Search results for ""woodrow""

As this volume begins, controversy over ratification of the Versailles Treaty enters its climactic stage. Wilson, only partly recovered from a stroke, refuses the advice of supporters who beg him to accept Republican reservations in order to put the Treaty through the Senate, and he puts heavy pressure on those Democratic senators who want to consent to reservations. Twenty-one Democrats defy him when the Treaty comes up for a second and final vote on March 19, but their votes, combined with those of Republican reservationists, fall far short of the two-thirds Senate majority necessary for passage of the consent resolution. While Tumulty and the departmental heads carry on the domestic business of the federal government, Wilson follows their recommendations and signs a series of measures that bring various aspects of the progressive movement to fruition: the Transportation Act of 1920, the General Leasing Act, and the Water Power Act. Meanwhile, he devotes most of his strength to foreign affairs. He vetoes the "separate peace" embodied in the Knox Resolution, and the Democrats uphold the veto. In spite of Wilson's wish to run again for president, concern for his health prevails, and the Democrats nominate Governor James M. Cox of Ohio, who names Franklin D. Roosevelt, Assistant Secretary of the Navy, as his running mate. Wilson is deeply depressed, but he blesses the Cox and Roosevelt campaign with all the fervor he can summon.

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Though his term in the White House ended nearly a century ago, Woodrow Wilson anticipated the need for new ideas to address the effects of modern economic and social forces on the United States, including increased involvement in international affairs. Democracy and Administration synthesizes the former world leader's thought on government administration, laying out Wilson's concepts of how best to manage government bureaucracies and balance policy leadership with popular rule. Linking the full gamut of Wilson's ideas and actions covering nearly four decades, Brian J. Cook finds success, folly, and fresh thinking with relevance in the twenty-first century. Building on his interpretive synthesis, Cook links Wilson's tenets to current efforts to improve public management, showing how some of his most prominent ideas and initiatives presaged major developments in theory and practice. Democracy and Administration calls on scholars and practitioners to take Wilson's institutional design and regime-level orientation into account as part of the ambitious enterprise to develop a new science of democratic governance.

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This massive collection includes all important letters, speeches, interviews, press conferences, and public papers on Woodrow Wilson. The volumes make available as never before the materials essential to understanding Wilson's personality, his intellectual, religious, and political development, and his careers as educator, writer, orator, and statesman. The Papers not only reveal the private and public man, but also the era in which he lived, making the series additionally valuable to scholars in various fields of history between the 1870's and the 1920's.

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This massive collection includes all important letters, speeches, interviews, press conferences, and public papers on Woodrow Wilson. The volumes make available as never before the materials essential to understanding Wilson's personality, his intellectual, religious, and political development, and his careers as educator, writer, orator, and statesman. The Papers not only reveal the private and public man, but also the era in which he lived, making the series additionally valuable to scholars in various fields of history between the 1870's and the 1920's.

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This volume begins coverage of that period of the Paris Peace Conference usually neglected by historians of the subject. It sees the lively interchange between the German government and the Council of Four over all aspects of the preliminary treaty of peace, but particularly over the Saar Basin, responsibility for the war, the fate of former German territory awarded to Poland, German membership in the League of Nations and the International Labour Organization, and reparations. The question of Italian acquisitions in the Adriatic area, still unresolved, further embitters relations between Wilson, Clemenceau, and Lloyd George, on the one side, and Orlando and Sonnino on the other. Other issues in which Wilson is deeply involved are the terms of the postwar occupation of the Rhineland, the protection of Jews and other minorities in the successor states, self-determination for Ireland, and growing opposition at home to American membership in the League of Nations. As this volume ends, a new crisis--over softening the terms of the peace treaty--is developing.

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As this volume begins, the United States has just entered the World War and Wilson and his administration face the awesome task of mobilization. Making the undertaking more difficult is the German submarine campaign, which during these months succeeds even beyond the earlier optimistic predictions of the German Admiralty and threatens to bring Great Britain to her knees. The documents here vividly illustrate the Wilson administration's early plans for nationwide mobilization and its actions to bring it about. More important, they reveal clearly that Wilson was the commander in chief as much in military affairs as in domestic mobilization. By the time the volume ends, Wilson has pushed through a reluctant Congress a selective-service bill to raise a large National Army. American destroyers are on their way to Queenstown to participate in the war against the submarine, and Congress has approved a huge bond issue, part of which is used to rescue the Allies from bankruptcy. A large emergency shipbuilding program is mired in controversy, and Wilson is still struggling with Congress for price control legislation, but he has established a Committee on Public Information to rally public opinion behind the war and has won passage of the Espionage act. He has done all that he can to encourage the nascent Russian democracy but is still suspicious of Allied war aims.

