Search results for ""Author Philip Booth""

This book makes a persuasive argument that the licence fee is no longer the right way to raise revenue for the BBC. While there was a case for this model when the only way to watch the BBC was through the ownership of a television, and there was no way to prevent anyone who owned a television from watching the BBC, technological developments have demolished this argument. Millennials consume more and more of their broadcast media through a tablet, computer or phone. Yet, non-payment of the licence fee now accounts for 10 per cent of all criminal convictions in the UK, so we may soon be in the invidious position where a majority of young people watch BBC programmes through devices that are not taxed, while older people who own a television but watch only ITV or Sky Sports are taxed and, in the case of non-compliance, subject to arrest. Those who support the continuation of the licence fee often do so using two arguments: that the BBC is vital for producing what has become known as 'public service broadcasting', and that the BBC produces news that is non-partisan together with unbiased coverage of current affairs.The authors of this book challenge both of these arguments and show that there are various ways in which the BBC could be made independent of the state and/or of compulsory funding.

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At the outset of the euro, there was strong opposition to Britain's participation from most free-market economists. However, economists took more nuanced positions with regards to participation by the majority of current euro zone member states. Indeed, continental free-market economists were generally supportive of the euro, believing it would reduce the tendency towards inflation and encourage economic reform. This book looks again at the debate when the euro was first introduced and traces the sources of its current problems. A group of leading monetary economists then propose radical solutions to resolve the long-running crisis of European Monetary Union which has - in all probability - merely been suppressed by the actions of member governments and of the European Central Bank. The authors are all agreed that we cannot return to the status quo if the current members of the euro zone are to prosper in the long term.

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In spite of general reductions in government spending, the prime minister has found room in the government's budget to spend money on a major survey of what makes the British people happy. This will be used, in the prime minister's own words, to guide government policy towards improvements in general well-being rather than improvements in national income. But is it really true that government policy has always been orientated towards maximising GDP? Is it true that well-being does not increase as income increases? Is it true that more equal societies are happier societies? Can we really improve well-being through workplace legislation? Is it right to orientate government policy towards the single aim of increasing aggregate well-being across society as. a whole? These questions and many more are tackled by some of the leading intellectuals in the field. Overall, this monograph provides a substantial challenge to those who want to put the explicit pursuit of well-being at the heart of government policy.

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Politicians around the world have signed up to achieving carbon net zero by 2050. And several countries, including the UK and those in the EU, have struck a ‘new green deal’. This puts environmental taxes and subsidies at the heart of energy policy. But it’s created an immensely complex and costly merry-go-round in which even fossil fuels end up being subsidised. This chaotic system, say authors Philip Booth and Carlo Stagnaro, is wide open to regulatory capture – and to an ideologically motivated agenda. It is also less resilient to crises in energy supply, such as the one caused by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in early 2022. In Carbon Conundrum they illustrate the incoherence, iniquities and inefficiency of this large-scale government intervention. And they warn that ‘climate change is too important a challenge to be approached in this way’. Instead, they argue for a rational ‘polluter pays’ system of taxing energy sources. This, they contend, would give individuals and businesses much more control over how they reduce carbon emissions. And it would stimulate greater levels of carbon reduction – at a much lower economic cost.

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The UK has the most centralised system of government amongst major economies. This results in poorer services, lower economic growth and higher taxes. We have also developed an approach to devolution that is incoherent and unstable. This short book proposes an entirely new set of constitutional arrangements. It proposes that the UK should develop a federal structure of government with only a small number of functions such as defence and border control being determined at the UK level. All other functions would be the ultimate responsibility of individual nations within the UK, though Wales, Northern Ireland and England could combine together if they wished. The author also proposes further radical decentralisation of government. Local government should become responsible for a much wider range of functions and raise the revenue to finance them. In areas such as health and education, the government role would be diminished further as parents, families and civil society institutions are provided with finance to directly procure their own services. Overall, this is a radical plan to completely change the nature of government in the UK.It would return power to the people and reverse the long trend of centralisation that has happened since World War I.

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This title features contributions from James Alexander, Michael Beenstock, Philip Booth, Eamonn Butler, Tim Congdon, Laurence Copeland, Kevin Dowd, John Greenwood, Samuel Gregg, John Kay, David Llewellyn, Alan Morrison, D. R Myddelton, Anna Schwartz and Geoffrey Wood. This book challenges the myth that the recent banking crisis was caused by insufficient statutory regulation of financial markets. Though it finds that statutory regulation failed, and that market participants took more risks than they should have done, it appears that statutory regulation made matters worse rather than better. Furthermore the fifteen experts who have contributed to this study find that government policy failed in other respects too. As with the boom and bust that led to the Great Depression, loose monetary policy on both sides of the Atlantic helped to promote an asset price bubble and credit boom which, at some stage, was bound to have serious consequences. Rejecting the failed approach of discretionary detailed regulation of the financial system, the authors instead propose specific and incisive regulatory tools that are designed to target, in a non-intrusive way, particular weaknesses in a banking system that is backed by deposit insurance. This study, by some of the most eminent authors in the field, is essential reading for all those who are interested in the policy implications of recent events in financial markets.

