Search results for ""Encounter Books,USA""

Book SynopsisAmericans have been forced from their homes. Their jobs have been outsourced, their neighborhoods torn down to make room for freeways, their churches shuttered or taken over by social justice warriors, and their very families eviscerated by government programs that assume their functions and a hostile elite that deems them oppressive. Conservatives have always defended these elements of a rooted life as crucial to maintaining cultural continuity in the face of changing circumstances. Unfortunately, official “conservatism” has become fixated on abstract claims about freedom and the profits of “creative destruction.” Conservatism has never been the only voice in America, but it is the most distinctively American voice, emerging from the customs, norms, and dispositions of its people and grounded in the conviction that the capacity for self-governance provides a distinctly human dignity. Emphasizing the ongoing strength and importance of the conservative tradition, the authors describe our Constitution’s emphasis on maintaining order and balance and protecting the primary institutions of local life. Also important here is an understanding of changes in American demographics, economics, and politics. These changes complicated attempts to address the fundamentally antitraditional nature of slavery and Jim Crow, the destructive effects of globalism, and the increasing desire to look on the federal government as the guarantor of security and happiness. To reclaim our home as a people, we must rebuild the natural associations and primary institutions within which we live. This means protecting the fundamental relationships that make up our way of life. From philosophy to home construction, from theology to commerce, from charity to the essentials of household management, our ongoing practices are the source of our knowledge of truth, of one another, and of how we may live well together.

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Book SynopsisBurdens of Freedom presents a new and radical interpretation of America and its challenges. The United States is an individualist society where most people seek to realize personal goals and values out in the world. This unusual, inner-driven culture was the chief reason why first Europe, then Britain, and finally America came to lead the world. But today, our deepest problems derive from groups and nations that reflect the more passive, deferential temperament of the non-West. The long-term poor and many immigrants have difficulties assimilating in America mainly because they are less inner-driven than the norm. Abroad, the United States faces challenges from Asia, which is collective-minded, and also from many poorly-governed countries in the developing world. The chief threat to American leadership is no longer foreign rivals like China but the decay of individualism within our own society. The great divide is between the individualist West, for which life is a project, and the rest of the world, in which most people seek to survive rather than achieve. This difference, although clear in research on world cultures, has been ignored in virtually all previous scholarship on American power and public policy, both at home and abroad. Burdens of Freedom is the first book to recognize that difference. It casts new light on America's greatest struggles. It re-evaluates the entire Western tradition, which took individualism for granted. How to respond to cultural difference is the greatest test of our times.

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Book SynopsisThe idea of human rights began as a call for individual freedom from tyranny, yet today it is exploited to rationalize oppression and promote collectivism. How did this happen? Aaron Rhodes, recognized as one of the leading human rights activists in the world by the University of Chicago, reveals how an emancipatory ideal became so debased. Rhodes identifies the fundamental flaw in the Universal Declaration of Human of Rights, the basis for many international treaties and institutions. It mixes freedom rights rooted in natural lawauthentic human rightswith economic and social rights, or claims to material support from governments, which are intrinsically political. As a result, the idea of human rights has lost its essential meaning and moral power.The principles of natural rights, first articulated in antiquity, were compromised in a process of accommodation with the Soviet Union after World War II, and under the influence of progressivism in Western democracies. Geopolitical and ideological forces ripped the concept of human rights from its foundations, opening it up to abuse. Dissidents behind the Iron Curtain saw clearly the difference between freedom rights and state-granted entitlements, but the collapse of the USSR allowed demands for an expanding array of economic and social rights to gain legitimacy without the totalitarian stigma. The international community and civil society groups now see human rights as being defined by legislation, not by transcendent principles. Freedoms are traded off for the promise of economic benefits, and the notion of collective rights is used to justify restrictions on basic liberties. We all have a stake in human rights, and few serious observers would deny that the concept has lost clarity. But no one before has provided such a comprehensive analysis of the problem as Rhodes does here, joining philosophy and history with insights from his own extensive work in the field.

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Book SynopsisWe live in an age of unprecedented human mastery -- over birth and death, body and mind, nature and human nature. In every realm of life, science and technology have brought remarkable advances and improvements: we are healthier, wealthier, and more comfortable than ever before. But our gratitude for the benefits of progress increasingly mixes with concern about the meaning and consequences of our newfound powers. If we can dream about a new age of genetic medicine, we can also shudder at a new age of weapons of mass destruction. As we welcome longer lives, we wonder if we will still value human life as we should. In the Shadow of Progress: Being Human in the Age of Technology is a deep and lively reflection on the moral challenges of the technological age. Eric Cohen, a leading voice in America's bioethics debates, offers a tour of the complex dilemmas at the intersection of science and morality, moving seamlessly from contemporary subjects like stem cells and evolution to classic texts like the Hebrew Bible and Francis Bacon's "New Atlantis." Why are the wealthiest people in human history the least likely to want children? What kind of civilization will we become if we seek cures for the sick by destroying human embryos? What is lost when we relieve human sadness by altering the chemical balance of the brain, or enhance human performance by altering the biological workings of the body? In this age of scientific wonders, have we forgotten what sets human beings apart from everything else in the natural world? Can the fruits of modern science ever satisfy our deepest longings -- for love, for virtue, and for transcendence? In the end, Cohen argues, there are no easy answers. Our challenge is to live simultaneously with gratitude and fear, pride and shame, sobriety and hope, in this new age of technology.

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Book SynopsisIn their current demands, Blankenhorn points out, gay and lesbian leaders are not asking for marriage with an adjective in front of it, but marriage itself. Therefore, what marriage is and why it matters is what this debate is all about. What exactly is this institution to which gay and lesbian activists are seeking access? Why do we have it in the first place? Where did it come from? What is it for? How is it changing? These are some of the hard questions The Future of Marriage confronts.