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At the beginning of this volume, Wilson has broken diplomatic relations with Germany and is seeking various alternatives to full-scale belligerency, among them being armed neutrality and common action by the neutrals to protect their rights at sea. Once it becomes evident that American merchant ships will not venture into the war zone without protection, Wilson adopts the policy of armed neutrality on March 9, 1917. He struggles all through the first weeks of March to avoid war, but gradually becomes convinced that armed neutrality is not a sufficient response to the all-out German submarine campaign. On March 21, 1917, Wilson decides on war. He calls Congress into special session for April 2, and on April 6, he asks Congress to recognize the existence of a state of war between the United States and the German Empire. The papers from this period contain ample evidence of Wilson's travail as events push him toward his address to Congress on April 6. The volume is crowded with new documents about the path to the war. Documents from British, French, and Swiss Foreign Ministry Archives, in particular, shed much new light on Wilson's motivations and actions.

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This massive collection includes all important letters, speeches, interviews, press conferences, and public papers on Woodrow Wilson. The volumes make available as never before the materials essential to understanding Wilson's personality, his intellectual, religious, and political development, and his careers as educator, writer, orator, and statesman. The Papers not only reveal the private and public man, but also the era in which he lived, making the series additionally valuable to scholars in various fields of history between the 1870's and the 1920's.

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This volume opens on Christmas Eve, 1920, in the waning days of the Wilson administration. Wilson and his advisers have no program other than to bring the administration to a decent end. The Cabinet meets for the last time on March 1, 1921. Emotions run high as various members recall the battles they have fought with their chief, and Wilson, tears rolling down his cheeks, dismisses them with the benediction: "Gentlemen, it is one of the handicaps of my physical condition that I cannot control myself as I've been accustomed to do. God bless you all." The end of the Wilson presidency evokes an outpouring of letters to Wilson and editorials in leading newspapers. These documents review his entire public career, from the presidency of Princeton University to the end of his presidency of the United States, and describe the Wilsonian legacy: high standards of educational and public service, courageous leadership in domestic reform, constancy of principle, and a new vision of the world united for progress, democracy, human rights, and peace. Wilson participates in the formalities preceding Harding's inauguration, and the transition from the White House to a new home on S Street proceeds smoothly. As Wilson's health improves, he forms a law partnership with his former Secretary of State, Bainbridge Colby, and privately seeks political influence, while maintaining absolute silence on affairs of state.

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Although previous Presidents had maintained contact with reporters, Woodrow Wilson was the first to conduct regular press conferences. This volume contains the transcripts of all of these sessions, which reveal the range of Wilson's day-to-day concerns and his stance in what might be termed intellectual combat. The bulk of the material comes from approximately the first two and a half years of his presidency. We see Wilson jousting and sparring with reporters, scolding them, joking with them, "grazing the truth" in order not to disclose secrets of state, and, more often, engaging in frank and open dialogue. Wilson began a new era in presidential press relations on March 15, 1913, when his Secretary, Joseph P. Tumulty, ushered some 100 correspondents into the President's office. The idea for regular meetings had been Tumulty's, rather than Wilson's, but the President quickly grasped their potential for positive public relations and persisted in them through initial problems in their regulation. Robert C. Hilderbrand includes annotations that clarify the transcripts and add to our knowledge of the Wilson presidency.

