic have shown today's migrants what they need to do to navigate the rights and privileges of American citizenship. * Journal of the American Revolution *Ultimately, citizenship as shaped by migrants illustrates their perspective and the rich varieties of citizenship and individualism as exercised by foreign migrants and refugees. In describing this, O'Keefe shows how modern events reflect earlier periods in which citizenship was constructed only by white political leaders and the courts. * Choice *In clear and often exquisitely concise prose, O'Keefe traces how inherited conceptions of legal personhood gave way, always incompletely, to a context of nationalized and racialized conceptions of citizenship. One of the subtler, yet consequential, implications of the book is that far from disappearing, problems of legal personhood inherited from the multivalent legal landscape of British imperialism continued to challenge any attempt to draw clean lines around citizenship in the new nation. * Journal of the Early Republic *Table of ContentsIntroduction 1. Refugees Push Back 2. Virtual Citizens 3. Married to an Alien Enemy 4. Citizens Not Denizens 5. From Servants to Equals Conclusion

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Book SynopsisFor scholars, pundits, the public, and presidents themselves, presidential approval is an evergreen subject. Its actual impact, however, is often unclear: all too frequently approval is reported in a vacuum, dissociated from the American state writ large. Presidential Leverage reaffirms the importance of this contested metric. By situating approval within the context of public trust in government, Daniel E. Ponder reveals how approval shapes presidential strategies for governing, providing a useful measure of the president's place in the political system. The leverage that presidents derive from public opinion exercises considerable influence on their incentives and opportunities for action. Though it is more tenuous and fragile than the authority they derive from the Constitution or the law, it makes certain kinds of executive action more attractive at a given time. Using a quantitative index of presidential leverage, Ponder examines this contextualized approval from John F. Kennedy's administration through Barack Obama's, showing how it has shaped presidential capacity and autonomy, agenda setting, landmark legislation, and unilateral action. His analysis sheds light not only on the complexities of presidential power, but also on a broad swath of national politics and the American state.Trade Review"In this engaging and thoughtful study, Daniel Ponder grapples with a critical set of issues—the complexity and impacts of public opinion on presidents' behavior, and vice versa—in a theoretically creative fashion. It places these issues within a broader institutional setting to provide nuanced, and compelling, insights into these concerns. It is at once rich in its historical inquiry and contemporary relevance, and has much to offer scholars of the American presidency and, indeed, of American politics generally." -- Rodney Hero, Arizona State University and President * American Political Science Association (2014-15) *"Presidential power is easy to talk about but notoriously hard to measure. This important book takes that key step forward, exploring when presidents' approval actually bolsters their authority. The result is an innovative and convincing approach to assessing presidential leverage over public policy." -- Andrew Rudalevige * Bowdoin College *"Daniel Ponder has unearthed one of the most important theoretical and empirical advances in the presidency studies in decades. It is not presidential approval that matters but approval nested in public trust of government that yields political leverage for the highest office in the land." -- Raymond Tatalovich * Loyola University-Chicago *"Dan Ponder's research reminds us that presidents lead in a complex political environment.Presidential Leverage helps us to understand a wide range of presidential decisions, from agenda-setting to unilateral policy-making. Using rigorous quantitative analysis, this book sheds light on many facets of presidential behavior. It is an important read for scholars of the American presidency." -- Julia Azari * Marquette University *"Presidential Leverage offers an important new concept and variable to the explanation of how high presidential leverage affects the president's policy agenda, both legislative and executive, and how the presence of low leverage levels spur presidents to withdraw into a more centralized White House. The book offers a significant contribution to the continuing conversation about presidents, public support, and public policymaking." -- Matthew Eshbaugh-Soha * Public Opinion Quarterly *"Presidential Leverageis an important piece of scholarship that encourages the reader to think about the presidency in the context of our American separation-of-powers system....On the basis of book's insights,readers willfind new avenues for research in political science and public policy."––Perspectives on Politics"There is a lot to like about this thoughtful and innovative book. Among other things, the concept of leverage is compelling and encourages scholars to think about the president's relationship to the broader federal system....[This] valuable contribution provides a strong foundation for anyone interested in how the public presidency shapes policymaking."––Brandice Canes-Wrone, Congress and the Presidency"[Ponder's] theoretical framework, empirically rich analysis, and thoughtful assessment presented in this book provide a foundation for future scholarship on executive leadership, public opinion, and policymaking."––Political Science QuarterlyTable of ContentsContents and Abstracts1Introduction: Locating Presidents in the American Political System chapter abstractThis chapter provides a very broad overview of the concept of presidential leverage and the American state, as well as an overview of the rest of the book. It begins with a vignette on President Obama and the run-up to the 2012 election, defines leverage, and provides other extended examples of the concepts in action. The second example focuses on President Clinton, especially in the aftermath of the 1994 congressional midterms, and illustrates how Clinton's political resurrection stemmed in part from a decline in public trust in government generally and an increase in his approval ratings. These vignettes illustrate the various components of the IPL and introduce the reader to the conceptual thinking behind leverage and the construction of the index. 2Presidents, Approval and Trust: Toward a Concept of Presidential Leverage chapter abstractThis brief chapter discusses presidential approval and public trust in government more generally and how thinking of presidential approval in the context of trust in government can give scholars a different perspective on a president's place (that is, leverage) in the system. It reveals that thinking of presidential approval in this way uncovers issues that are missed by simply examining approval in isolation. 3The Quest for Presidential Leverage: The Presidency and the American State chapter abstractThis chapter employs the concept of the "American state." For most people the president is the personification of the American state, though he has relatively few leverage points outside of a few constitutional provisions to help him. Though the Constitution establishes Congress as the most powerful branch, an institutional inversion has taken place that has effectively reversed the constitutional scheme and has led to increased expectations on the presidency without an appreciable increase in governing authority for the president. The argument is that presidents seeking leverage points in the American state, which is characterized by a public that is largely antileadership and skeptical of efforts to forge policy direction, can build capacity and seek autonomy to help cope with expectations heaped on them. The theme of this chapter—how public leverage signals when presidents can or should act autonomously and/or build capacity—is woven throughout much of the book. 4Measuring Presidential Leverage chapter abstractThis chapter explains the measurement methodology and traces trends in the index of presidential leverage (IPL). It provides a broad, panoramic view as well as president-by-president explanations of approval, trust, and the IPL for Presidents Kennedy to Obama. The analysis breaks down the IPL a number of ways, including but not limited to pre- and post-Vietnam/Watergate eras. The chapter explains measurement decisions, including estimation techniques such as the employment of James Stimson's WCALC algorithm to construct the approval and trust measures. 5Presidential Leverage and the Creation of Public Policy chapter abstractThis chapter explores the macropolitics of policy output and its relation to presidential leverage and examines three types of macropolitical policy activity: presidential legacy, unilateral policy making, and agenda size. These include the size of the president's agenda, encompassing all proposals (1961–2004), and high salience policy (operationalized in two ways via the State of the Union speeches from 1961–2012), and draw on two different data sets. Specifically, the IPL is systematically related to the success of landmark legislation that originated in the White House (as opposed to Congress) and calculated from the list composed by David Mayhew. Executive orders are also significantly related to the IPL, as are requests in the State of the Union. Presidential leverage is a significant improvement over using raw approval scores in the statistical analyses in both legacy and unilateral models and is approximately as strong as approval in the agenda size model. 6A Refuge of Low-Leveraged Presidents: Politicized Capacity and Policy Centralization chapter abstractThis chapter explores capacity and autonomy. It builds on the author's previous book, Good Advice: Information and Policy Making in the White House, to empirically examine the role of leverage in building capacity (measured as employees in the Executive Office of the President) and centralizing policy making in the White House. For centralization, a robust relationship between leverage and centralization is thoroughly explored and explained. Specifically, the analysis shows that weaker, less advantageously situated presidents (as identified by the IPL) are more likely to centralize policy making in the White House than those with higher degrees of public leverage. Using time series error correction models and controlling for a variety of institutional and economic factors, another analysis finds a limited but statistically significant relationship between leverage and political capacity in the politicized staff in the Executive Office of the President. 7Conclusion: The Place of the President's "Place" in American Politics chapter abstractThis chapter concludes by reviewing the major findings of the book. It systematically lays out the reach of the theory while also including a discussion of the book's limitations (for example, leverage seems to have little to do with the degree of congressional concurrence with the president's program or with the content of the policy agenda). It briefly reviews where presidential leverage outperforms measuring approval in isolation. Finally, it offers final thoughts of the nature of the presidency in the American state and how leverage can offer scholars a supplementary, alternative way to examine the context within which presidents take action. It also outlines prospect theory as a tool for future research that combines leverage with decision analysis. It brings the analysis up to date with a set of observations in light of the 2016 presidential election.