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Book SynopsisThe melting pot has been the prevailing ideal for integrating new citizens through most of America’s history, yet contemporary elites often reject it as antiquated and racist. Instead, they advocate multiculturalism, which promotes ethnic boundaries and distinct group identities. Both models have precedents across the centuries, as Jens Heycke demonstrates in a contribution to the debate that incorporates an international, historical perspective.Heycke surveys multiethnic polities in history, focusing on societies that have shifted between the melting pot and multicultural models. Beginning with ancient Rome, he demonstrates the appeal of a unifying, syncretic identity that diverse individuals can join, regardless of their ethnic or racial origins. He details how early Islam, with its ideal of an inclusive ummah, integrated diverse groups, and even different faiths, into a cohesive and flourishing society. Both civilizations eventually abandoned their integrative ideals in favor of a multicultural paradigm. The consequences of that paradigm shift are instructive for societies that seek to emulate it.In the modern era, many nations have implemented multicultural policies like group preferences to compensate for past injustices or current disparities. Heycke examines some notable examples: Yugoslavia, Rwanda, and Sri Lanka. These nations were on a rough trajectory toward ethnic tolerance and comity, a trajectory that multicultural policies altered dramatically. They contrast with Botswana, a country that opposes group distinctions so resolutely that it prohibits the collection of racial and ethnic statistics.Since World War II, ethnic conflicts have killed over ten million people. But the consequences of ethnic division go far beyond that. Heycke analyzes those consequences in an international statistical survey of ethnic fractionalization. This survey, combined with the extensive historical record of multiethnic societies, illustrates the staggering costs of accentuating group differences and the benefits of a unifying identity that transcends those differences.Trade Review“Jens Kurt Heycke provides a much-needed, meticulously researched—and courageous—defense of the melting pot from classical antiquity to 21st-century America. His data and analyses show how and why the assimilationist model alone has always unified fractionalized ethnic and racial groups into a coherent national whole. Out of the Melting Pot, Into the Fire stands as a dire warning to beleaguered Western democracies that have foolishly rejected the melting pot that has so often proven the pathway to their survival and success.”—Victor Davis Hanson, The Hoover Institution, Stanford University, and author of Mexifornia: A State of Becoming“The United States has been, from its colonial beginnings, a multiethnic society. It has had to choose between being a melting pot society—assimilating newcomers and, while appreciating different heritages, seeking a single national identity—and a multicultural society, with separate enclaves and official quotas and preferences for those deemed members of different groups. Americans are not the first nation to face such a choice and, in Out of the Melting Pot, Into the Fire, Jens Kurt Heycke shows how other societies have faced this choice—and why Americans should embrace the melting pot model in the future.”—Michael Barone, senior political analyst, Washington Examiner, and founding co-author, The Almanac of American Politics

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Book SynopsisThe Necessity of Sculpture brings together a selection of articles on sculpture and sculptors from Eric Gibson’s nearly four-decade career as an art critic. It covers subjects as diverse as Mesopotamian cylinder seals, war memorials, and the art of the American West; stylistic periods such as the Hellenistic in Ancient Greece and Kamakura in medieval Japan; Michelangelo, Gian Lorenzo Bernini, Augustus Saint-Gaudens, and other historical figures; modernists like Auguste Rodin, Pablo Picasso, and Alberto Giacometti; and contemporary artists including Richard Serra, Rachel Whiteread, and Jeff Koons. Organized chronologically by artist and period, this collection is as much a synoptic history of sculpture as it is an art chronicle. At the same time, it is an illuminating introduction to the subject for anyone coming to it for the first time.Trade Review"Eric Gibson's The Necessity of Sculpture reads like a sharp answer to Baudelaire's claim that "sculpture is boring." His genuine and informed response to the medium and clear, critical writing make it an indispensable book on the subject." —Philippe De Montebello, Director Emeritus, The Metropolitan Museum of Art "Eric Gibson is one of our best art editors at work today. In his (nearly nonexistent) spare time he is also a probing critic and astute essayist. One of his great interests in art history is the relatively neglected area of sculpture. Gibson has written all across the field. Be prepared: he will not only inform you, but make you think; not only make you look, but make you see." —John Wilmerding, Sarofim Professor Emeritus in American Art, Princeton University

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Book SynopsisIn the 15 years to mid-2007 the world economy enjoyed unparalleled stability (the so-called "Great Moderation"), with steady growth and low inflation. But the period since mid-2007 ("the Great Recession") has seen the worst macroeconomic turmoil since the 1930s. A dramatic plunge in trade, output and employment in late 2008 and 2009 has been followed by an unconvincing recovery. How is the lurch from stability to instability to be explained? What are the intellectual origins of the policy mistakes that led to the Great Recession? What theories motivated policies in the USA and other leading nations? Which ideas about economic policy have proved right? And which have been wrong? Money in a Free Society contains 18 provocative essays on these questions from Tim Congdon, an influential economic adviser to the Thatcher government in the UK and one of the world's leading monetary commentators. Congdon argues that academic economists and policy-makers have betrayed the intellectual legacy of both Keynes and Friedman. These two great economists believed -- if in somewhat different ways -- in the need for steady growth in the quantity of money. But Keynes has been misunderstood as advocating big rises in public spending and large budget deficits as the only way to defeat recession. That has led under President Obama to an unsustainable explosion in American public debt. Meanwhile the Fed has ignored extreme volatility in the rate of money growth, contrary to the central message of Friedman's analytical work. In his 1923 Tract on Monetary Reform Keynes said, "The Individualistic Capitalism of today, precisely because it entrusts saving to the individual investor and production to the individual employer, presumes a stable measuring-rod of value, and cannot be efficient--perhaps cannot survive--without one." In Money in a Free Society Congdon calls for a return to stable money growth and sound public finances, and argues that these remain the best answers to the problems facing modern capitalism.

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Book SynopsisIf you don't like the idea of a boy who says he is a girl using the girls' bathroom, are you out of step with the mainstream? If diversity, equity, and inclusion programs strike you as racist, are you just biased? Are you a prude if you do not want sexually explicit books about gender in your child's school library? The radical left want you to think that on these hot-button issues, Americans are split down the middlepolarized. They want you to think that at least half of your fellow citizens hold views that only yesterday everyone considered crazy. And they want to make you afraid of not being on the enlightened side. But it turns out that this polarization is a myth. We decided to find out how divided we really are and on what issues. So we surveyed more than two thousand Americans, including parents, working-age adults, and adults near or in retirement, and compared the results with our research on public policy.

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Book Synopsis"Against All Hope" is Armando Valladares' account of over twenty years in Fidel Castro's tropical gulag as a result of his philosophical and religious opposition to communism. He gives a picture of the Cuba that he lived in and tells of how his deep Christian faith kept him from abandoning hope during the most evil treatment.

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Book SynopsisIn "Christianity on Trial," Vincent Carroll and David Shiflett do not shrink from confronting the tragedies that have been perpetrated throughout the ages in the name of Christianity. But they argue that the current indulgence of anti-Christian rhetoric in our culture not only involves bad taste, but tunnel vision and willful historical illiteracy as well. Carroll and Shiflett dispassionately consider the indictment of Christianity--specifically that it has justified racism and misogyny, encouraged ignorance, and promoted the despoliation of the environment and even justified genocide. Then, in a narrative whose intellectual elegance and verve calls up comparisons to "How the Irish Saved Civilization," they answer these charges, showing how in fact the Christian tradition has not only injected morality into our political order, but softened brutal practices and confining superstitions, created the foundation for intellectual inquiry, and created the compassionate! impulse. "Christianity on Trial" challenges readers of all beliefs--even those with a belief in disbelief itself--to question the anti-religious bigotry that thrives in our intellectual world and to reevaluate the role of Christianity not only as a source of consolation but of enlightenment and human liberation as well.