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In March 1981, 364 economists agreed to write to "The Times" arguing strongly against the then government's monetary and fiscal policy. However, the Thatcher government decided to ignore these voices and continue the pursuit of policies to defeat inflation and restore fiscal responsibility. To the opponents of the 364, this decision marked a turning point in British post-war economic history: every other post-war government had capitulated and returned to policies of reflation and direct control of prices and incomes in the face of intense political pressures when the going was tough. The 1981 Budget, which precipitated the letter, was also a turning point in other respects: from 1981 there was continual growth, falling inflation and eventually, employment growth. Arguably, the 1981 Budget set the scene for today's benign macro-economic outlook and political consensus in favour of stable prices and fiscal prudence. Amongst the 364 were many economists who play a very prominent part in public life today. Some dissent from their former views and others continue to justify them. In this publication some of the signatories of the letter to "The Times", together with their opponents discuss the key issues raised and its relevance to economic policy today. Included is a list of the original signatories and other relevant historical material.

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It is difficult to imagine financial markets without a state regulator. But it was not so long ago that financial markets in Britain developed their own regulation, without government intervention. This monograph examines the economic case for a statutory regulator of investment transactions and finds it wanting. Private stock exchanges can provide regulation at less cost and less intrusively than the FSA.

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Socialists have never been shy of sketching out their dreams of a better world, but that better world has never materialised in socialist countries. Indeed, socialism has frequently achieved the precise opposite of what was intended by its architects. The first part of Towards a Liberal Utopia? outlines the dreams of liberal economists and political scientists. These are not the dreams of people who wish to achieve their plans through central direction and who believe they know the precise outcome of the process called liberalisation. Rather our liberal thinkers sketch out frameworks for policy, which, in increasing the domain for individual action, will give rise to beneficial results that cannot be foreseen in detail. This will not lead to utopia, but the authors are confident that greater freedom will lead to better and more prosperous society. The second part of the book shows how an earlier generation of liberal economists turned ideas into action. Led by Ralph Harris and Arthur Seldon, the authors writing for the Institute of Economic Affairs helped to turn back the tide of collectivism by undermining its intellectual foundations. They were so successful that no serious political party now proposes a platform of central planning. As the authors featured in the first part of the book make clear, however, that does not mean that there are no new dragons of collectivism to slay. Some battles may have been won, but the war of ideas continues. Towards a Liberal Utopia? is essential reading for all those who are curious to know how the liberal economic agenda will develop over the coming generation. I trust you get some satisfaction from how far the influence of the IEA has spread, directly and indirectly. Milton Friedman, 6th October 2004.

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Protectionism is back on the agenda as the financial crisis deepens. With calls for measures that purport to protect low income workers growing louder in the West, it is essential that the economic arguments in favour of free trade and globalization are re-emphasised.Philip Booth and Richard Wellings have brought together key papers originally published by the Institute of Economic Affairs, which, for the past 50 years, has been vigorously defending the case for free trade, and for globalization more generally. These important papers, which are not widely available, trace the development of the debate on the benefits of free trade during the last 50 years.The editors have written an authoritative introduction which offers a comprehensive overview of the arguments for and against globalization.

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This pathbreaking collection brings together a selection of work by Nobel Prize winning authors from the archives of the Institute of Economic Affairs. The laureates whose work is featured made an important contribution to economists' understanding of a market economy. Nevertheless, it is unlikely that the editors, the publishers or the authors of these outstanding articles would have predicted quite how widespread and important their influence would be. The editors have chosen works to demonstrate the challenge raised by these authors to the socialist consensus of the time amongst both academics and politicians. The volumes are organised by theme, examining issues such as monetary policy, unemployment, and government regulation, as well as considering the power of language and ideas.

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This book provides an analysis of the current problems of pension provision in the UK and a radical plan for reform. The authors believe that the system of retirement income provision in the UK is so mired in complexity that nothing less than wholesale change is necessary. The authors believe that state pensions should only be offered on a contributory basis - there should be no automatic right to a 'citizen's pension', as has been proposed by many commentators. Attention should also be paid to the social security system to remove the perverse incentives of means testing. Anomalies and special treatment of favoured groups in the tax system should also be removed. The Way Out of the Pensions Quagmire proposes a holistic approach to pension reform that takes proper account of the interaction between pensions, tax, social security and financial regulation.

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