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Book SynopsisFor scholars, pundits, the public, and presidents themselves, presidential approval is an evergreen subject. Its actual impact, however, is often unclear: all too frequently approval is reported in a vacuum, dissociated from the American state writ large. Presidential Leverage reaffirms the importance of this contested metric. By situating approval within the context of public trust in government, Daniel E. Ponder reveals how approval shapes presidential strategies for governing, providing a useful measure of the president's place in the political system. The leverage that presidents derive from public opinion exercises considerable influence on their incentives and opportunities for action. Though it is more tenuous and fragile than the authority they derive from the Constitution or the law, it makes certain kinds of executive action more attractive at a given time. Using a quantitative index of presidential leverage, Ponder examines this contextualized approval from John F. Kennedy's administration through Barack Obama's, showing how it has shaped presidential capacity and autonomy, agenda setting, landmark legislation, and unilateral action. His analysis sheds light not only on the complexities of presidential power, but also on a broad swath of national politics and the American state.Trade Review"In this engaging and thoughtful study, Daniel Ponder grapples with a critical set of issues—the complexity and impacts of public opinion on presidents' behavior, and vice versa—in a theoretically creative fashion. It places these issues within a broader institutional setting to provide nuanced, and compelling, insights into these concerns. It is at once rich in its historical inquiry and contemporary relevance, and has much to offer scholars of the American presidency and, indeed, of American politics generally." -- Rodney Hero, Arizona State University and President * American Political Science Association (2014-15) *"Presidential power is easy to talk about but notoriously hard to measure. This important book takes that key step forward, exploring when presidents' approval actually bolsters their authority. The result is an innovative and convincing approach to assessing presidential leverage over public policy." -- Andrew Rudalevige * Bowdoin College *"Daniel Ponder has unearthed one of the most important theoretical and empirical advances in the presidency studies in decades. It is not presidential approval that matters but approval nested in public trust of government that yields political leverage for the highest office in the land." -- Raymond Tatalovich * Loyola University-Chicago *"Dan Ponder's research reminds us that presidents lead in a complex political environment.Presidential Leverage helps us to understand a wide range of presidential decisions, from agenda-setting to unilateral policy-making. Using rigorous quantitative analysis, this book sheds light on many facets of presidential behavior. It is an important read for scholars of the American presidency." -- Julia Azari * Marquette University *"Presidential Leverage offers an important new concept and variable to the explanation of how high presidential leverage affects the president's policy agenda, both legislative and executive, and how the presence of low leverage levels spur presidents to withdraw into a more centralized White House. The book offers a significant contribution to the continuing conversation about presidents, public support, and public policymaking." -- Matthew Eshbaugh-Soha * Public Opinion Quarterly *"Presidential Leverageis an important piece of scholarship that encourages the reader to think about the presidency in the context of our American separation-of-powers system....On the basis of book's insights,readers willfind new avenues for research in political science and public policy."––Perspectives on Politics"There is a lot to like about this thoughtful and innovative book. Among other things, the concept of leverage is compelling and encourages scholars to think about the president's relationship to the broader federal system....[This] valuable contribution provides a strong foundation for anyone interested in how the public presidency shapes policymaking."––Brandice Canes-Wrone, Congress and the Presidency"[Ponder's] theoretical framework, empirically rich analysis, and thoughtful assessment presented in this book provide a foundation for future scholarship on executive leadership, public opinion, and policymaking."––Political Science QuarterlyTable of ContentsContents and Abstracts1Introduction: Locating Presidents in the American Political System chapter abstractThis chapter provides a very broad overview of the concept of presidential leverage and the American state, as well as an overview of the rest of the book. It begins with a vignette on President Obama and the run-up to the 2012 election, defines leverage, and provides other extended examples of the concepts in action. The second example focuses on President Clinton, especially in the aftermath of the 1994 congressional midterms, and illustrates how Clinton's political resurrection stemmed in part from a decline in public trust in government generally and an increase in his approval ratings. These vignettes illustrate the various components of the IPL and introduce the reader to the conceptual thinking behind leverage and the construction of the index. 2Presidents, Approval and Trust: Toward a Concept of Presidential Leverage chapter abstractThis brief chapter discusses presidential approval and public trust in government more generally and how thinking of presidential approval in the context of trust in government can give scholars a different perspective on a president's place (that is, leverage) in the system. It reveals that thinking of presidential approval in this way uncovers issues that are missed by simply examining approval in isolation. 3The Quest for Presidential Leverage: The Presidency and the American State chapter abstractThis chapter employs the concept of the "American state." For most people the president is the personification of the American state, though he has relatively few leverage points outside of a few constitutional provisions to help him. Though the Constitution establishes Congress as the most powerful branch, an institutional inversion has taken place that has effectively reversed the constitutional scheme and has led to increased expectations on the presidency without an appreciable increase in governing authority for the president. The argument is that presidents seeking leverage points in the American state, which is characterized by a public that is largely antileadership and skeptical of efforts to forge policy direction, can build capacity and seek autonomy to help cope with expectations heaped on them. The theme of this chapter—how public leverage signals when presidents can or should act autonomously and/or build capacity—is woven throughout much of the book. 4Measuring Presidential Leverage chapter abstractThis chapter explains the measurement methodology and traces trends in the index of presidential leverage (IPL). It provides a broad, panoramic view as well as president-by-president explanations of approval, trust, and the IPL for Presidents Kennedy to Obama. The analysis breaks down the IPL a number of ways, including but not limited to pre- and post-Vietnam/Watergate eras. The chapter explains measurement decisions, including estimation techniques such as the employment of James Stimson's WCALC algorithm to construct the approval and trust measures. 5Presidential Leverage and the Creation of Public Policy chapter abstractThis chapter explores the macropolitics of policy output and its relation to presidential leverage and examines three types of macropolitical policy activity: presidential legacy, unilateral policy making, and agenda size. These include the size of the president's agenda, encompassing all proposals (1961–2004), and high salience policy (operationalized in two ways via the State of the Union speeches from 1961–2012), and draw on two different data sets. Specifically, the IPL is systematically related to the success of landmark legislation that originated in the White House (as opposed to Congress) and calculated from the list composed by David Mayhew. Executive orders are also significantly related to the IPL, as are requests in the State of the Union. Presidential leverage is a significant improvement over using raw approval scores in the statistical analyses in both legacy and unilateral models and is approximately as strong as approval in the agenda size model. 6A Refuge of Low-Leveraged Presidents: Politicized Capacity and Policy Centralization chapter abstractThis chapter explores capacity and autonomy. It builds on the author's previous book, Good Advice: Information and Policy Making in the White House, to empirically examine the role of leverage in building capacity (measured as employees in the Executive Office of the President) and centralizing policy making in the White House. For centralization, a robust relationship between leverage and centralization is thoroughly explored and explained. Specifically, the analysis shows that weaker, less advantageously situated presidents (as identified by the IPL) are more likely to centralize policy making in the White House than those with higher degrees of public leverage. Using time series error correction models and controlling for a variety of institutional and economic factors, another analysis finds a limited but statistically significant relationship between leverage and political capacity in the politicized staff in the Executive Office of the President. 7Conclusion: The Place of the President's "Place" in American Politics chapter abstractThis chapter concludes by reviewing the major findings of the book. It systematically lays out the reach of the theory while also including a discussion of the book's limitations (for example, leverage seems to have little to do with the degree of congressional concurrence with the president's program or with the content of the policy agenda). It briefly reviews where presidential leverage outperforms measuring approval in isolation. Finally, it offers final thoughts of the nature of the presidency in the American state and how leverage can offer scholars a supplementary, alternative way to examine the context within which presidents take action. It also outlines prospect theory as a tool for future research that combines leverage with decision analysis. It brings the analysis up to date with a set of observations in light of the 2016 presidential election.