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This volume opens with Wilson's tour of the Middle West and West to generate popular support for the League of Nations and to force the Senate to consent to the ratification of the Versailles Treaty without any significant reservations to the League Covenant. After the first speech of the tour, in Columbus, Ohio, Wilson travels to Missouri and Minnesota, the Northwest, California, and into the central Rocky Mountain states. His already dangerous hypertension escalates due to his punishing schedule, and he suffers increasingly from headaches, difficulties in breathing, and periods of cardiac arrest. After a stroke warning on September 26, his doctor cancels the remaining speeches, and the presidential special train returns to Washington. Wilson does suffer a stroke on October 2 and nearly dies from a urinary obstruction two weeks later. As he lies ill during October and early November, Tumulty and members of the cabinet carry on the domestic business of the country and deal with a nationwide coal strike. But Wilson will not permit Lansing to take any action on important foreign policy matters. The nation's state of affairs is parlous as the volume ends.

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In 1902, Professor Woodrow Wilson took the helm of Princeton University, then a small denominational college with few academic pretensions. But Wilson had a blueprint for remaking the too-cozy college into an intellectual powerhouse. The Making of Princeton University tells, for the first time, the story of how the University adapted and updated Wilson's vision to transform itself into the prestigious institution it is today. James Axtell brings the methods and insights from his extensive work in ethnohistory to the collegiate realm, focusing especially on one of Princeton's most distinguished features: its unrivaled reputation for undergraduate education. Addressing admissions, the curriculum, extracurricular activities, and the changing landscape of student culture, the book devotes four full chapters to undergraduate life inside and outside the classroom. The book is a lively warts-and-all rendering of Princeton's rise, addressing such themes as discriminatory admission policies, the academic underperformance of many varsity athletes, and the controversial "bicker" system through which students have been selected for the University's private eating clubs. Written in a delightful and elegant style, The Making of Princeton University offers a detailed picture of how the University has dealt with these issues to secure a distinguished position in both higher education and American society. For anyone interested in or associated with Princeton, past or present, this is a book to savor.

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To find more information about Rowman and Littlefield titles, please visit www.rowmanlittlefield.com.

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This massive collection includes all important letters, speeches, interviews, press conferences, and public papers on Woodrow Wilson. The volumes make available as never before the materials essential to understanding Wilson's personality, his intellectual, religious, and political development, and his careers as educator, writer, orator, and statesman. The Papers not only reveal the private and public man, but also the era in which he lived, making the series additionally valuable to scholars in various fields of history between the 1870's and the 1920's.

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This massive collection includes all important letters, speeches, interviews, press conferences, and public papers on Woodrow Wilson. The volumes make available as never before the materials essential to understanding Wilson's personality, his intellectual, religious, and political development, and his careers as educator, writer, orator, and statesman. The Papers not only reveal the private and public man, but also the era in which he lived, making the series additionally valuable to scholars in various fields of history between the 1870's and the 1920's.

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The opening of this volume finds Wilson with neither the physical strength nor any strong desire to become heavily involved in the coming presidential contest between Cox and Harding. Nevertheless, he cannot remain silent on the single great issue of the campaign--American membership in the League of Nations. Not many people heed Wilson's appeals, however, and on November 2, the voters seemingly repudiate Wilson and all he stands for in a landslide majority for Harding and Coolidge. Meanwhile, Wilson gratefully accepts the decisions of his advisers on domestic affairs, and he generally follows the lead of Bainbridge Colby and Norman Davis on foreign policy, allowing them to draft the necessary correspondence with other governments. However, he maintains daily oversight over the State Department, and makes fundamental policy about the U.S. relationship to the new Soviet regime, Japanese control over the island of Yap, and various issues in Latin American affairs. As the volume ends, Wilson is awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for 1919. With his retirement nearing, the pall of the election results still lies heavily on his circle. Nevertheless, the apotheosis of Woodrow Wilson has already begun, as personal friends and publicists begin to take stock of the Wilson presidency and legacy.

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Beginning at January 1, 1915, and ending at April 16, 1915, Volume 32 covers the busiest and in many respects most crucial months of Wilson's presidency to this point. Assembled here for the first time are all the significant documents relating to Wilson's first response to the German submarine campaign; his response to the Allied declaration of total blockade of the Central Powers; the continuing crisis in Mexico caused by the war between the Villistas and Carrancistas; Colonel House's first peace mission; the attempt by Wilson, Bryan, and Lansing to work out a policy regarding submarine warfare following the first incident involving the death of an American citizen; and the crisis occasioned by Japan's Twenty-One Demands upon China. In addition, the volume includes all of Wilson's important press conferences and personal and political correspondence.