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Book SynopsisCan a boy be trapped in a girl's body? Can modern medicine reassign sex? Is our sex assigned to us in the first place? What is the most loving response to a person experiencing a conflicted sense of gender? What should our law say on matters of gender identity?When Harry Became Sally provides thoughtful answers to questions arising from our transgender moment. Drawing on the best insights from biology, psychology, and philosophy, Ryan Anderson offers a nuanced view of human embodiment, a balanced approach to public policy on gender identity, and a sober assessment of the human costs of getting human nature wrong.This book exposes the contrast between the media's sunny depiction of gender fluidity and the often sad reality of living with gender dysphoria. It gives a voice to people who tried to transition by changing their bodies, and found themselves no better off. Especially troubling are the stories told by adults who were encouraged to transition as children but later regretted subjecting themselves to those drastic procedures. As Anderson shows, the most beneficial therapies focus on helping people accept themselves and live in harmony with their bodies. This understanding is vital for parents with children in schools where counselors may steer a child toward transitioning behind their backs. Everyone has something at stake in the controversies over transgender ideology, when misguided antidiscrimination policies allow biological men into women's restrooms and penalize Americans who hold to the truth about human nature. Anderson offers a strategy for pushing back with principle and prudence, compassion and grace.

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Book SynopsisThis provocative book dispels social cliches and spotlights biological realities.

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Book SynopsisThis book exposes the charlatanry that fuels much academic art history today and leaks into the art world generally.Table of ContentsIntroduction: The Rape of the Masters; Psychoanalysing Courbet; Inventing Mark Rothko; Fantasising Sargent; Inebriating Rubens; Modernising Winslow Homer; Fetishising Gauguin; Deconcealing van Gogh; Index.

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Book SynopsisRevel probes the origins of the notion that America is the source of all evil: imperialistic, greedy, ruthlessly competitive - a hyperpower whose riches are acquired at the expense of the Third World.

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Book SynopsisRob Stearn' inspiring perspectives come at a time when many businesses, organizations, and individuals seek practical insights regarding how to recover from major losses. Why do some companies rally after competitive disasters? Why do some individuals rebound after personal defeats? Winning after losing big is hard. Stearns' refreshing approach stimulates recovery by provoking you and your enterprise to reinvigorate your thinking and your response to losing. Rob Stearns understands losing and winning. As a successful entrepreneur and executive, he also experienced the trauma and loneliness of professional and personal defeat. Winning Smart after Losing Big will stimulate you and your organization to: * Adjust your traditional thinking about suffering a loss * Separate the act of losing from the consequences of losing * Recognize when you are losing * Choose when to lose * Identify the causes of your loss * Explore your thoughts and feelings about your loss * Escape the "loop" of reliving your loss * Redefine what winning means to you * Rely on yourself to select the right help * Create personal independence at the moment when you need it most

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Book SynopsisIn this riveting book, Masetti takes the reader inside the war room of the Cuban revolution. His life involved international revolutionary intrigue: smuggling diamonds and ivory; counterfeiting U.S. dollars; trafficking in narcotics. He served in Angola and other war zones in the 1980s. He was an adviser with groups such as the M-19 guerrillas in Columbia and the Sandinistas.

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Book SynopsisProgressives have taught us that it doesn’t take overt discrimination to make society unfair. Privilege afforded to different groups—such as whites, males, and heterosexuals—can infect our cultural institutions, creating unfair burdens for other groups. But one form of privilege has been overlooked: progressive privilege. Today, the progressive worldview is depicted as what is normal, right, and worth celebrating by our cultural institutions. Conservatives are marginalized and stereotyped in entertainment, news, academia, and throughout our culture. Progressive privilege isn’t just unfair to conservatives; it has warped our entire political environment and made our country more divided. Recognizing progressive privilege is the first step to ending it, so that we can have a fairer, more truly inclusive society.

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Book SynopsisAs 2018 ended, an orchestrated propaganda campaign paralyzed U.S. foreign policy. The trigger was the killing in Istanbul of Jamal Khashoggi, a member of Saudi Arabia’s wealthy and politically powerful oligarchy. Mainstream media and misguided, melodramatic politicians hoodwinked millions by portraying Khashoggi as a martyr for press freedom and democracy. The real Khashoggi was nothing of the sort. President Trump’s efforts to restore realism to foreign policy must contend not only with Democrats but also with naïve Republicans who reject the national-interest realism of Jeane Kirkpatrick, author of “Dictatorships and Double Standards.”

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Book SynopsisIn his 2016 book coauthored with Evan Roth Smith, Putin's Master Plan, Doug Schoen warned of the Russian president's grand vision to expand his country's influence around the world, especially in Eastern Europe, while destabilizing the Western alliance and delegitimizing the very principles of free societies—and especially the political model of democracy's exemplar, the United States. Now, in Putin on the March, Schoen brings the story up to date, warning that Putin's mission is no abstraction but rather an active, ongoing campaign, and one that the Russian president has pursued with far more successes than setbacks. And Schoen warns again that the United States continues to lack a coherent plan for combating Russian aggression, political intrigue—including the cyberwarfare that has upended American politics—and the communications and propaganda offensive that seems continually to keep the Western democracies off balance. In Putin on the March, Schoen examines Russian moves across a range of geopolitical areas, including Moscow's sustained menacing of its Eastern European neighbors, especially Ukraine, and analyzes Russia's current posture regarding energy markets, the diplomatic situation, espionage and cyberwarfare, and Moscow-Washington relations. This follow-up reveals that Schoen's previous warnings have been borne out. Under Putin's leadership, Russia is achieving success in the three key areas in which it needs to prevail: foreign policy; control of Russian internal politics; and keeping the United States confused, demoralized, and even destabilized. Those who dismiss Putin's behavior as unsustainable or reckless overlook the fundamental truth: he is getting away with it, and the more he gets away with, and the longer he does, the stronger he becomes—especially as the Western democracies grow more fractured both from their own internal problems and from lack of consensus on how to respond.

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Book SynopsisIn recent years, politicians led by President Obama and prominent senators and governors have teamed with extremists on campus to portray our nation's institutions of higher learning as awash in a violent crime waveand to suggest (preposterously) that university leaders, professors, and students are indifferent to female sexual assault victims in their midst. Neither of these claims has any bearing to reality. But they have achieved widespread acceptance, thanks in part to misleading alarums from the Obama administration and biased media coverage led by The New York Times. The frenzy about campus rape has helped stimulateand has been fanned byideologically skewed campus sexual assault policies and lawless commands issued by federal bureaucrats to force the nation's all-too-compliant colleges and universities essentially to presume the guilt of accused students. The result has been a widespread disregard of such bedrock American principles as the presumption of innocence and the need for fair play. This book uses hard facts to set the record straight. It explores, among other things, nearly two dozen of the cases since 2010 in which students who in all likelihood would have or have subsequently been found not guilty in a court of law have, in a lopsided process, been hastily and carelessly branded as sex criminals and expelled or otherwise punished by their colleges, often after being tarred and feathered by their fellow students. And it shows why all studentsand, eventually, society as a wholeare harmed when our nation's universities abandon pursuit of truth and seek instead to accommodate the passions of the mob.As detailed in the new Epilogue, some encouraging events have transpired since this book was first published in October 2016. A majority of the judicial rulings indozens of lawsuits by male students claiming their schools treated them unfairly and discriminated against them based on their genderhave rebuked the schools for their handling of these cases. And Education Secretary Betsy DeVos called for fairness to accused students and accusers alike, revoked most of theguilt-presumingObama-era policies, and began a protracted rule-making process designed to compel procedural fairness and nondiscrimination.