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Book SynopsisReveals how the U.S. Supreme Court's presidentialism threatens our democracy and what to do about it. Donald Trump's presidency made many Americans wonder whether our system of checks and balances would prove robust enough to withstand an onslaught from a despotic chief executive. In The Specter of Dictatorship, David Driesen analyzes the chief executive's role in the democratic decline of Hungary, Poland, and Turkey and argues that an insufficiently constrained presidency is one of the most important systemic threats to democracy. Driesen urges the U.S. to learn from the mistakes of these failing democracies. Their experiences suggest, Driesen shows, that the Court must eschew its reliance on and expansion of the "unitary executive theory" recently endorsed by the Court and apply a less deferential approach to presidential authority, invoked to protect national security and combat emergencies, than it has in recent years. Ultimately, Driesen argues that concern about loss of democracy should play a major role in the Court's jurisprudence, because loss of democracy can prove irreversible. As autocracy spreads throughout the world, maintaining our democracy has become an urgent matter.Trade Review"David Driesen has written an eloquent and powerful account of the Framers' concern about 'tyranny' and their profound commitment to democracy. His careful historical scholarship and deft analysis of doctrine demonstrate clearly the ways that growing presidential power has imperiled this principle. An urgent and compelling read not just for today's crises, but for understanding the basic dynamics of American democracy and its antagonists." -- Aziz Z. Huq * University of Chicago Law School *"A book for our troubled times. Blending history, law, and politics, David Driesen situates the Trump presidency in the alarming global trend toward autocracy and diagnoses what currently ails democracy in America. Richly detailed, highly informative, and deeply contextual, this book is required reading to understand the forces threatening the liberal democratic values of modern constitutionalism." -- Richard Albert * The University of Texas at Austin *"Constitutional drafters often establish semi-autonomous executive institutions to serve as guardrails of democracy. Over the past several decades, conservative lawyers and judges in the U.S. have systematically targeted such bureaucratic independence as inconsistent with the constitutional theory of a 'unitary executive.' Driesen masterfully lays bare the previously underappreciated role played by unitary executive theory in ongoing processes of democratic erosion." -- Thomas M. Keck * Syracuse University *Table of ContentsContents and AbstractsIntroduction: chapter abstractThis chapter explains that this book will analyze excessive presidential power's potential to undermine democracy by exploring democratic decline primarily in Hungary, Turkey, and Poland. It outlines the book's major lesson: the head of state plays a key role in establishing autocracy by establishing unimpeded control over the executive branch in keeping with the American unitary executive theory, often accelerated through use of emergency powers. It outlines the book's argument that the U.S. Supreme Court has augmented executive power in dangerous ways and describes its principal recommendations for taking the potential for autocracy into account in adjudicating separation-of-powers cases. It summarizes each chapter's contribution to this argument. 1Avoiding Tyranny at the Founding chapter abstractThis chapter establishes that the Founders of this nation shared a goal of avoiding a future drive to autocracy and suggests that this intention should guide the Supreme Court's treatment of presidential power. It explains the controversy over whether the Founders embraced the unitary executive theory and shows that they did not expressly grant emergency powers to the President in the Constitution. It introduces the concept of original intent and explains that it increasingly influences judges and constitutional scholarship, making this chapter's treatment of the creation of the Constitution important to establishing room to take lessons from democracy loss abroad into account in adjudication of separation of powers disputes. 2The Rise of Presidential Power chapter abstractThis chapter provides an account of the rise of presidential power from the Founding through the late twentieth century. It explores the historical roots of the fear that presidential control over the executive branch of government and the growth of presidential emergency powers would undermine democracy and the rule of law. It canvasses the controversies (judicial and political) over presidential removal of federal officials from office (which the unitary executive theory insists must be free from restriction), from Andrew Jackson's effort to circumvent legislation creating the National Bank to Richard Nixon's attempt to thwart investigation of crimes undertaken to tilt the electoral playing field. It explains how congressional delegation of authority has enhanced the President's power over time. It also shows that the Supreme Court imposed constraints on emergency powers throughout this period, recognizing this presidential power as dangerous to democracy. 3Declining to Adjudicate Claims Against the President chapter abstractThis chapter explains that the courts have augmented presidential power by frequently refusing to adjudicate claims that the President has exceeded his constitutional authority. It explains the key justiciability doctrines that the courts have used to shield Presidents from allegations of misconduct—standing, ripeness, and the political question doctrine. It establishes that the courts have applied these doctrines quite strictly, and sometimes grossly distorted them, to shield allegations of presidential usurpation of power from judicial scrutiny. At the same time, it has been quite liberal in entertaining challenges to congressional efforts to check and balance the executive branch. It shows that the courts' refusal to entertain challenges to unilateral presidential wars has aided the transfer of the war power from Congress to the President. 4Implied Presidential and Congressional Power chapter abstractThis chapter explains that the modern Supreme Court has generously granted the President extensive implied powers at the expense of Congress, while declining to apply the implied-powers doctrine to sustain efforts by Congress to check the executive branch. It shows that the Court's implied-powers jurisprudence has not only expanded the President's foreign affairs power, but also eroded checks and balances domestically. It emphasizes the role of the unitary executive theory and the legislative veto in undermining checks on emergency powers and undermining of the rule of law. This chapter fills a gap in the literature by defining the concept of implied power. It shows that propresidential bias in the Court's treatment of constitutional custom, means/ends reasoning, and congressional intent helps explain the asymmetric results of the Court's implied-power jurisprudence. 5The Specter of Dictatorship: Poland, Hungary and Turkey chapter abstractThis chapter, the heart of the book, examines the role of executive power in undermining democracy in Poland, Hungary, and Turkey. In all three cases, creation of centralized control over the executive branch of government paved the way for autocracy, leading to politicized use of prosecution to undermine political opponents, shrinking of the media available to dissenters, and tilting the electoral playing field. This analysis focuses primarily on centralization of control over prosecution, media authorities, and electoral commissions. In Hungary and Turkey, abuse of emergency powers accelerated the establishment of autocracy. These countries' autocrats eroded democracy with the support of a political party enjoying the support of at least a substantial minority of voters. Party members in Parliament helped destroy democracy by voting in lockstep fashion to support "reforms" undermining independent agencies and prosecutorial independence. 6Parallels to America's Democratic Erosion chapter abstractThis chapter examines the extent to which America's democratic erosion mirrors that of Hungary, Turkey, and Poland. It explains that acceptance of the unitary executive theory has significantly undermined the rule of law, just as centralization of power has in the case studies. It analyzes the extent to which we have emulated the autocracies in tilting the electoral playing field and undermining independent media. It explains that partisan division has led to a breakdown of deliberative democracy very similar to that seen Chapter 5's case studies. It also analyzes our vulnerability to judicial capture and abuse of the war power. It argues that judges lack the capacity to predict the extent of democratic decline, given its complexity and the role of unpredictable shocks in stimulating autocracy, but that we have serious long-term vulnerabilities. 7Judicial Treatment of Presidential Power in an Age of Democratic Decline chapter abstractThis chapter discusses the factors that should influence the courts' separation-of-powers cases. Generally, it counsels judges to give more weight to the possibility of democratic decline than to potential policy mistakes, and to allow for the possibility of presidential bad faith. It shows that national security means protecting the American People's control over the government, not just preventing of physical attacks. It suggests rejecting or limiting the reach of the unitary executive theory, bolstering presidential legal accountability, and relying less on justiciability doctrines to shield presidential actions from judicial review. It also analyzes the role of judicial decision making in protecting and restoring democracy, showing that judicial decisions can aid political forces seeking to preserve or revive an ailing democracy. Conclusion: chapter abstractThis chapter briefly recapitulates the book's lessons. It affirms that the judiciary can and should contribute to democracy protection by considering the possibility of presidential bad faith in making decisions, since the presidency, not the judiciary, constitutes the principal threat to democracy. It calls for the judiciary to reject or at least limit the unitary executive theory, to think of national security in terms of preserving popular sovereignty, and to relax justiciability barriers to adjudicating challenges to excessive presidential power. It argues that the tendency to think of autocracy as a product of a coup, instead of as the product of gradual democratic decline, can blind us to the possibility of autocracy in America, but that signs of serious democratic decline abound. It suggests that judges need to take the possibility of losing a democracy as seriously as the founders of this country did.