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The nine weeks covered here are a transitional period in Wilson's conduct of the war and see the emergence of the War Industries Board, the so-called War Cabinet, and the National War Labor Board. Administration forces rally behind the Overman bill. Wilson quiets an outcry against the Aircraft Production Board and deals with problems such as the fixing of prices of basic commodities; requests for federal assistance from farmers and livestock growers; the transportation system, leasing of public lands to oil companies; and alleviation of the housing shortage in Washington. He also blocks a bill for the trial by special military tribunals of persons charged with disloyalty. Meanwhile, peace with Austria-Hungary is discussed, but Wilson believes that Germany is not prepared for a general settlement. In late March, the Germans begin their long-awaited spring offensive on the western front. The Allies turn to Wilson for help, and a compromise among Americans and Allies grants Pershing some control over his forces, while postponing the formation of an independent American army in France. France and Britain want an intervention in Siberia by Japan, but Wilson is resolute in his opposition to this move.

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Beginning with Wilson's tour of Belgium, this volume then moves to the last days of the peace conference. A great wave of relief sweeps over council chambers in Paris when a new German government sends word that it will accept the peace treaty unconditionally: restoration of peace occurs with the signing of the treaty in the Hall of Mirrors in the Palace of Versailles on June 28. That same night Wilson boards his train for Brest to return to the United States on the George Washington. The voyage provides a period of leisure for Wilson, but there are signs that his strength has been strained beyond endurance. On board ship he tries and fails to compose one of the most important speeches of his life--an address to the Senate to accompany his presentation of the treaty to that body. On his return he manages to complete it only hours before delivering it on July 10. And he responds equivocally to the challenge--the greatest in his career as a legislative leader--to create a solid pro-League coalition and outmaneuver his opponent, Henry Cabot Lodge, who seems bent on blocking American membership in the League of Nations. Then, on July 19, Wilson suffers what is most likely a small stroke. It disorients and disables him, and, as this volume ends, he is still without any strategy to assure ratification of the treaty. Publication of Volume 61 ends the Peace Conference Volumes, which began with Volume 53.

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This volume begins on November 9, 1918, the eve of the Armistice between the Allied and Associated Powers and the principal Central Powers, Germany and Austria-Hungary. It ends on January 11, 1919, just before the first plenary session of the Paris Peace Conference. The interval finds Wilson preoccupied with preparations for the conference. Accompanied by a large entourage of State Department officials and "experts" from the Inquiry grup, Wilson sails for France on December 4, convinced that he alone will represent the liberal, forward-looking peoples of the world. After initial meetings with Allied leaders in Paris, he makes triumphal tours of England and Italy. At the same time, he begins to focus his attention on what he now considers to be the foundation stone of future peace -- the League of Nations.

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In 1918, Woodrow Wilson’s image as leader of the free world and the image of America as dispenser of democracy spread throughout Italy, filling an ideological void after the rout of Caporetto and diverting attention from a hapless ruling class. Wilson’s popularity depended not only on the modernity of his democratic message, but also on a massive propaganda campaign he conducted across Italy, using as conduits the American Red Cross, the YMCA, and the Committee on Public Information.American popularity, though, did not ensure mutual understanding. The Paris peace negotiations revealed the limits of policies on both sides, illustrated most clearly in Wilson’s disastrous direct appeal to the Italian public. The estranged countries pulled inward, the Americans headed toward isolationism, the Italians toward fascism.Rossini sets the Italian-American political confrontation within the full context of the two countries’ cultural perceptions of each other, different war experiences, and ideas about participatory democracy and peace. A stellar example of the new international history, this timely book highlights the impact of American ideology and sense of mission in the world.

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A close look at Woodrow Wilson’s political thought and international diplomacyIn the widely acclaimed To End All Wars, Thomas Knock provides an intriguing, often provocative narrative of Woodrow Wilson’s epic quest for a new world order. This book follows Wilson’s thought and diplomacy from his policy toward revolutionary Mexico, through his dramatic call for “Peace without Victory” in World War I, to the Senate’s rejection of the League of Nations. Throughout, Knock reinterprets the origins of internationalism in American politics, sweeping away the view that isolationism was the cause of Wilson’s failure and revealing the role of competing visions of internationalism—conservative and progressive.