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Book SynopsisThough many people know that American universities now offer an inadequate and incoherent education from a leftist viewpoint that excludes moderate and conservative ideas, few people understand how much this matters, how it happened, how bad it is, or what can be done about it. In The University We Need, Professor Warren Treadgold shows the crucial role of universities in American culture and politics, the causes of their decline in administrative bloat and inept academic hiring, the effects of the decline on teaching and research, and some possible ways of reversing the downward trend. He explains that one suggested reform, the abolition of tenure, would further increase the power of administrators, further decrease the quality of professors, and make universities even more doctrinaire and intolerant. Instead, he proposes federal legislation to monitor the quality and honesty of professors and to limit spending on administration to no more than 20 percent of university budgets (Harvard now spends 40 percent). Finally, he offers a specific proposal for the founding of a new leading university that could seriously challenge the dominance of Harvard, Princeton, Yale, Stanford, and Berkeley and attract conservative and moderate faculty and students now isolated in universities and colleges that are either leftist or mediocre. While agreeing with conservative critics that universities are in severe crisis, Treadgold believes that the universities' problems largely transcend ideology and have grown worse partly because disputants on both sides of the academic debate have misunderstood the methods and goals of higher education.

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Book Synopsis Synæsthesium is an unusual exploration of ekphrasispoetry that takes a real or imagined work of art as its muse. The first half of the book, Olfactorium, is inspired by various fragrances and the olfactory flashbacksreal or imaginedinduced by them. From everyday Old Spice to exotic Casbah, the poems take the reader on journeys peppered with the luscious language of perfumery. The second part, Love and Work, is based on the works of Suzanne Valadon, the bold and unconventional model-turned-artist, peer and probable lover of Renoir, Toulouse-Lautrec, and other painters. The poetic formssonnets, syllabics, a villanelle, a rondeaureflect the content of the paintings and drawings of this great and under-appreciated artist.

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Book SynopsisBesides absolutists of the right (the tsar and his adherents) and left (Lenin and his fellow Bolsheviks), the Russian political landscape in 1917 featured moderates seeking liberal reform and a rapid evolution towards a constitutional monarchy. Vasily Maklakov, a lawyer, legislator and public intellectual, was among the most prominent of these, and the most articulate and sophisticated advocate of the rule of law, the linchpin of liberalism. This book tells the story of his efforts and his analysis of the reasons for their ultimate failure. It is thus, in part, an example for movements seeking to liberalize authoritarian countries todayboth as a warning and a guide. Although never a cabinet member or the head of his political partythe Constitutional Democrats or KadetsMaklakov was deeply involved in most of the political events of the period. He was defense counsel for individuals resisting the regime (or charged simply for being of the wrong ethnicity, such as Menahem Beilis, sometimes considered the Russian Dreyfus). He was continuously a member of the Kadets' central committee and their most compelling orator. As a somewhat maverick (and moderate) Kadet, he stood not only between the country's absolute extremes (the reactionary monarchists and the revolutionaries), but also between the two more or less liberal centrist parties, the Kadets on the center left, and the Octobrists on the center right. As a member of the Second, Third and Fourth Dumas (1907-1917), he advocated a wide range of reforms, especially in the realms of religious freedom, national minorities, judicial independence, citizens' judicial remedies, and peasant rights.

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Book SynopsisThe challenges to American security in the Western Pacific, the seas that surround Europe, and the Persian Gulf are growing. At the same time, U.S. military commanders seek more naval forces to protect America''s interest in the safe transit of American goods, deterrence in a proliferating world, and the defense of our key allies. At the same time U.S. defense budgets are shrinking. American seapower has not been as small as it is today since before World War I. Unless reversed, U.S. seapower will continue its decline into the indefinite future as politicians ignore the widening gulf between the cost of modernizing and expanding American seapower, and the resources devoted to this most strategic arm of the nation''s defense. Seablindness explains the dilemma. It looks at the consequences of neglect including the effect of increased deployments on families, global scenarios set in the immediate future, the views of America''s most knowledgeable military officers, the anxious reactions of U.S. allies, and hard facts to show how a lack of political will is dismantling the nation''s global reach and with it, our position as the world''s great power.

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Book SynopsisIn this warm and intimate memoir Judge Wilkinson delivers a chilling message. The 1960s inflicted enormous damage on our country; even at this very hour we see the decade’s imprint in so much of what we say and do. The chapters reveal the harm done to the true meaning of education, to our capacity for lasting personal commitments, to our respect for the rule of law, to our sense of rootedness and home, to our desire for service, to our capacity for national unity, to our need for the sustenance of faith. Judge Wilkinson does not seek to lecture but to share in the most personal sense what life was like in the 1960s, and to describe the influence of those frighteningly eventful years upon the present day.Judge Wilkinson acknowledges the good things accomplished by the Sixties and nourishes the belief that we can learn from that decade ways to build a better future. But he asks his own generation to recognize its youthful mistakes and pleads with future generations not to repeat them. The author’s voice is one of love and hope for America. But our national prospects depend on facing honestly the full magnitude of all we lost during one momentous decade and of all we must now recover.

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Book SynopsisProgressive Racism is about the transformation of the civil rights movement from a cause opposing racism--the denigration of individuals on the basis of their skin color - into a movement endorsing race preferences and privileges for select groups based on their skin color. It describes the tragic changes of this cause under the leadership of racial extortionists like Al Sharpton, who took a movement in support of American pluralism and turned it into a movement governed by a lynch mob mentality in which white Americans are regarded as guilty before the fact and African Americans are regarded as innocent even when the facts prove them guilty, even when their crimes are committed against other African Americans. The author of Progressive Racism, David Horowitz, is a witness to these events and betrayals. Horowitz was a participant in the civil rights movement of the 1960s, and in 2001 led a national campaign against a proposal for "slavery reparations" that would have required Hispanic, Asian and other Americans who had no role in slavery to pay reparations to African Americans who were never slaves. Progressive Racism examines how the term "racism" has been drained of its original meaning and is now used as a weapon to bludgeon opponents into silence. It describes how the so-called civil rights movement has become an oppressor of African Americans by supporting a failed school system that blights the lives of millions of African American children and a welfare system that has destroyed the black family and created a "underclass" dependent on government charity. It is an indictment of the hypocrisy that today governs discourse on race issues, so that a lynch mob in Ferguson, Missouri seeking to hang a police officer because he was white can be described as a civil rights protest and be supported by the first African American president of the United States.

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Book SynopsisCronyism is a serious problem in the United States, but unfortunately it is still not very well understood. In this new essay, Jay Cost explains what it is, and why we should be so worried about it. By mingling private and public interests, cronyism costs us hundreds of billions of dollars per year and threatens to transform our republic into an oligarchy, where the rich dominate the middle class. Worse, modern cronyism has become embedded into the laws themselves, so politicians in Washington assume that such corruption is just the way things should be. To confront the dangers of cronyism, reformers need to think outside the box, paying special attention to how the political process functions.