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Book SynopsisThe idea that wealthy people use their money to influence things, including politics, law, and media will surprise very few people. However, as Michael S. Kang and Joanna Shepherd argue in this readable and rich study of the state judiciary, the effect of money on judicial outcomes should disturb and anger everyone. In the current system that elects state judges, the rich and powerful can spend money to elect and re-elect judges who decide cases the way they want. Free to Judge is about how and why money increasingly affects the dispensation of justice in our legal system, and what can be done to stop it. One of the barriers to action in the past has been an inability to prove that campaign donations influence state judicial decision-making. In this book, Kang and Shepherd answer that challenge for the first time, with a rigorous empirical study of campaign finance and judicial decision-making data. Pairing this with interviews of past and present judges, they create a compelling and persuasive account of people like Marsha Ternus, the first Iowa state supreme court justice to be voted out of office after her decision in a same-sex marriage case. The threat of such an outcome, and the desire to win reelection, results in judges demonstrably leaning towards the interests and preferences of their campaign donors across all cases. Free to Judge is thus able to identify the pieces of our current system that invite bias, such as judicial reelection, and what reforms should focus on. This thoughtful and compellingly written book will be required reading for anybody who cares about creating a more just legal system. Trade Review"State judiciaries receive short shrift in much of legal education and scholarship, which is a great pity given how important and interesting they are. In this wonderful and path breaking new book, two of the most creative and clear thinkers about courts apply their considerable theoretical and empirical skills to study the impact of money on state judicial elections. This book is going to change the way many of us think and teach about the judiciary."—Mitu Gulati, University of Virginia"Professors Shepherd and Kang thoughtfully address an issue toxic to our democracy: the influence of campaign money in state judicial elections. As their research shows, this money pushes judges away from the rule of law and makes judges pawns of their donors. Fortunately, Shepherd and Kang also suggest a feasible and effective reform."—Marsha Ternus, former chief justice Iowa Supreme Court"An original approach to an important topic, this book is written in an engaging and accessibly way. The unique empirical analysis allows the authors to make a compelling case about the effects of campaign finance on judicial behavior."—Erwin Chemerinsky, author of Worse Than Nothing: The Dangerous Fallacy of Originalism"Ingeniously blending data science and legal analysis, this is an innovative and accessible program for justice system reform."—Publishers Weekly starred reviewTable of Contents1. The Modern Era of Big Money Judicial Elections 2. The Rise of Judicial Elections: How We Got Where We Are 3. The Crocodile in the Bathtub: How Elections and Money Influence Judges 4. Why Money Matters 5. How to Fix Judicial Elections and Campaign Finance

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Book SynopsisIn Supreme Bias, Christina L. Boyd, Paul M. Collins, Jr., and Lori A. Ringhand present for the first time a comprehensive analysis of the dynamics of race and gender at the Supreme Court confirmation hearings held before the Senate Judiciary Committee. Drawing on their deep knowledge of the confirmation hearings, as well as rich new qualitative and quantitative evidence, the authors highlight how the women and people of color who have sat before the Committee have faced a significantly different confirmation process than their white male colleagues. Despite being among the most qualified and well-credentialed lawyers of their respective generations, female nominees and nominees of color face more skepticism of their professional competence, are subjected to stereotype-based questioning, are more frequently interrupted, and are described in less-positive terms by senators. In addition to revealing the disturbing extent to which race and gender bias exist even at the highest echelon of U.S. legal power, this book also provides concrete suggestions for how that bias can be reduced in the future.Trade Review"Supreme Bias is an important book. The research is vital, timely, and innovative as it is the first book to comprehensively focus on gender and racial biases during the Senate Judiciary Committee confirmation hearings. Collins, Ringhand, and Boyd present novel qualitative and quantitative data and find that female nominees and nominees of color face very different confirmation hearings than white male nominees. The work is theoretically rich, and the scope and depth of the book is remarkable. In short, Supreme Bias will transform how scholars study Supreme Court confirmation hearings."—Jennifer Bowie, University of Richmond"Supreme Bias deepens our understanding of the way the U.S. Senate exercises its advice and consent power. Boyd, Collins, and Ringhand leverage the most comprehensive and sophisticated dataset of U.S. Supreme Court confirmation hearings to systematically assess the dynamics of senator-nominee interactions, illuminating how senators' treatment of nominees is shaped by gender, race, and partisanship."—Eve Ringsmuth, Oklahoma State University"In this excellent and timely book, Boyd, Collins, and Ringhand provide compelling evidence that confirmation hearings play out in a context in which a nominee's race and gender are relevant to how hearings unfold. They also demonstrate that potential improvements, such as by increasing diversity on the Senate Judiciary Committee, are unlikely to eliminate in full the racial and gender bias often on display. This thorough analysis provides an important contribution to our understanding of the collision between efforts to diversify the Supreme Court and how nominees are treated in the most public part of the appointment process."—Lisa M. Holmes, University of Vermont"Supreme Bias describes how race, gender, and partisanship interact to produce a two-tiered confirmation process for individuals nominated to the Supreme Court. Drawing on theoretical literature on in-groups and out-groups, the authors mine an 'original data set' gleaned from Judiciary Committee hearings that took place between 1939 and 2022. The results are stark.... Essential reading for students of the Court."—P. Watkins, CHOICE