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Radicals such as socialists, syndicalists, and anarchists are often thought of as marginal in American history. However, in the early decades of the twentieth century, progressives—those who sought to regulate big business, reduce class conflict, and ameliorate urban poverty—took the radicals’ ideas very seriously. In The New Freedom and the Radicals, Jacob Kramer deftly examines how progressivism emerged at a time of critical transformation in American life. Using original archival sources, Kramer presents a study of Wilsonian-era politics to convey an understanding of the progressives’ views on radical America.The New Freedom and the Radicals shows how the reactions of progressives to radicals accelerated the pace of reform in the United States, but how the movement was at times predisposed to repressing the radical elements to its left. In addition, Kramer asks to what extent progressives were responding to and influenced by those who opposed the state, capitalism, and the class structure altogether, as well as how progressives’ views of them changed in relation to events.

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Radicals such as socialists, syndicalists, and anarchists are often thought of as marginal in American history. However, in the early decades of the twentieth century, progressives—those who sought to regulate big business, reduce class conflict, and ameliorate urban poverty—took the radicals’ ideas very seriously. In The New Freedom and the Radicals, Jacob Kramer deftly examines how progressivism emerged at a time of critical transformation in American life. Using original archival sources, Kramer presents a study of Wilsonian-era politics to convey an understanding of the progressives’ views on radical America.The New Freedom and the Radicals shows how the reactions of progressives to radicals accelerated the pace of reform in the United States, but how the movement was at times predisposed to repressing the radical elements to its left. In addition, Kramer asks to what extent progressives were responding to and influenced by those who opposed the state, capitalism, and the class structure altogether, as well as how progressives’ views of them changed in relation to events.

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This massive collection includes all important letters, speeches, interviews, press conferences, and public papers on Woodrow Wilson. The volumes make available as never before the materials essential to understanding Wilson's personality, his intellectual, religious, and political development, and his careers as educator, writer, orator, and statesman. The Papers not only reveal the private and public man, but also the era in which he lived, making the series additionally valuable to scholars in various fields of history between the 1870's and the 1920's.

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This massive collection includes all important letters, speeches, interviews, press conferences, and public papers on Woodrow Wilson. The volumes make available as never before the materials essential to understanding Wilson's personality, his intellectual, religious, and political development, and his careers as educator, writer, orator, and statesman. The Papers not only reveal the private and public man, but also the era in which he lived, making the series additionally valuable to scholars in various fields of history between the 1870's and the 1920's. Volume 13 contains Contents and Index, Volumes 1 to 12.

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This massive collection includes all important letters, speeches, interviews, press conferences, and public papers on Woodrow Wilson. The volumes make available as never before the materials essential to understanding Wilson's personality, his intellectual, religious, and political development, and his careers as educator, writer, orator, and statesman. The Papers not only reveal the private and public man, but also the era in which he lived, making the series additionally valuable to scholars in various fields of history between the 1870's and the 1920's. Volume 26 contains the Contents and Index of Volumes 14-25, 1902-1912.

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This supplementary volume to The Papers of Woodrow Wilson contains a collection of letters that eloquently reflect the ideals and expectations shared by those American intellectuals who hoped to build a new order out of the chaos of the First World War. Originally published in 1966. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

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“The extraordinary untold story of how a disillusioned American diplomat named William C. Bullitt came to Freud’s couch in 1926, and how Freud and his patient collaborated on a psychobiography of President Woodrow Wilson.”—Wall Street JournalThe notorious psychobiography of Woodrow Wilson, rediscovered nearly a century after it was written by Sigmund Freud and US diplomat William C. Bullitt, sheds new light on how the mental health of a controversial American president shaped world events.When the fate of millions rests on the decisions of a mentally compromised leader, what can one person do? Disillusioned by President Woodrow Wilson’s destructive and irrational handling of the 1919 Treaty of Versailles, a US diplomat named William C. Bullitt asked this very question. With the help of his friend Sigmund Freud, Bullitt set out to write a psychological analysis of the president. He gathered material from personal archives and interviewed members of Wilson’s inner circle. In The Madman in the White House, Patrick Weil resurrects this forgotten portrait of a troubled president.After two years of collaboration, Bullitt and Freud signed off on a manuscript in April 1932. But the book was not published until 1966, nearly thirty years after Freud’s death and only months before Bullitt’s. The published edition was heavily redacted, and by the time it was released, the mystique of psychoanalysis had waned in popular culture and Wilson’s legacy was unassailable. The psychological study was panned by critics, and Freud’s descendants denied his involvement in the project.For nearly a century, the mysterious, original Bullitt and Freud manuscript remained hidden from the public. Then in 2014, while browsing the archives of Yale University, Weil happened upon the text. Based on his reading of the 1932 manuscript, Weil examines the significance of Bullitt and Freud’s findings and offers a major reassessment of the notorious psychobiography. The result is a powerful warning about the influence a single unbalanced personality can have on the course of history.