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Book SynopsisThe Federal Reserve is one of the most disliked entities in the United States at present, right alongside the IRS. Americans despise the Fed, but they're also generally a bit confused as to why they distrust our central bank. Their animus is reasonable, though, because the Fed's most famous function--targeting the Fed funds rate--is totally backwards. John Tamny explains this backwardness in terms of a Taylor Swift concert followed by a ride home with Uber. In modern times, he points out, the notion of credit has been perverted, so that most people believe it's money and that the supply of it can therefore be increased. This false notion has aggrandized the Fed with power that it can't possibly use wisely. The contrast between the grinding poverty of Baltimore and the abundance of Silicon Valley helps illustrate the problem, along with stories about Donald Trump, Robert Downey Jr., Jim Harbaugh (the Michigan football coach), and robots. Who Needs the Fed? makes a sober case against the Federal Reserve by explaining what credit really is, and why the Fed's existence is inimical to its creation. Readers will come away entertained, much more knowledgeable, and prepared to argue that the Fed is merely superfluous on its best days but perilous on its worst.Trade Review"It's not far into John Tamny's Who Needs the Fed? that you realize all of your preconceived notions about the Federal Reserve need to be tossed out the window and forgotten. Instead, markets rule over opaque Fed pronouncements and analysis of the scribblings in monthly Fed Minutes. All investors should read this book." --Andy Kessler, author of Wall Street Meat and Eat People "Like a blazing sun melting away a dangerously thick fog, this delightfully written, well-argued, and insightful book clears away disastrous misconceptions about money, credit, and the operations of the Federal Reserve. It will become one of the most enormously--and positively--influential treatises of our time." --Steve Forbes, Editor-in-Chief, Forbes Media "In the best tradition of Henry Hazlitt and Robert Bartley, Tamny's book offers a provocative yet principled new look at the role of credit in today's economy. Properly equating "credit" with an economy's resources, Tamny systematically debunks the case for government or central bank efforts to increase credit." --David Resler, former chief economist, Nomura Securities "Tamny is a brilliant and insightful writer whose provocative style will stretch your intellectual bandwidth and force you to see the world in a new way." --Anthony Scaramucci, host of "Wall Street Week" "John Tamny makes a strong case that the Fed never had as much influence as either its supporters hoped or its critics feared--and that what power it had in the past is today fast diminishing. In the process, he offers iconoclastic dismissals of popular macroeconomic constructs including money supply, the multiplier, the Phillips curve, the Laffer curve, banks, stimulus, and quantitative easing." --Cliff Asness, founding principal, AQR Capital Management "John Tamny has written an easy-to-read and crucial-to-know overview of the Federal Reserve today, showing how the well-intentioned actions of central bankers in fact hurt our long-term economic potential. Who Needs the Fed? is an outstanding work of contrarian common sense--a must read." --Tom Adams, former CEO of Rosetta Stone, CEO, Workaround LLC

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Book SynopsisWhy Conservatives Should Stop Opposing the Common Core (Common Core: Yea) by Sol Stern In the past few decades -- as progressives gained influence in universities and schools of education -- the idea of a coherent, content-rich curriculum has been erased from America's classrooms. Now, for all its faults, the Common Core State Standards represent the best opportunity we have to restore that structure in our schools. In this Broadside, Sol Stern shows how both sides of the education spectrum have misrepresented the Common Core. The left regards the standards as a threat to their ideological hegemony, while conservative pundits lack a true understanding of what they actually provide. Americans should see the Common Core as an opening to restore academic content to the nation's schools and reverse the influence of educational progressivism in our classrooms. Why the Common Core Is a Bad Idea (Common Core: Nay) by Peter W. Wood The latest effort to fix America's schools has backfired. In 2007, an elite group of would-be reformers devised a brilliant political strategy to transform education without ever facing public scrutiny. Their bold strategy, which became the Common Core State Standards, was astonishingly successful -- for a while. Then the American public took notice. In this Broadside, Peter W. Wood explains how the Common Core actually lowers standards while pretending to raise them and chokes off local control of our schools in favor of domination by the federal government and private groups. Bankrolled by the Gates Foundation, favored by political elites, and supported by true believers on both sides of the political spectrum, the Common Core once appeared unstoppable. But it can be stopped, and this book shows us how.

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Book SynopsisSaving Congress from Itself proposes a single reform: eliminate all federal grants-in-aid to state and local governments. This action would reduce federal spending by over $600 billion a year and have a profound effect on how we govern ourselves. The proliferation of federal grants-in-aid programs is of recent vintage: only about 100 such grants existed before Lyndon Johnson took office, and now they number more than 1,100. Eliminating grants to the states will result in enormous savings in federal and state administrative costs; free states to set their own priorities; and improve the design and implementation of programs now subsidized by Washington by eliminating federal regulations that attend the grants. In short, it will free states and their subdivisions to resume full responsibility for all activities that fall within their competence, such as education, welfare, and highway construction and maintenance. And because members of Congress spend major portions of their time creating grants and allocating funds assigned to them (think earmarks), eliminating grants will enable Congress to devote its time to responsibilities that are uniquely national in character.

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Book SynopsisMedicaid, America's government-run health insurance program for the poor, should be a lifeline that provides needed health care to Americans with no other options. Surprisingly, however, it doesn't. The medical literature reveals a $450 billion-a-year scandal: that people on Medicaid have far worse health outcomes than those with private insurance, and no better outcomes than those with no insurance at all. Why is this so? In How Medicaid Fails the Poor, Avik Roy explains how Medicaid's clumsy design and perverse incentives make it hard for people on Medicaid to get the medical care they need. Medicaid doesn't reimburse doctors or hospitals for the cost of caring for Medicaid enrollees, forcing many doctors to opt out of the program. The Affordable Care Act, otherwise known as Obamacare, doubles down on this broken system. Roy shows us that there are better ways, using private insurance, to provide needed care to our poorest citizens.

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Book SynopsisEconomist Herb Stein famously said that something that can't go on forever, won't. For decades now, America has been investing ever-growing fortunes into its K-12 education system in exchange for steadily worse results. Public schools haven't changed much from the late 19th century industrial model and as a result young Americans are left increasingly unprepared for a competitive global economy. At the same time, Americans are spending more than they can afford on higher education, driven by the kind of cheap credit that fueled the housing bubble. With college graduates unable to secure employment or pay off student loans, the real-world value of a traditional college education is in question. In The New School, Glenn Harlan Reynolds explains how parents, students and educators can, and must, reclaim and remake American education. Already, Reynolds explains, many Americans are abandoning traditional education for new models. Many are going to charter schools or private schools, but others are going another step beyond and making the leap to online education--over 1.8 million K-12 students already. The New School does not prescribe a one-size-fits-all solution for education. Americans require a diverse system of innovative approaches--each suited to a family's needs and spending potential. But with the profusion of online education, school choice, and even a return to alternatives like apprenticeships and on the job training, Americans hold the power to lower costs and improve outcomes from the ground up.