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Book SynopsisIn Supreme Bias, Christina L. Boyd, Paul M. Collins, Jr., and Lori A. Ringhand present for the first time a comprehensive analysis of the dynamics of race and gender at the Supreme Court confirmation hearings held before the Senate Judiciary Committee. Drawing on their deep knowledge of the confirmation hearings, as well as rich new qualitative and quantitative evidence, the authors highlight how the women and people of color who have sat before the Committee have faced a significantly different confirmation process than their white male colleagues. Despite being among the most qualified and well-credentialed lawyers of their respective generations, female nominees and nominees of color face more skepticism of their professional competence, are subjected to stereotype-based questioning, are more frequently interrupted, and are described in less-positive terms by senators. In addition to revealing the disturbing extent to which race and gender bias exist even at the highest echelon of U.S. legal power, this book also provides concrete suggestions for how that bias can be reduced in the future.Trade Review"Supreme Bias is an important book. The research is vital, timely, and innovative as it is the first book to comprehensively focus on gender and racial biases during the Senate Judiciary Committee confirmation hearings. Collins, Ringhand, and Boyd present novel qualitative and quantitative data and find that female nominees and nominees of color face very different confirmation hearings than white male nominees. The work is theoretically rich, and the scope and depth of the book is remarkable. In short, Supreme Bias will transform how scholars study Supreme Court confirmation hearings."—Jennifer Bowie, University of Richmond"Supreme Bias deepens our understanding of the way the U.S. Senate exercises its advice and consent power. Boyd, Collins, and Ringhand leverage the most comprehensive and sophisticated dataset of U.S. Supreme Court confirmation hearings to systematically assess the dynamics of senator-nominee interactions, illuminating how senators' treatment of nominees is shaped by gender, race, and partisanship."—Eve Ringsmuth, Oklahoma State University"In this excellent and timely book, Boyd, Collins, and Ringhand provide compelling evidence that confirmation hearings play out in a context in which a nominee's race and gender are relevant to how hearings unfold. They also demonstrate that potential improvements, such as by increasing diversity on the Senate Judiciary Committee, are unlikely to eliminate in full the racial and gender bias often on display. This thorough analysis provides an important contribution to our understanding of the collision between efforts to diversify the Supreme Court and how nominees are treated in the most public part of the appointment process."—Lisa M. Holmes, University of Vermont"Supreme Bias describes how race, gender, and partisanship interact to produce a two-tiered confirmation process for individuals nominated to the Supreme Court. Drawing on theoretical literature on in-groups and out-groups, the authors mine an 'original data set' gleaned from Judiciary Committee hearings that took place between 1939 and 2022. The results are stark.... Essential reading for students of the Court."—P. Watkins, CHOICE

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Book SynopsisAcross the Western world, people are angry about the inability of government to perform basic functions competently. With widespread evidence of policy failures at home and ill-conceived wars and interventions abroad, it is hardly surprising that politicians are distrusted and government is derided as a sprawling, wasteful mess. But what exactly is government supposed to do, and is the track record of Western governments really so awful? In this compelling book, leading scholar of public policy and management, Alasdair Roberts, explores what government does well and what it does badly. Political leaders, he explains, have always been obliged to wrestle with shifting circumstances and contending priorities, making the job of governing extraordinarily difficult. The performance of western democracies in recent decades is, admittedly, far from perfect but - as Roberts ably shows - it is also much better than you might think.Trade Review“This contrarian work is a welcome corrective to the doom and gloom commentary that is so common today. Not only that, it's a good read as well. It will get an intensive workout in college seminars.” Morris P. Fiorina, Stanford University “Governing, particularly in democracies, is difficult and often frustrating work. In this vital new book, Alasdair Roberts makes a convincing case that Western governments have been largely effective at addressing the challenges they face.” Stephen K. Medvic, Franklin & Marshall College"In a world dominated by narratives of democratic crisis and decline Alasdair Roberts reveals the innate complexities of modern governance and political statecraft. In a book that is as clear and accessible as it is intellectually thoughtful and provocative, Roberts offers a positive and optimistic account of contemporary politics. It offers an energising breadth of fresh air in what is otherwise a fairly gloomy scholarly space."Matthew Flinders is Professor of Politics and Founding Director of the Sir Bernard Crick Centre for the Public Understanding of Politics at the University of Sheffield. He is also President of the Political Studies Association of the United Kingdom. ‘Alasdair Roberts' pithy, accessible, and refreshingly non-partisan book offers a pragmatic yet optimistic view of the benefits and future of government. While thoughtfully acknowledging a broad range of complaints about the representativeness and effectiveness of Western democracies, Roberts persuasively counters by pointing out the undeniable progress and accomplishments of these governments. His broad thesis -- that democratic institutions work because they adapt to changing circumstances, often in unexpected ways – should provide both hope and inspiration to students and readers who despair about our current situation.’Sherry Glied, Dean, Robert F. Wagner Graduate School of Public Service, New York University "This book is an ideal vehicle for challenging students to look beyond current events and to reflect upon the role of government in addressing some of our society’s biggest challenges over a broad arc of history. Roberts provides a sober account of the challenges facing the United States and other western democracies today, but engages readers in the possibility that governments are up to the challenge of adapting their governing strategies to respond to these problems. The crisp, concise book will surely foster reflection and dialogue."Eric Zeemering, University of Georgia "A remarkably clear and well written book that makes a compelling argument against conventional orthodoxy. I have used it with great success in my introductory course in political science".Jonathan Rose, Queen’s UniversityTable of ContentsACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 1. WHY IS EVERYONE SO ANGRY? 2. THE LONG PEACE 3. THE RIGHT TO RULE 4. TAMING THE ECONOMY 5. BATTLE OF THE BULGE 6. HARD CHOICES AHEAD 7. PERESTROIKA FURTHER READING NOTES