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This supplementary volume to The Papers of Woodrow Wilson contains a collection of letters that eloquently reflect the ideals and expectations shared by those American intellectuals who hoped to build a new order out of the chaos of the First World War. Originally published in 1966. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

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A Creative Tension is a fresh look at the foreign policy roles of Congress and the president by one of the most astute congressional practitioners of foreign policy of recent decades, former U.S. representative and chairman of the House International Relations Committee Lee H. Hamilton. With an insider's perspective based on thirty-four years in Congress, Hamilton elucidates current domestic and international pressures influencing U.S. foreign policy, strengths and weaknesses in the foreign policy process, and ways to improve the performance of the president and Congress. A Creative Tension argues persuasively and elegantly that better consultation between the executive and legislative branches is the most effective way to strengthen American foreign policy. A Creative Tension is the most extensive analysis of the congressional and presidential roles in foreign policy by a former member of Congress. Hamilton explores the topic in an original, stimulating, and accessible manner by deftly mixing incisive commentary with illuminating personal reflections. The book includes timely and important recommendations for improving the ability of Congress and the president to develop a foreign policy that meets the challenges and opportunities of a post-September 11 world. It should be of interest to foreign policy makers, scholars and students of American politics, and the general public.Wilson Forum

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*As seen on The Long Shadow (ITV) The Ripper (Netflix) and Surviving a Serial Killer (More4)*Criminologist Jane Carter Woodrow has spent many years working with both offenders and victims of violent crime, but it wasn't until she met Neil, whose mother was one of the Yorkshire Ripper's first victims, that she realised quite how devastating the aftermath of a murder can be. Everything seemed perfect in Neil Jackson's childhood until one day, on a cold January morning in 1976. He was awoken by the police knocking on the door to break the shocking news that his mother had become the second victim of a serial killer - soon to become known as the 'Yorkshire Ripper'. This evil act exposed a web of secrets and lies that was to devastate Neil and change his life forever. In After Evil, criminologist Jane Carter Woodrow reveals what happens when the camera and the lurid headlines fade away. Neil's riveting story captures the real nature of the tragedy that murder can visit on a family and shows how incredibly he pieced his life back together after becoming one of the forgotten victims of Britain's most notorious serial killer.

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As Western Europe expanded its empires in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, it came to dominate many peoples, especially in America, whose cultures and legal systems differed dramatically from its own. The resulting conflicts of both law and custom posed difficult problems: How could these conflicting laws and customs be adjusted within a common political administration? And, in particular, how could legal remedy be provided for groups of lesser political weight? Woodrow Borah vividly depicts one of the more unusual institutions that arose in response to these problems—the General Indian Court of New Spain. In what is today Mexico, the conquering Spaniards had at first attempted to preserve such Indian customs as were deemed not contrary to reason or Christianity. However, as interpreted by Spanish judges, so much turned out to be "contrary" to these standards that native customs were soon recast in largely Spanish norms. At the same time, the conquered Indians discovered the uses of the Spanish courts, unleashing a flood of litigation. The ensuing social and economic upheaval sparked great concern among Spanish administrators and jurists. The result was the establishment of the General Indian Court, a remarkably innovative special jurisdiction vested in the viceroy and corps of legal aides. Expenses were paid from a small contribution by each Indian family—in effect, legal insurance. Woodrow Borah analyzes the kinds of cases that came before this court, the decisions it reached, and the policies underlying these decisions. He enriches this study by examining the separate but parallel structures in the Yucatan peninsula and on the seigneurial estate of Hernán Cortés, and by comparing the General Indian Court to the tribunals of Guadalajara, which had no similar special arrangements. The development of the General Indian Court and the relation of the legal aides to their Indian clients and to other lawyers form a complicated story of both service and exploitation and contribute an important chapter to the history of colonial Mexico.This title is part of UC Press's Voices Revived program, which commemorates University of California Press’s mission to seek out and cultivate the brightest minds and give them voice, reach, and impact. Drawing on a backlist dating to 1893, Voices Revived makes high-quality, peer-reviewed scholarship accessible once again using print-on-demand technology. This title was originally published in 1983.