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Book SynopsisThe Smart Society offers a detailed blueprint for how the United States can recast its human capital policies to make all Americans--not just a privileged elite--smarter and more successful than ever before, at the same time stemming the size and cost of the nation's "safety net." The spectacular, centuries-long success of the United States is based on its having determined, early on, to be a smart country, single-mindedly developing institutions and practices that enabled its native born citizens to maximize their economic and social potential, and welcoming opportunity-seeking foreigners to join them. Over the last four decades, however, the vaunted United States human capital machine has been breaking down, dimming the economic and social prospects of millions of Americans. If The Smart Society blueprint is followed, these trends can be reversed and the nation and its people can quickly regain their preeminence in the hyper-competitive and globalized world of the 21st century. This is a most topical issue today because the country's current heated political disagreements are not just about the proper size of government, but about how the United States can reverse its apparent decline and restore its historic economic and social vigor--in other words, regain its place as the world's "smartest" nation.

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Book SynopsisEconomist Herb Stein famously said that something that can't go on forever, won't. For decades now, America has been putting ever-growing amounts of money into its K-12 education system, while getting steadily poorer results. Now parents are losing faith in public schools, new alternatives are appearing, and change is on the way. The K-12 Implosion provides a succinct description of what's wrong, and where the solutions are likely to appear, along with advice for parents, educators, and taxpayers.

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Book SynopsisBefore September 11, 2001 we Americans did not think much about freedom or democracy in the Middle East. U.S. policy toward the region aimed to assure a reliable flow of oil, to encourage peace between the Arabs and Israel, and above all, during the Cold War, to prevent our rival from gaining any strategic advantage over us. 9/11 impelled us to reconsider. Now, as we are entangled in conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan the Mid-East's political and social quandaries lie at the very core of our foreign policy objectives. And yet, after years of blood and fortune spent on the democratization of the Middle East, the most identifiable personalities in the region are notorious terrorists, backwards autocrats and fanatical preachers. As Joshua Muravchik demonstrates in Trailblazers of the Arab Spring, there are in fact also heroic democrats and liberals in these lands of anti-democratic fanaticism, and the fight they are fighting is also our fight. Muravchik brings to light the stories of seven remarkable people, six Arabs and an Iranian. Five are men; two, women. Four are Sunnis, two are Shiites, and the seventh is mixed. All are devoted passionately to a cause, and, while the angles from which they attack it are varied, the larger goal is the same for all seven--to make their countries more open and democratic. Trailblazers of the Arab Spring reminds us that freedom is a prize that must be won through struggle and sacrifice, and it introduces us to our anonymous friends who have consecrated their lives to the birth of free societies in the Middle East.

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Book SynopsisFor over a generation, shocking cases of censorship at America's colleges and universities have taught students the wrong lessons about living in a free society. Drawing on a decade of experience battling for freedom of speech on campus, First Amendment lawyer Greg Lukianoff reveals how higher education fails to teach students to become critical thinkers: by stifling open debate, our campuses are supercharging ideological divisions, promoting groupthink, and encouraging an unscholarly certainty about complex issues. Lukianoff walks readers through the life of a modern-day college student, from orientation to the end of freshman year. Through this lens, he describes startling violations of free speech rights: a student in Indiana punished for publicly reading a book, a student in Georgia expelled for a pro-environment collage he posted on Facebook, students at Yale banned from putting an F. Scott Fitzgerald quote on a T shirt, and students across the country corralled into tiny "free speech zones" when they wanted to express their views. But Lukianoff goes further, demonstrating how this culture of censorship is bleeding into the larger society. As he explores public controversies involving Juan Williams, Rush Limbaugh, Bill Maher, Richard Dawkins, Larry Summers--even Dave Barry and Jon Stewart--Lukianoff paints a stark picture of our ability as a nation to discuss important issues rationally. Unlearning Liberty: Campus Censorship and the End of American Debate illuminates how intolerance for dissent and debate on today's campus threatens the freedom of every citizen and makes us all just a little bit dumber.Trade Review"Lukianoff is an engaging exposer of the shocking repression of free speech on campus, combining good storytelling with clear principles and a serious purpose with a light touch." -- Steven Pinker, Harvard College Professor of Psychology, Harvard University, author of The Blank Slate and The Better Angels of Our Nature "Unlearning Liberty is a must read book for anyone concerned about the constitutional future of our nation." -- Nat Hentoff, journalist, author of Free Speech for Me--But Not for Thee "Here's a book full of sunlight--the best disinfectant for campus censorship." -- Jonathan Rauch, guest scholar, Brookings Institution, author of Kindly Inquisitors: The New Attacks on Free Thought "Destined to be a classic work on freedom in America." -- Donald Alexander Downs, Alexander Meiklejohn Professor of Political Science, Law, and Journalism, University of Wisconsin-Madison, author of Restoring Free Speech and Liberty on Campus "American universities have been described as islands of intolerance in a sea of freedom. Unlearning Liberty is a meticulous and inspiring guide on how to liberate the islands!" -- Christina Hoff Sommers, resident scholar, American Enterprise Institute, author of The War Against Boys "Lukianoff argues brilliantly and with wit for the importance of free expression in a society that hopes to produce free human beings rather than craven conformists." -- Daphne Patai, professor, Department of Languages, Literatures, and Cultures, University of Massachusetts Amherst, author of What Price Utopia? "Unlearning Liberty shows why free speech rights on campus are more important than ever, and how controversy is still a great teacher." -- Mary Beth Tinker, plaintiff in Tinker v. Des Moines Independent School District "Beautifully written and powerfully argued ... an essential wake-up call!" -- Nadine Strossen, Professor of Law, New York Law School, former President, American Civil Liberties Union (1991-2008), author of Defending Pornography: Free Speech, Sex, and the Fight for Women's Rights