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Book SynopsisAcross the Western world, people are angry about the inability of government to perform basic functions competently. With widespread evidence of policy failures at home and ill-conceived wars and interventions abroad, it is hardly surprising that politicians are distrusted and government is derided as a sprawling, wasteful mess. But what exactly is government supposed to do, and is the track record of Western governments really so awful? In this compelling book, leading scholar of public policy and management, Alasdair Roberts, explores what government does well and what it does badly. Political leaders, he explains, have always been obliged to wrestle with shifting circumstances and contending priorities, making the job of governing extraordinarily difficult. The performance of western democracies in recent decades is, admittedly, far from perfect but - as Roberts ably shows - it is also much better than you might think.Trade Review“This contrarian work is a welcome corrective to the doom and gloom commentary that is so common today. Not only that, it's a good read as well. It will get an intensive workout in college seminars.” Morris P. Fiorina, Stanford University “Governing, particularly in democracies, is difficult and often frustrating work. In this vital new book, Alasdair Roberts makes a convincing case that Western governments have been largely effective at addressing the challenges they face.” Stephen K. Medvic, Franklin & Marshall College"In a world dominated by narratives of democratic crisis and decline Alasdair Roberts reveals the innate complexities of modern governance and political statecraft. In a book that is as clear and accessible as it is intellectually thoughtful and provocative, Roberts offers a positive and optimistic account of contemporary politics. It offers an energising breadth of fresh air in what is otherwise a fairly gloomy scholarly space."Matthew Flinders is Professor of Politics and Founding Director of the Sir Bernard Crick Centre for the Public Understanding of Politics at the University of Sheffield. He is also President of the Political Studies Association of the United Kingdom.‘Alasdair Roberts' pithy, accessible, and refreshingly non-partisan book offers a pragmatic yet optimistic view of the benefits and future of government. While thoughtfully acknowledging a broad range of complaints about the representativeness and effectiveness of Western democracies, Roberts persuasively counters by pointing out the undeniable progress and accomplishments of these governments. His broad thesis -- that democratic institutions work because they adapt to changing circumstances, often in unexpected ways – should provide both hope and inspiration to students and readers who despair about our current situation.’Sherry Glied, Dean, Robert F. Wagner Graduate School of Public Service, New York University"This book is an ideal vehicle for challenging students to look beyond current events and to reflect upon the role of government in addressing some of our society’s biggest challenges over a broad arc of history. Roberts provides a sober account of the challenges facing the United States and other western democracies today, but engages readers in the possibility that governments are up to the challenge of adapting their governing strategies to respond to these problems. The crisp, concise book will surely foster reflection and dialogue."Eric Zeemering, University of Georgia "A remarkably clear and well written book that makes a compelling argument against conventional orthodoxy. I have used it with great success in my introductory course in political science".Jonathan Rose, Queen’s UniversityTable of ContentsACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 1. WHY IS EVERYONE SO ANGRY? 2. THE LONG PEACE 3. THE RIGHT TO RULE 4. TAMING THE ECONOMY 5. BATTLE OF THE BULGE 6. HARD CHOICES AHEAD 7. PERESTROIKA FURTHER READING NOTES

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Book SynopsisFor nearly as long as there have been electoral districts in America, politicians have gerrymandered those districts. Though the practice has changed over time, the public reaction to it has remained the same: gerrymandering is reviled. There is, of course, good reason for that sentiment. Gerrymandering is intended to maximize the number of legislative seats for one party. As such, it is an attempt to gain what appears to be an unfair advantage in elections. Nevertheless, gerrymandering is not well understood by most people and this lack of understanding leads to a false sense that there are easy solutions to this complex problem. Gerrymandering: The Politics of Redistricting in the United States unpacks the complicated process of gerrymandering, reflecting upon the normative issues to which it gives rise. Tracing the history of partisan gerrymandering from its nineteenth-century roots to the present day, the book explains its legal status and implementation, its consequences, and possible options for reform. The result is a balanced analysis of gerrymandering that acknowledges its troubling aspects while recognizing that, as long as district boundaries have to be drawn, there is no perfect way to do so.Trade Review“Stephen Medvic’s nuanced analysis unpacks the complex dynamics of gerrymandering. It is a must-read for anyone interested in the topic.”David Dulio, Oakland University“This thoughtful and timely book on gerrymandering pulls apart many of the flimsy assumptions underlying debates over it. Reviewing the history, process, jurisprudence, political impacts, and normative claims about gerrymandering, Stephen Medvic draws the reader to some essential truths: there is no empirically correct, truly fair, or apolitical way to draw district lines, yet reform is possible depending on the democratic values we choose to prioritize.”Seth Masket, University of DenverTable of ContentsLists of Figures and Tables Chapter 1. What’s the Problem? Chapter 2. A Brief History of Gerrymandering Chapter 3. The Legal Status of Gerrymandering Chapter 4. How Gerrymandering Works Chapter 5. The Consequences of Gerrymandering Chapter 6. Reform Proposals Further Reading Notes Bibliography

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Book SynopsisFor nearly as long as there have been electoral districts in America, politicians have gerrymandered those districts. Though the practice has changed over time, the public reaction to it has remained the same: gerrymandering is reviled. There is, of course, good reason for that sentiment. Gerrymandering is intended to maximize the number of legislative seats for one party. As such, it is an attempt to gain what appears to be an unfair advantage in elections. Nevertheless, gerrymandering is not well understood by most people and this lack of understanding leads to a false sense that there are easy solutions to this complex problem. Gerrymandering: The Politics of Redistricting in the United States unpacks the complicated process of gerrymandering, reflecting upon the normative issues to which it gives rise. Tracing the history of partisan gerrymandering from its nineteenth-century roots to the present day, the book explains its legal status and implementation, its consequences, and possible options for reform. The result is a balanced analysis of gerrymandering that acknowledges its troubling aspects while recognizing that, as long as district boundaries have to be drawn, there is no perfect way to do so.Trade Review“Stephen Medvic’s nuanced analysis unpacks the complex dynamics of gerrymandering. It is a must-read for anyone interested in the topic.”David Dulio, Oakland University“This thoughtful and timely book on gerrymandering pulls apart many of the flimsy assumptions underlying debates over it. Reviewing the history, process, jurisprudence, political impacts, and normative claims about gerrymandering, Stephen Medvic draws the reader to some essential truths: there is no empirically correct, truly fair, or apolitical way to draw district lines, yet reform is possible depending on the democratic values we choose to prioritize.”Seth Masket, University of DenverTable of ContentsLists of Figures and TablesChapter 1. What’s the Problem?Chapter 2. A Brief History of GerrymanderingChapter 3. The Legal Status of GerrymanderingChapter 4. How Gerrymandering WorksChapter 5. The Consequences of GerrymanderingChapter 6. Reform ProposalsFurther ReadingNotesBibliography

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Book SynopsisComing to terms with a new period of uncertainty when it is still replete with possibilities This quick and engaging study clearly lays out the United States’ current democratic crisis. Examining the early stages of the Nazi movement in Germany, William E. Connolly detects synergies with Donald Trump’s rhetorical style. Tapping into a sense of contemporary fragility, Aspirational Fascism pays particular attention to how conflicts between neoliberalism and the pluralizing left have placed the white working class in a bind. Ultimately, Connolly believes a multifaceted democracy constitutes the best antidote to aspirational fascism and rethinks what a politics of the left might look like today. Forerunners is a thought-in-process series of breakthrough digital works. Written between fresh ideas and finished books, Forerunners draws on scholarly work initiated in notable blogs, social media, conference plenaries, journal articles, and the synergy of academic exchange. This is gray literature publishing: where intense thinking, change, and speculation take place in scholarship.