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The fourth volume of Mr. Link's biography of Woodrow Wilson and the history of his times covers the period from autumn 1915 to spring 1916. Since this was a time of extreme domestic political controversy and recurring crises with Mexico and Germany, the volume has no single theme. Mr. Link describes fully the negotiation of the House-Grey memorandum and European reaction to it; the armed ship controversy; the Sussex crisis; and the events that nearly led to war with Mexico in 1916. Materials found in German, British, and French archives and manuscript collections are used, as well as from American sources. Originally published in 1964. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

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'Success has a strategy and failure is not an accident.'Having served in the SAS for more than 20 years, Floyd Woodrow MBE DCM has achieved at the very highest levels. Inspiring his men in the most demanding of situations, he drove his team to success, ultimately being awarded the UK s second-highest award for gallantry, the Distinguished Conduct Medal.The Warrior, The Strategist and You uses Floyd's deeply practical, innovative and highly sought-after teachings to show how each of us can unlock both the Warrior and the Strategist within. Through invaluable lessons drawing on Floyd's own experience, you will learn to harness your discipline and ability to fight for what you believe (the Warrior) while developing the analytical mindset to plan, deliver and communicate the important milestones in line with your objectives (the Strategist).This is a philosophy for business, for battle, for sport - and for everyone who wants to realise their potential and be the very best that they can be. Floyd will help you to understand your motivations and overcome your fears, to clearly plan your goals, and to accomplish that plan boldly and successfully, mentally overcoming life's greatest obstacles.

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“This is a field manual for achieving sustained high performance and a life well led. Inspiring" James Kerr, author of Legacy SUCCESS HAS A STRATEGY AND FAILURE IS NOT AN ACCIDENT Floyd Woodrow served in the SAS for 20 years and knows what it is like to succeed and fail at the highest level. In The Warrior, The Strategist and You, Floyd draws on his own personal experience in the one of the world’s most elite military units to show you how to achieve your most ambitious goals. Introducing his Compass for Life model, you will learn how to motivate yourself and find the strength to achieve your full potential in any area of your life. - Discover how to find your Super North Star - Understand how to assemble the support you need - Master the unrelenting pursuit of excellence - Learn how to maintain the highest levels of discipline - Strengthen your inner warrior ‘Floyd’s simple but extremely effective philosophy is perfectly captured in this thoroughly engaging book. I have no hesitation in recommending it to you as a guide to elite performance’ Simon Timson, Performance Director, Manchester City FC ‘Floyd’s metaphorical compass delivers us a how-to, no-limits approach to realising our untapped and unlimited potential. A magical, sparkling and pragmatic book.’ Dr Emma J. Huxter

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Every day, Internet users interact with technologies designed to undermine their privacy. Social media apps, surveillance technologies, and the Internet of Things are all built in ways that make it hard to guard personal information. And the law says this is okay because it is up to users to protect themselves—even when the odds are deliberately stacked against them.In Privacy’s Blueprint, Woodrow Hartzog pushes back against this state of affairs, arguing that the law should require software and hardware makers to respect privacy in the design of their products. Current legal doctrine treats technology as though it were value-neutral: only the user decides whether it functions for good or ill. But this is not so. As Hartzog explains, popular digital tools are designed to expose people and manipulate users into disclosing personal information.Against the often self-serving optimism of Silicon Valley and the inertia of tech evangelism, Hartzog contends that privacy gains will come from better rules for products, not users. The current model of regulating use fosters exploitation. Privacy’s Blueprint aims to correct this by developing the theoretical underpinnings of a new kind of privacy law responsive to the way people actually perceive and use digital technologies. The law can demand encryption. It can prohibit malicious interfaces that deceive users and leave them vulnerable. It can require safeguards against abuses of biometric surveillance. It can, in short, make the technology itself worthy of our trust.