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Book SynopsisIt is one of the curiosities of history that the most remarkable novel about Jews and Judaism, predicting the establishment of the Jewish state, should have been written in 1876 by a non-Jew -- a Victorian woman and a formidable intellectual, who is generally regarded as one of the greatest of English novelists. And it is still more curious that Daniel Deronda, George Eliot's last novel, should have been dismissed, by many of her admirers at the time and by some critics since, as something of an anomaly, an inexplicable and unfortunate turn in her life and work. Yet Eliot herself was passionately committed to that novel, having prepared herself for it by an extraordinary feat of scholarly research in five languages (including Hebrew), exploring the ancient, medieval, and modern sources of Jewish history. Three years later, to reenforce that commitment, she wrote an essay, the very last of her writing, reaffirming the heritage of the Jewish "nation" and the desirability of a Jewish state -- this well before the founders of Zionism had conceived of that mission. Why did this Victorian novelist, born a Christian and an early convert to agnosticism, write a book so respectful of Judaism and so prescient about Zionism? And why at a time when there were no pogroms or persecutions to provoke her? What was the general conception of the "Jewish question," and how did Eliot reinterpret that "question," for her time as well as ours? Gertrude Himmelfarb, a leading Victorian scholar, has undertaken to unravel the mysteries of Daniel Deronda. And the mysteries of Eliot herself: a novelist who deliberately wrote a book she knew would bewilder many of her readers, a distinguished woman who opposed the enfranchisement of women, a moralist who flouted the most venerable of marital conventions -- above all, the author of a novel that is still an inspiration or provocation to readers and critics alike.Trade Review"In this groundbreaking study of George Eliot, Gertrude Himmelfarb offers a fascinating and deeply persuasive understanding of Eliot's extraordinary sympathy for Jewish identity, Jewish religion, and ultimately, Jewish nationalism. A work of rare originality and insight. Simply brilliant." --Charles Krauthammer "In this compelling and inspiring narrative, elegantly woven from strands historical, biographical, philosophical, and literary, our finest historian of Victorian England provides a brilliant interpretation of Daniel Deronda, the final novel of Victorian England's greatest novelist, vindicating its artistic integrity and intellectual importance against its many critics. Ms. Himmelfarb also illuminates George Eliot's remarkably prescient and still relevant perspectives on Zionism and "the Jewish Question," concluding with her own profound reflections on the intimate connections of religion and politics to personal identity. A tour de force." --Leon R. Kass and Amy A. Kass, The University of Chicago "In The Jewish Odyssey of George Eliot, a brave and bravura excavation of a prophetic artist's mind, Gertrude Himmelfarb at last opens to us the George Eliot who has too long been snubbed -- sometimes on aesthetic grounds, but more often with full disparaging intent. In so doing, Himmelfarb catapults George Eliot into the thick of the great central maelstrom of our own moment, when Daniel Deronda ceases to be a Victorian novel only, and boldly enters the twenty-first century. Through the lenses of history, culture, philosophy, politics, and literary art, Himmelfarb, in this innovative and dazzling study, reveals how Daniel Deronda -- not unlike Uncle Tom's Cabin -- has had its role in succoring and renewing a people; and how it serves as a prescient rebuke to both Sartre and Said. --Cynthia Ozick "Gertrude Himmelfarb leads us through the mystery of why, in the 1870s, Britain's leading novelist, a woman with no Jewish connections, should have chosen to write a book about Jewish identity and the return to Zion. A masterly work, sensitive, profoundly moving, and exceptionally timely." --Sir Jonathan Sacks, Chief Rabbi of the United Hebrew Congregations of the Commonwealth

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Book SynopsisFor most of the last century, William F. Buckley Jr. was the leading figure in the conservative movement in America. The magazine he founded in 1955, National Review, brought together writers representing every strand of conservative thought, and refined those ideas over the decades that followed. Buckley's own writings were a significant part of this development. He was not a theoretician but a popularizer, someone who could bring conservative ideas to a vast audience through dazzling writing and lively wit. Culled from millions of published words spanning nearly sixty years, Athwart History: Half a Century of Polemics, Animadversions, and Illuminations offers Buckley's commentary on the American and international scenes, in areas ranging from Kremlinology to rock music. The subjects are widely varied, but there are common threads linking them all: a love for the Western tradition and its American manifestation; the belief that human beings thrive best in a free society; the conviction that such a society is worth defending at all costs; and an appreciation for the quirky individuality that free people inevitably develop.

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Book SynopsisAre you an American? According to the U.S. Census Bureau, increasing numbers of people are claiming "American" as their national ancestry. In our melting pot of cultures, they are taking a stand as authentic representatives of the American nation. This growing social phenomenon serves as the launching point for a discussion of what twenty-first century Americanism means--its roots and its significance--and the unrelenting assault from multiculturalists who believe that the term "American" either signifies nothing or is a badge of shame. Author James S. Robbins describes the foundations of the American ideal, the core set of beliefs that define American values, and the ways in which these standards have been undermined and corrupted. He also makes the case for the benefits of an objective standard of what it means to be an American and for returning to the values that turned America from an undeveloped wilderness to the most exceptional country in the world.

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Book SynopsisPalestinian President Mahmoud Abbas has launched an international campaign to achieve recognition by the United Nations for an independent Palestinian state. Abbas and his international supporters claim that only Israel (with the United States) stands in the way of this act of historical justice, which would finally bring about peace in the Middle East. In this eye-opening Broadside, Sol Stern debunks the Palestinians' claim and shows that Abbas has been lying about the origins and history of the conflict. Palestinian leaders have rejected partition plans that would have given them much more land for their independent state than the Jews were offered for theirs. Rather than being the innocent victims of a "dispossession" at the hands of the Israelis, the Palestinians rejected reasonable compromises and instead pursued their aim of getting rid of the only Jewish state in the world.

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Book SynopsisThis is the first and only biography of Jeane Kirkpatrick, who became an iconic figure in the 1980s as Ronald Reagan's UN ambassador and the most forceful presence in the administration, outside of the President himself, in shaping the Reagan Doctrine and fighting the Cold War to a victorious conclusion. Political Woman traces the complex interlock between Kirkpatrick's personal and professional lives using her as yet unarchived private papers and extensive interviews with her and her family and with dozens of friends and associates. The portrait that emerges, filled with character and anecdote, is of an ambitious woman from the epicenter of middle America determined to break through the multi dimensional glass ceilings of her time and place. A pioneering feminist who would be hated by the feminist movement because of her association with Reagan and neo conservatism, she began her career in the post war period as an academic focusing on the subject of totalitarianism. She fell in love with a married man, Evron Kirkpatrick, who had been a close aide to "Wild Bill" Donovan in the wartime OSS and who would help form the CIA after the war. A leading professor at Georgetown, she also became an important Democratic Party activist. Dismayed by what she saw as McGovern's trashing of the Roosevelt coalition and by Carter's capitulation to Soviet advances, she led a group of Democratic liberals who felt homeless in the radicalized and "Blame America First" (a phrase from her famous 1984 Republican convention speech) Party into the Reagan administration. As Reagan's UN representative, Jeanette sharpened the spearpoint of a rearmed America ready to join the final battle of the Cold War, in the process staging dramatic battles with figures like Alexander Haig and George Schultz over policy toward the Soviets, the Cubans, and the Contras. This book tells this parallel story--the flight of centrist liberals out of the Democratic Party and into neoconservatism and the complex chess match of the end game of the Cold War--through the intimate story of a woman who was at the center of these interconnected dramas and who kept resurfacing until her death in 2006, most notably for posthumously breaking ranks with her fellow neoconservatives on the war in Iraq. It also shows the price she paid for her achievements in a private life filled with sorrow and loss as profound as her epic personal achievements.Trade Review"Peter Collier has succeeded in doing what Jeane Kirkpatrick could not do. Drawing upon her unfinished memoir, as well as countless interviews and other sources, he has written a candid yet sympathetic account of the personal life and public career of an extraordinary woman." --Gertrude Himmelfarb, author of The Moral Imagination and The People of the Book "In sterling prose filled with good sense, Peter Collier masterfully chronicles the nontraditional career of Jeane Kirkpatrick--devoted mother and wife, brilliant teacher and scholar, dauntless representative to the UN, hawkish public intellectual during the Cold War. He reminds us that Kirkpatrick's career was marked by a lot of 'what ifs,' but also that her influence on U.S. foreign policy ran far deeper than is usually imagined." --Victor Davis Hanson, author of A War Like No Other and The End of Sparta "Peter Collier has written a vivid and moving account of a remarkable life whose complexity he renders with subtlety and eloquence. He understood Jeane's ideas and her significance, and brilliantly weaves both into a rich tapestry that is both astute and intimate. Collier shows convincingly how Jeane's life shaped her ideas and how those ideas shaped our history." --Richard Perle, Assistant Secretary of Defense in the Reagan administration