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Book SynopsisWith a new preface and updated historiographical essay. Based on recent scholarship and deep research in primary sources, especially the letters and diaries of “ordinary people,” The Northern Home Front during the Civil War is the first full narrative history and analysis of the northern home front in almost a quarter-century. It examines the mobilization, recruitment, management, politics, costs, and experience of war from the perspective of the home front, with special attention to the ways the war affected the ideas, identities, interests, and issues shaping people’s lives, and vice versa. The book looks closely at people’s responses to war’s demands, whether in supporting the Union cause or opposing it, and it measures the ways the war transformed society and economy or simply reconfirmed ideas and reinforced practices already underway. As The Northern Home Front during the Civil War reveals, issues and concerns of emancipation, conscription, civil liberties, economic policies and practices, religion, party politics, war management, popular culture, and work were all part of what Lincoln rightly termed “a People’s Contest” and as much as the armies in the field determined the outcome of the nation’s ordeal by fire. As The Northern Home Front during the Civil War shows, understanding the experience of the women and men on the home front is essential to realizing Walt Whitman’s oft-quoted call to get “the real war” into the books.Table of ContentsPreface to the Fordham University Press Edition | ix Introduction | xv Chapter One: Communities on the Verge of War | 1 Chapter Two: The Secession Crisis | 13 Chapter Three: Fort Sumter and the Patriotic Response | 23 Chapter Four: Rallying to the Colors | 33 Chapter Five: Soldiers and Civilians as Neighbors | 43 Chapter Six: Incomplete Families | 53 Chapter Seven: Pastimes with Purpose | 67 Chapter Eight: Knowing War | 79 Chapter Nine: Paying for the War | 91 Chapter Ten: Producing for the War | 105 Chapter Eleven: Politics and Dissent | 119 Chapter Twelve: Emancipation, Conscription, and Dissent | 133 Chapter Thirteen: Th e Transition from War to Peace | 147 Notes | 161 Bibliographic Essay | 215 Index | 231 A photo essay follows p. 118.

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Book SynopsisIn this new work, two leading political scientists reassess the shifting fortunes of the Whitehall model of governance - and find it wanting. As we prepare to enter the twenty-first century, it has become clear that the model now has much less currency abroad as well as in the UK. The neo-liberal assaults of Thatcherism and the political drift of the Major years has meant that whereas, previously, 'Whitehall' symbolized a synergy between the political leadership and the permanent bureaucracy, it now evokes images of executive disarray and the subservience of career civil servants to the (often faddish) will of their political masters.Table of ContentsSeries Editor's Preface. Preface. 1. The Force of the Whitehall Model in the World of Executive - Bureaucratic Politics. 2. Bureaucrats and Politicians in Britain: The Model Breaks. 3. Executive Leadership in the Age of Minimalism: A Comparative Perspective. 4. Leadership under Thatcher and Major and the Legacy of Neo-Liberalism. 5. The Decline of Coherence and Consistency as Political-Administrative Goals: A Comparative Perspective. 6. A Paragon Lost?. 7. Whither Accountability?. 8. The Post-Whitehall Era. Bibliography. Index.

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Book SynopsisThis is the first collection of readings in the economics of state and local public finance in almost thirty years. The scope of the thirty pieces is broad, including both classic and current articles. The articles fall into three broad categories: public choice and fiscal federalism, revenue sources and the fiscal condition of cities. The book is an excellent resource for undergraduate economics courses in which state and local public finance comprises a substantial part of the syllabus, and for graduate courses in state and local public finance in public policy programs, planning and public administration. The collection is also valuable to anyone who needs to understand the theory and practice of public finance, including policy analysts, planners, public administrators, and financial market analysts.Trade Review"Readings in State and Local Public Finance by Drennan and Netzer is highly suitable to accompany the Fisher text, at least based on the first edition of the book. The articles serve several purposes: * They provide exposure to some of the well-known economists in the field, such as Richard and Peggy Musgrave, James Buchanan, Charles Tiebout, and Peter Mieszkowski. * They illustrate some of the controversy in the field, for example, by comparing Buchanan's views on which level of government should be responsible for redistributing income with the view of the Musgraves. * They go into more depth than is possible in a text, in specific topic areas, such as the Tax Reform Act of 1986 and urban fiscal problems. * They push the students hard in some areas and thereby give a sense of the potential for more sophisticated conceptual and empirical analysis, as in the Mieszkowski and Zodrow article and the Ladd and Yinger article." Helen F. Ladd, Professor of Public Policy at Duke University "I think that this is an excellent collection. It is well organized, the introductions by the editors are helpful, the selections are sensible, and it would be an ideal supplement for State and Local Public Finance by Ronald Fisher. The Fisher book is very good, but it does not present the analytical arguments in much depth or with much sense for the broader issues in the literature. The readings in this collection add those dimensions." John Yinger, Professor of Economics, Syracuse UniversityTable of ContentsTable of Contents:. Part I: Public Choice and Fiscal Federalism (Fisher's Part 2):. 1.1 Buchanan, James M., 'Public Finance and Public Choice,' National Tax Journal, Vol.28, Dec., 1975, pp.383-94. 1.2 Tiebout, Charles M., 'A Pure Theory of Local Expenditures,' Journal of Political Economy, Vol. 64, Feb., 1956, pp. 416-24. 1.3 Musgrave, Richard A. and Peggy B. Musgrave, 'Principals of Multiunit Finance,' Chap 27 in Public Finance in Theory and Practice, 5th ed. New York: McGraw Hill, 1989, pp. 445-56. 1.4 Buchanan, James M., 'Who Should Distribute What in a Federal System?' Hochman and Peterson, eds., Redistibution Through Public Choice. New York: Columbia University Press, 1974, pp. 22-42. 1.5 Gramlich, Edward M., 'The Economics of Fiscal Federalism and Its Reform,' in Swartz and Peck, eds., The Changing Face of Fiscal Federalism. New York: M. E. Sharpe, Inc., 1990, pp. 152-174. Part II: Revenues for State and Local Governments (Fisher's Part 3): . 2.1 Smith, Adam, 'Of Taxes,' The Wealth of Nations, Book V, Chap. II, Part II, New York: Modern Library, 1937, pp. 777-79. 2.2 Mieszkowski, Peter M., 'Tax Incidence Theory: The Effects of Taxes of the Distribution of Income,' Journal of Economic Literature, Vol. 7, 1969, pp. 1103-1124. 2.3 Zodrow, George R. and Peter Mieszkowski, 'The Incidence of the Property Tax: The Benefit of View Versus the New View,' in Zodrow, ed., Local Provision of Public Services. New York: Academic Press, 1983, pp. 109-29. 2.4 Heilbrun, James, 'Who Bears the Burden of the Property Tax?' C. Lowell Hariss, ed., The Property Tax and Local Finance. New York: The Academy of Political Science, 1983, pp. 57-71. 2.5 Netzer, Dick, 'Property Taxes: Their Past, Present, and Future Place in Government Finance' Urban Finance Under Siege. New York: M. E. Sharpe, 1993, pp. 51-78. 2.6 Poterba, James M., 'Lifetime Incidence and the Distributional Burden of Excise Taxes, American Economic Review Papers and Proceedings,' Vol. 79, May 1989, pp. 325-330. 2.7 Siegfried, John J., and Paul A. Smith, 'The Distributional Effects of a Sales Tax on Services,' National Tax Journal, Vol. 44 (1991), pp. 41-53. 2.8 Mikesell, John L., 'Fiscal Effects of Differences in Sales Tax Coverage: Revenue Elasticity, Stability and Reliance,' in National Tax Association-Tax Institute of America, Proceedings of the Eighty-Fourth Annual Conference, 1991, pp. 50-57. 2.9 McLure, Charles E., Jr., 'The State Corporate Income Tax: Lambs in Wolves' Clothing," in Aaron and Boskin, eds., The Economics of Taxation. Washington: The Brookings Institution, 1980, pp. 327-346. 2.10 Netzer, Dick, 'Differences in Reliance on User Charges by American State and Local Governments,' Public Finance Quarterly, Vol. 20 (1992), pp. 499-511. 2.11 Gramlich, Edward M., 'The Deductibility of State and Local Taxes,' National Tax Journal, Vol. 38 (1985), pp. 447-65. 2.12 Chernick, Howard and Andrew Reschovsky, "Comment on 'The Deductability of State and Local Taxes,' 'National Tax Journal, Vol. 40, 1987, pp. 95-102. 2.13 Courant, Paul N. and Daniel L. Rubinfeld, 'Tax Reform: Implications for the State-Local Public Sector, 'Journal of Economic Perspectives, Vol. 1, Summer, 1987, pp. 87-100. 2.14 Zimmerman, Dennis, The Private Use of Tax-Exempt Bonds. Washington, Urban Institute Press, 1991, (Ch. 5) pp. 83-111. 2.15 Netzer, Dick, 'State Tax Policy and Economic Development: What Should Governors Do When Economists Tell Them Nothing Works?' in New York Affairs, Vol. 9 (1986), pp. 19-36. Part III: Applications: The Fiscal Conditions of Cities (Fisher's Part 5):. 3.1 Baumol, William, 'Macroeconomics of Unbalanced Growth: The Anatomy of Urban Crisis,' American Economic Review, Vol. LVII, No. 3, 1967. 3.2 Thompson, Wilbur, 'The City as a Distorted Price System,' The Urban Economy, H. Hochman, ed., New York: W. W. Norton, 1976, pp. 74-86. 3.3 Moody's Investors Service, 'City of New York, New York,' Municipal Credit Report, April 8, 1975. 3.4 Gramlich, Edward M., 'The New York City Fiscal Crisis: What Happened and What is to Be Done?', American Economic Review, Vol. 66, No. 2, May, 1976, pp. 415-429. 3.5 Drennan, Matthew P., 'The Present and Future Fiscal Problems of the Two New Yorks: What Happened This Time,' Public Budgeting and Finance, Vol. 14, No. 2, Summer, 1994. 3.6 Ladd, Helen F., 'Big City Finances in The New Era of Fiscal Federalism,' Swartz and Peck, eds, op cit, pp. 127-151. 3.7 Reschovsky, Andrew, 'Are City Fiscal Crises on the Horizon?' Urban Finance Under Siege, op cit, pp. 107-137. 3.8 Reischauer, Robert D., 'The Rise and Fall of National Urban Policy:' M. Kaplan and F. James, eds. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1990, pp. 225-34. 3.9 Yinger, John and Helen F. Ladd, 'The Determinants of State Assistance to Central Cities,' National Tax Journal, Vol. 42, No. 4, pp. 413-28. 3.10 Netzer, Dick, 'National Assistance to Urban Areas in the United States,' 'Urban Change in the United States and Western Europe,' A. Summers, P. Cheshire, and L. Senn, eds. Washington: The Urban Institute Press, 1993, pp. 465-91.