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For more than 20 years, Floyd Woodrow MBE served in the SAS. Inspiring his men in the most demanding of situations, Floyd drove his team to the highest levels of success. Awarded the Distinguished Conduct Medal for bravery, Floyd operated at the level of the elite. Since leaving the SAS in 2008, Floyd has brought the motivational lessons and techniques learnt in the world's toughest environments to businesses, governments, sports teams and police forces around the world. Guaranteed to boost productivity, team cohesion, individual motivation and overall leadership, 'Elite!' contains Floyd's deeply practical, innovative and highly sought-after teachings. His inspiring approach is united with a detailed understanding of the theories and psychology that underpin cutting-edge motivational training. By harnessing this potent combination, whether you are seeking self-improvement or looking to get the best out of a team of hundreds, Floyd Woodrow's inspirational new book contains the only approach that will place you amongst the 'Elite!'.

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A gripping read on the real story of Rose West who, together with her husband Fred West, became Britain's biggest and most notorious murderers.***As seen on the Channel 5 documentary Making a Monster***Although it's hard to believe now, Rose West was an exceptionally beautiful little girl with long, glossy dark hair and big brown eyes. Looking at photos of young Rosie as a child, it is almost impossible to comprehend that she would grow up to become one of Britain's most notorious female murderers. But Rose's early life made her the perfect partner for Fred West, and the two committed a string of murders in Gloucester throughout the seventies and eighties. Her part in the killings is very different to that which many people believe even today.What happened to that little girl to make her capable of such violence? Or was there something wrong - a predisposition to cruelty - which she was born with?Crime writer Jane Carter Woodrow goes back to the start of Rose's life to piece together what it was that turned her into a monster. In doing so, she presents us with a profile of the young Rose West and a fascinating insight into the mind of a killer.ROSE is a gripping read which sheds light for the first time on the real story of Rose West - taking the reader on a journey from her childhood through to her becoming the country's biggest and most infamous female sexual predator and serial killer.

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Elgar Advanced Introductions are stimulating and thoughtful introductions to major fields in the social sciences and law, expertly written by the world's leading scholars. Designed to be accessible yet rigorous, they offer concise and lucid surveys of the substantive and policy issues associated with discrete subject areas. Woodrow Barfield and Ugo Pagallo present a succinct introduction to the legal issues related to the design and use of artificial intelligence (AI). Exploring human rights, constitutional law, data protection, criminal law, tort law, and intellectual property law, they consider the laws of a number of jurisdictions including the US, the European Union, Japan, and China, making reference to case law and statutes. Key features include: a critical insight into human rights and constitutional law issues which may be affected by the use of AI discussion of the concept of legal personhood and how the law might respond as AI evolves in intelligence an introduction to current laws and statutes which apply to AI and an identification of the areas where future challenges to the law may arise. This Advanced Introduction is ideal for law and social science students with an interest in how the law applies to AI. It also provides a useful entry point for legal practitioners seeking an understanding of this emerging field.

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Elgar Advanced Introductions are stimulating and thoughtful introductions to major fields in the social sciences and law, expertly written by the world's leading scholars. Designed to be accessible yet rigorous, they offer concise and lucid surveys of the substantive and policy issues associated with discrete subject areas. Woodrow Barfield and Ugo Pagallo present a succinct introduction to the legal issues related to the design and use of artificial intelligence (AI). Exploring human rights, constitutional law, data protection, criminal law, tort law, and intellectual property law, they consider the laws of a number of jurisdictions including the US, the European Union, Japan, and China, making reference to case law and statutes. Key features include: a critical insight into human rights and constitutional law issues which may be affected by the use of AI discussion of the concept of legal personhood and how the law might respond as AI evolves in intelligence an introduction to current laws and statutes which apply to AI and an identification of the areas where future challenges to the law may arise. This Advanced Introduction is ideal for law and social science students with an interest in how the law applies to AI. It also provides a useful entry point for legal practitioners seeking an understanding of this emerging field.

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