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Book SynopsisRacial preference policies first came on the national scene as a response to black poverty and alienation in America as dramatically revealed in the destructive urban riots of the late 1960s. From the start, however, preference policies were controversial and were greeted by many, including many who had fought the good fight against segregation and Jim Crow to further a color-blind justice, with a sense of outrage and deep betrayal. In the more than forty years that preference policies have been with us little has changed in terms of public opinion, as polls indicate that a majority of Americans continue to oppose such policies, often with great intensity. In Wounds That Will Not Heal political theorist Russell K. Nieli surveys some of the more important social science research on racial preference policies over the past two decades, much of which, he shows, undermines the central claims of preference policy supporters. The mere fact that preference policies have to be referred to through an elaborate system of euphemisms and code words- "affirmative action," "diversity," "goals and timetables," "race sensitive admissions"- tells us something, Nieli argues, about their widespread unpopularity, their tendency to reinforce negative stereotypes about their intended beneficiaries, and their incompatibility with core principles of American justice. Nieli concludes with an impassioned plea to refocus our public attention on the "truly disadvantaged" African American population in our nation's urban centers-the people for whom affirmative action policies were initially instituted but whose interests, Nieli charges, were soon forgotten as the fruits of the policies were hijacked by members of the black and Hispanic middle class. Few will be able to read this book without at least questioning the wisdom of our current race-based preference regime, which Nieli analyses with a penetrating gaze and an eye for cant that will leave few unmoved.

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Book Synopsis"There is little dispute that the Internet should continue as an open platform," notes the Federal Communications Commission. Yet in a curious twist of logic, the FCC has moved to upend the rules yielding that outcome, imposing "network neutrality" regulations on broadband-access providers. The new mandates purport to prevent Internet "gatekeepers" by prohibiting networks from favoring certain applications. In this comprehensive Broadside, Thomas W. Hazlett explains the faulty economic logic behind the FCC's regulations. The "open Internet"--thriving without such mandates--allows consumers, investors, and entrepreneurs to choose the best platforms and products, testing rival business models. Networks are actively (and efficiently) involved in managing traffic and promoting popular applications, making the entire ecosystem more valuable. This is a spontaneous market process, not a planned structure, and the commission's restrictions threaten to stifle innovation and economic growth.

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Book SynopsisThe intellectual and political elite of the West is nowadays taking for granted that religion, in particular Christianity, is a cultural vestige, a primitive form of knowledge, a consolation for the poor minded, an obstacle to coexistence. In all influential environments, the widespread watchword is "We are all secular" or "We are all post-religious." As a consequence, we are told that states must be independent of religious creed, politics must take a neutral stance regarding religious values, and societies must hold together without any reference to religious bonds. Liberalism, which in some form or another is the prevailing view in the West, is considered to be "free-standing," and the Western, liberal, open society is taken to be "self-sufficient." Not only is anti-Christian secularism wrong, it is also risky. It's wrong because the very ideas on which liberal societies are based and in terms of which they can be justified--the concept of the dignity of the human person, the moral priority of the individual, the view that man is a "crooked timber" inclined to prevarication, the limited confidence in the power of the state to render him virtuous--are typical Christian or, more precisely, Judeo-Christian ideas. Take them away and the open society will collapse. Anti-Christian secularism is risky because it jeopardizes the identity of the West, leaves it with no self-conscience, and deprives people of their sense of belonging. The Founding Fathers of America, as well as major intellectual European figures such as Locke, Kant, and Tocqueville, knew how much our civilization depends on Christianity. Today, American and European culture is shaking the pillars of that civilization. Written from a secular and liberal, but not anti-Christian, point of view, this book explains why the Christian culture is still the best antidote to the crisis and decline of the West. Pera proposes that we should call ourselves Christians if we want to maintain our liberal freedoms, to embark on such projects as the political unification of Europe as well as the special relationship between Europe and America, and to avoid the relativistic trend that affects our public ethics. "The challenges of our particular historical moment", as Pope Benedict XVI calls them in the Preface to the book, can be faced only if we stress the historical and conceptual link between Christianity and free society.

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Book SynopsisThe history of Judaism has for too long been dominated by the theme of antisemitism, reducing Judaism to the recurrent saga of persecution and the struggle for survival. The history of philosemitism provides a corrective to that abysmal view, a reminder of the venerable religion and people that have been an inspiration for non-Jews as well as Jews. There is a poetic justice -- or historic justice -- in the fact that England, the first country to expel the Jews in medieval times, has produced the richest literature of philosemitism in modern times. From Cromwell supporting the readmission of the Jews in the 17th century, to Macaulay arguing for the admission of Jews as Members of Parliament in the 19th century, to Churchill urging the recognition of the state of Israel in the 20th, some of England's most eminent writers and statesmen have paid tribute to Jews and Judaism. Their speeches and writing are powerfully resonant today. As are novels by Walter Scott, Disraeli, and George Eliot, which anticipate Zionism well before the emergence of that movement and look forward to the state of Israel, not as a refuge for the persecuted, but as a "homeland" rooted in Jewish history. A recent history of antisemitism in England regretfully observes that English philosemitism is "a past glory." This book may recall England -- and not only England -- to that past glory and inspire other countries to emulate it. It may also reaffirm Jews in their own faith and aspirations.

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Book SynopsisBecause no movement resembling American social conservatism exists in any other affluent democracy, it is widely seen as a "retro" phenomenon soon to disappear, a sure casualty of globalization. Author and political activist Jeffrey Bell argues that social conservatism is uniquely American precisely because it's an outgrowth of American exceptionalism. It exists here because our founding principles, centering on the belief that we receive equal rights from God rather than from government, remain popular among American voters--if not at elite institutions. Bell argues that upheavals of the 1960s set the stage for social conservatism's rise. The left's agenda, particularly the sexual revolution, triumphed among elite opinion in the U.S., Europe, Japan, and elsewhere. This happened after the left sidelined its century-long drive for socialism and returned to its roots in the 18th-century thought of Rousseau and the revolutionary Jacobins, radicals who sought to break free from civilizing institutions, particularly religion and the family. American social conservatism derives from a branch of the Enlightenment that Bell analyzes as the "conservative enlightenment." The ability of this optimistic belief system, which dominated the American founding and transformed the English-speaking world, to spread its natural-law-centered vision of democracy will affect the shape of politics in the decades ahead.

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