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Book SynopsisA new strategy proposed for producing affordable housing for low-income people through non-profit community-based organizationsTrade Review"A useful resource for planners an activist working on housing development. It provides a wealth of information about the positive and negative outcomes of various federal and local initiatives."—International Journal of Urban and Regional Research"[L]ittle work has been done to show that a community-based housing program is a viable alternative. Rachel Bratt's new book...fills this void nicely by giving a detailed account of the recent emergence of community-based housing programs....Bratt is perhaps the country's leading expert in this area....While the main emphasis of the book is on community-based housing programs, an additional plus is a critical review of the history of United States housing programs which I found illuminating and insightful."—Journal of Urban AffairsTable of ContentsPreface Acknowledgments Part I: Introduction 1. Housing Problems and Current Responses 2. Housing Programs and Housing Evaluations Part II: Traditional Federally Subsidized Multifamily Housing Programs 3. The Public Housing Program 4. Publicly Subsidized Private Housing 5. CASE STUDY: Private versus Public Goals: Conflicting Interests in Resyndication 6. HUD and Low-Income Housing Programs 7. CASE STUDY: HUD's Property Disposition Policies and the Granite Properties Emily J. Morris, co-author Part III: The Past, Present, and Future of Community-Based Housing 8. An Overview and Assessment of the Community-Based Housing Strategy 9. CASE STUDY: Community-Based Housing Development at the Local Level: The Challenges Facing South Holyoke, Massachusetts Thomas M. Harden, co-author 10. Dilemmas of Community-Based Housing Development CASE STUDIES: Two Community Development Corporations Eric Bove, Phillip Brown, Peter Hollands, Sarah Snow, and John Thoma, case studies co-authors 11. Public Support for Community-Based Housing in Massachusetts 12. CASE STUDY: Institutionalizing Community-Based Housing Development: The Boston Housing Partnership Wendy Plotkin, co-author 13. Rebuilding a Low-Income Housing Policy Notes References Index

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Book SynopsisAn analysis of the congressional career of Barber B. Conable, Jr., one of the most-respected legislators of modern times. Barber B. Conable Jr. served as a Republican congressman from western New York from 1965 to 1985. He is recognized as one of the most respected members of the House of Representatives in recent years. This biography explores his twenty-year congressional career, focusing on his remarkable educational abilities as a gifted teacher-legislator. Using excerpts from Conable's private journal, his newsletters and news columns, and from personal interviews, JamesS. Fleming has crafted a book that enables readers to appreciate why Conable was held in high regard by his constituents, his colleagues, the press, and congressional scholars. Political scientist Charles O. Jones expressed the opinion of many when he observed that "Barber Conable was just about everybody's idea of what a congressman should be." Recognizing the importance of Conable's western New York heritage, James Fleming traces Conable's story from his childhood in Warsaw, New York, to his election to the historic Eighty-ninth Congress of 1965-1966. Fleming's chronicle of Conable's subsequent legislative career offers a window on Congress and on an historic period in American history. As the fourth-ranking Republican leader in the House, Conable played a critical role in the Watergate investigation that led to the resignation of President Richard M. Nixon. As the ranking Republican leader of the Ways and Means Committee, he was a key contributor to the tax legislation passed during the Ford, Carter, and Reagan administrations. The highlight of his legislative career was his crucial work in solving the 1983 Social Securitycrisis. Fleming concludes the biography with a look at Conable's service as World Bank President and his retirement to his beloved western New York home. In his foreword the renowned congressional scholar, Richard F. Fenno Jr. writes, "Barber Conable was an especially admirable United States Representative; and Jim Fleming has written an especially admirable congressional biography. This book is, therefore, a special gift."Trade ReviewWith his fascinating portrait of one of the ablest legislators on Capitol Hill, Barber Conable of New York, James Fleming has illuminated our understanding of the crucial role of Congress in shaping national policy. -- -- John Brademas, President Emeritus, New York University; Member of Congress Dem-Ind., 1959-1981Barber Conable is one of those rare politicians worthy of a book-length biography by an expert in his field. And Professor Fleming's biography is worthy of Barber Conable. -- -- Theodore J. Lowi, John L. Senior Professor of American Institutions, Cornell UniversityA great member of Congress has found a wonderful biographer. -- -- Burdett Loomis, Department of Political Science, University of KansasTable of ContentsIntroduction Roots in Western New York Becoming a Lawyer and Politician Mr. Conable Goes to Albany A Freshman in the Eighty-Ninth Congress Appointment to the Ways and Means Committee Support for Richard Nixon The Watergate Betrayal Toughest Reelection A Friend in the White House Republican Leader of Ways and Means Cutting Taxes Saving Social Security Concluding a Congressional Career Life After Congress

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